_Secondly_, it is objected, that the explication I give of the appearance

of the horizontal moon (which may also be applied to the sun) is the same

that Gassendus had given before. I answer, there is indeed mention made of

the grossness of the atmosphere in both; but then the methods wherein it

is applied to solve the phenomenon are widely different, as will be

evident to whoever shall compare what I have said on this subject with the

following words of Gassendus:—

“Heinc dici posse videtur: solem humilem oculo spectatum ideo apparere

majorem, quam dum altius egreditur, quia dum vicinus est horizonti prolixa

est series vaporum, atque adeo corpusculorum quæ solis radios ita

retundunt, ut oculus minus conniveat, et pupilla quasi umbrefacta longe

magis amplificetur, quam dum sole multum elato rari vapores

intercipiuntur, solque ipse ita splendescit, ut pupilla in ipsum spectans

contractissima efficiatur. Nempe ex hoc esse videtur, cur visibilis

species ex sole procedens, et per pupillam amplificatam intromissa in

retinam, ampliorem in illa sedem occupet, majoremque proinde creet solis

apparentiam, quam dum per contractam pupillam eodem intromissa contendit.”

Vid. _Epist. 1. De Apparente Magnitudine Solis Humilis et Sublimis_, p. 6.

This solution of Gassendus proceeds on a false principle, to wit, that the

pupil’s being enlarged augments the species or image on the fund of the

eye.

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_Thirdly_, against what is said in Sect. 80, it is objected, that the same

thing which is so small as scarce to be discerned by a man, may appear

like a mountain to some small insect; from which it follows that the

_minimum visibile_ is not equal in respect of all creatures(462). I

answer, if this objection be sounded to the bottom, it will be found to

mean no more than that the same particle of matter which is marked to a

man by one _minimum visibile_, exhibits to an insect a great number of

_minima visibilia_. But this does not prove that one _minimum visibile_ of

the insect is not equal to one _minimum visibile_ of the man. The not

distinguishing between the mediate and immediate objects of sight is, I

suspect, a cause of misapprehension in this matter.

Some other misinterpretations and difficulties have been made, but, in the

points they refer to, I have endeavoured to be so very plain that I know

not how to express myself more clearly. All I shall add is, that if they

who are pleased to criticise on my _Essay_ would but read the whole over

with some attention, they might be the better able to comprehend my

meaning, and consequently to judge of my mistakes.

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I am informed that, soon after the first edition of this treatise, a man

somewhere near London was made to see, who had been born blind, and

continued so for about twenty years(463). Such a one may be supposed a

proper judge to decide how far some tenets laid down in several places of

the foregoing Essay are agreeable to truth; and if any curious person hath

the opportunity of making proper interrogatories to him thereon, I should

gladly see my notions either amended or confirmed by experience(464).

A TREATISE CONCERNING THE PRINCIPLES OF HUMAN KNOWLEDGE

[(465)PART I]

WHEREIN THE CHIEF CAUSES OF ERROR AND DIFFICULTY IN THE SCIENCES, WITH THE

GROUNDS OF SCEPTICISM, ATHEISM, AND IRRELIGION, ARE INQUIRED INTO

_First Published in 1710_

Editor’s Preface To The Treatise Concerning The Principles Of Human

Knowledge

This book of _Principles_ contains the most systematic and reasoned

exposition of Berkeley’s philosophy, in its early stage, which we possess.

Like the _Essay on Vision_, its tentative pioneer, it was prepared at

Trinity College, Dublin. Its author had hardly completed his twenty-fifth

year when it was published. The first edition of this “First Part” of the

projected Treatise, “printed by Aaron Rhames, for Jeremy Pepyat,

bookseller in Skinner Row, Dublin,” appeared early in 1710. A second

edition, with minor changes, and in which “Part I” was withdrawn from the

title-page, was published in London in 1734, “printed for Jacob Tonson”—on

the eve of Berkeley’s settlement at Cloyne. It was the last in the

author’s lifetime. The projected “Second Part” of the _Principles_ was

never given to the world, and we can hardly conjecture its design. In a

letter in 1729 to his American friend, Samuel Johnson, Berkeley mentions

that he had “made considerable progress on the Second Part,” but “the

manuscript,” he adds, “was lost about fourteen years ago, during my

travels in Italy; and I never had leisure since to do so disagreeable a

thing as writing twice on the same subject(466).”

An edition of the _Principles_ appeared in London in 1776, twenty-three

years after Berkeley’s death, with a running commentary of _Remarks_ by

the anonymous editor, on the pages opposite the text, in which, according

to the editor, Berkeley’s doctrines are “carefully examined, and shewn to

be repugnant to fact, and his principles to be incompatible with the

constitution of human nature and the reason and fitness of things.” In

this volume the _Dialogues between Hylas and Philonous_ are appended to

the _Principles_, and a “Philosophical Discourse concerning the nature of

Human Being” is prefixed to the whole, “being a defence of Mr. Locke’s

principles, and some remarks on Dr. Beattie’s _Essay on Truth_,” by the

author of the _Remarks on Berkeley’s Principles_. The acuteness of the

_Remarks_ is not in proportion to their bulk and diffuseness: many popular

misconceptions of Berkeley are served up, without appreciation of the

impotence of matter, and of natural causation as only passive

sense-symbolism, which is at the root of the theory of the material world

against which the _Remarks_ are directed.

The Kantian and post-Kantian Idealism that is characteristic of the

nineteenth century has recalled attention to Berkeley, who had produced

his spiritual philosophy under the prevailing conditions of English

thought in the preceding age, when Idealism in any form was uncongenial.

In 1869 the book of _Principles_ was translated into German, with

annotations, by Ueberweg, professor of philosophy at Königsberg, the

university of Kant. The Clarendon Press edition of the Collected Works of

Berkeley followed in 1871. In 1874 an edition of the _Principles_, by Dr.

Kranth, Professor of Philosophy in the university of Pennsylvania,

appeared in America, with annotations drawn largely from the Clarendon

Press edition and Ueberweg. In 1878 Dr. Collyns Simon republished the

_Principles_, with discussions based upon the text, followed by an

appendix of remarks on Kant and Hume in their relation to Berkeley.

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The book of _Principles_, as we have it, must be taken as a systematic

fragment of an incompletely developed philosophy. Many years after its

appearance, the author thus describes the conditions:—“It was published

when I was very young, and without doubt hath many defects. For though the

notions should be true (as I verily think they are), yet it is difficult

to express them clearly and consistently, language being framed for common

use and received prejudices. I do not therefore pretend that my books can

teach truth. All I hope for is that they may be an occasion to inquisitive

men of discovering truth(467).” Again:—“I had no inclination to trouble

the world with large volumes. What I have done was rather with the view of

giving hints to thinking men, who have leisure and curiosity to go to the

bottom of things, and pursue them in their own minds. Two or three times

reading these small tracts (_Essay on Vision_, _Principles_, _Dialogues_,

_De Motu_), and making what is read the occasion of thinking, would, I

believe, render the whole familiar and easy to the mind, and take off that

shocking appearance which hath often been observed to attend speculative

truths(468).” The incitements to further and deeper thought thus proposed

have met with a more sympathetic response in this generation than in the

lifetime of Berkeley.

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There is internal evidence in the book of _Principles_ that its author had

been a diligent and critical student of Locke’s _Essay_. Like the _Essay_,

it is dedicated to the Earl of Pembroke. The word _idea_ is not less

characteristic of the _Principles_ than of the _Essay_, although Berkeley

generally uses it with a narrower application than Locke, confining it to

phenomena presented objectively to our senses, and their subjective

reproductions in imagination. With both Berkeley and Locke objective

phenomena (under the name of ideas) are the materials supplied to man for

conversion into natural science. Locke’s reduction of ideas into simple

and complex, as well as some of his subdivisions, reappear with

modifications in the _Principles_. Berkeley’s account of Substance and

Power, Space and Time, while different from Locke’s, still bears marks of

the _Essay_. Concrete Substance, which in its ultimate meaning much

perplexes Locke, is identified with the personal pronouns “I” and “you” by

Berkeley, and is thus spiritualised. Cause proper, or Power, he finds only

in the voluntary activity of persons. Space is presented to us in our

sensuous experience of resistance to organic movements; while it is

symbolised in terms of phenomena presented to sight, as already explained

in the _Essay on Vision_. Time is revealed in our actual experience of

change in the ideas or phenomena of which we are percipient in sense;

length of time being calculated by the changes in the adopted measure of

duration. Infinite space and infinite time, being necessarily incapable of

finite ideation, are dismissed as abstractions that for man must always be

empty of realisable meaning. Indeed, the _Commonplace Book_ shews that

Locke influenced Berkeley as much by antagonism as otherwise. “Such was

the candour of that great man that I persuade myself, were he alive, he

would not be offended that I differed from him, seeing that in so doing I

follow his advice to use my own judgment, see with my own eyes and not

with another’s.” So he argues against Locke’s opinions about the infinity

and eternity of space, and the possibility of matter endowed with power to

think, and urges his inconsistency in treating some qualities of matter as

wholly material, while he insists that others, under the name of

“secondary,” are necessarily dependent on sentient intelligence. Above all

he assails Locke’s “abstract ideas” as germs of scepticism—interpreting

Locke’s meaning paradoxically.

Next to Locke, Descartes and Malebranche are prominent in the

_Principles_. Recognition of the ultimate supremacy of Spirit, or the

spiritual character of active power and the constant agency of God in

nature, suggested by Descartes, was congenial to Berkeley, but he was

opposed to the mechanical conception of the universe found in the

Cartesian physical treatises. That thought is synonymous with existence is

a formula with which the French philosopher might make him familiar, as

well as with the assumption that _ideas only_ are immediate objects of

human perception; an assumption in which Descartes was followed by Locke,

and philosophical thinkers in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries,

but under differing interpretations of the term _idea_.

Malebranche appears less in the _Principles_ than Locke and Descartes. In

early life, at any rate, Berkeley would be less at home in the “divine

vision” of Malebranche than among the “ideas” of Locke. The mysticism of

the _Recherche de la Vérité_ is unlike the transparent lucidity of

Berkeley’s juvenile thought. But the subordinate place and office of the

material world in Malebranche’s system, and his conception of power as

wholly spiritual, approached the New Principles of Berkeley.

Plato and Aristotle hardly appear, either by name or as characteristic

influence, in the book of _Principles_, which in this respect contrasts

with the abundant references to ancient and mediaeval thinkers in _Siris_,

and to a less extent in the _De Motu_ and _Alciphron_.

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The Introduction to the _Principles_ is a proclamation of war against

“abstract ideas,” which is renewed in the body of the work, and again more

than once in the writings of Berkeley’s early and middle life, but is

significantly withdrawn in his old age. In the ardour of youth, his prime

remedy for anarchy in philosophy, and for the sceptical disposition which

philosophy had been apt to generate, was suppression of abstract ideas as

impossible ideas—empty names heedlessly accepted as ideas—an evil to be

counteracted by steady adherence to the concrete experience found in our

senses and inner consciousness. Never to lose our hold of positive facts,

and always to individualise general conceptions, are regulative maxims by

which Berkeley would make us govern our investigation of ultimate

problems. He takes up his position in the actual universe of applied

reason; not in the empty void of abstract reason, remote from particulars

and succession of change, in which no real existence is found. All

realisable ideas must be either concrete data of sense, or concrete data

of inward consciousness. It is relations embodied in particular facts, not

pretended abstract ideas, that give fruitful meaning to common terms.

Abstract matter, abstract substance, abstract power, abstract space,

abstract time—unindividualisable in sense or in imagination—must all be

void of meaning; the issue of unlawful analysis, which pretends to find

what is real without the concrete ideas that make the real, because

percipient spirit is the indispensable factor of all reality. The only

lawful abstraction is _nominal_—the application, that is to say, of a name

in common to an indefinite number of things which resemble one another.

This is Berkeley’s “Nominalism.”

Berkeley takes Locke as the representative advocate of the “abstract

ideas” against which he wages war in the Introduction to the _Principles_.

Under cover of an ambiguity in the term _idea_, he is unconsciously

fighting against a man of straw. He supposes that Locke means by _idea_

only a concrete datum of sense, or of imagination; and he argues that we

cannot without contradiction abstract from all such data, and yet retain

idea. But Locke includes among _his_ ideas intellectual relations—what

Berkeley himself afterwards distinguished as _notions_, in contrast with

ideas. This polemic against Locke is therefore one of verbal confusion. In

later life he probably saw this, as he saw deeper into the whole question

involved. This is suggested by the omission of the argument against

abstract ideas, given in earlier editions of _Alciphron_, from the edition

published a year before he died. In his juvenile attack on abstractions,

his characteristic impetuosity seems to carry him to the extreme of

rejecting rational relations that are involved in the objectivity of

sensible things and natural order, thus resting experience at last only on

phenomena—particular and contingent.

A preparatory draft of the Introduction to the _Principles_, which I found

in the manuscript department of the library of Trinity College, Dublin, is

printed in the appendix to this edition of Berkeley’s Philosophical Works.

The variations are of some interest, biographical and philosophical. It

seems to have been written in the autumn of 1708, and it may with

advantage be compared with the text of the finished Introduction, as well

as with numerous relative entries in the _Commonplace Book_.

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After this Introduction, the New Principles themselves are evolved, in a

corresponding spirit of hostility to empty abstractions. The sections may

be thus divided:—

i. Rationale of the Principles (sect. 1-33).

ii. Supposed Objections to the Principles answered (sect. 34-84).

iii. Consequences and Applications of the Principles (sect. 85-156).

i. Rationale of the Principles.

The reader may remember that one of the entries in the _Commonplace Book_

runs as follows:—“To begin the First Book, not with mention of sensation

and reflexion, but, instead of sensation, to use perception, or thought in

general.” Berkeley seems there to be oscillating between Locke and

Descartes. He now adopts Locke’s account of the materials of which our

concrete experience consists (sect. 1). The data of human knowledge of

existence are accordingly found in the ideas, phenomena, or appearances

(_a_) of which we are percipient in the senses, and (_b_) of which we are

conscious when we attend to our inward passions and operations—all which

make up the original contents of human experience, to be reproduced in new

forms and arrangements, (_c_) in memory and (_d_) imagination and (_e_)

expectation. Those materials are called _ideas_ because living mind or

spirit is the indispensable realising factor: they all presuppose living

mind, spirit, self, or ego to realise and elaborate them (sect. 2). This

is implied in our use of personal pronouns, which signify, not ideas of

any of the preceding kinds, but that which is “entirely distinct from

them, wherein they exist, or, which is the same thing, by which they are

perceived.” In this fundamental presupposition Descartes is more apparent

than Locke, and there is even an unconscious forecast of Kant and Hegel.

Berkeley next faces a New Question which his New Principles are intended

to answer. How is the concrete world that is presented to our senses

related to Mind or Spirit? Is all or any of its reality independent of

percipient experience? Is it true that the phenomena of which we are

percipient in sense are ultimately independent of all percipient and

conscious life, and are even the ultimate basis of all that is real? Must

we recognise in the phenomena of Matter the _substance_ of what we call

Mind? For do we not find, when we examine Body and Spirit mutually related

in our personality, that the latter is more dependent on the former, and

on the physical cosmos of which the former is a part, than our body and

its bodily surroundings are dependent on Spirit? In short, is not the

universe of existence, in its final form, only lifeless Matter?

The claim of Matter to be supreme is what Berkeley produces his Principles

in order to reduce. Concrete reality is self-evidently unreal, he argues,

in the total absence of percipient Spirit, for Spirit is the one realising

factor. Try to imagine the material world unperceived and you are trying

to picture empty abstraction. Wholly material matter is self-evidently an

inconceivable absurdity; a universe emptied of all percipient life is an

impossible universe. The material world becomes real in being perceived:

it depends for its reality upon the spiritual realisation. As colours in a

dark room become real with the introduction of light, so the material

world becomes real in the life and agency of Spirit. It must exist in

terms of sentient life and percipient intelligence, in order to rise into

any degree of reality that human beings at least can be at all concerned

with, either speculatively or practically. Matter totally abstracted from

percipient spirit must go the way of all abstract ideas. It is an

illusion, concealed by confused thought and abuse of words; yet from

obvious causes strong enough to stifle faith in this latent but

self-evident Principle—that the universe of sense-presented phenomena can

have concrete existence only in and by sentient intelligence. It is the

reverse of this Principle that Berkeley takes to have been “the chief

source of all that scepticism and folly, all those contradictions and

inexplicable puzzling absurdities, that have in all ages been a reproach

to human reason(469).” And indeed, when it is fully understood, it is seen

in its own light to be the chief of “those truths which are so near and

obvious to the mind, that a man need only open his eyes to see them. For

such I take this important one to be—that all the choir of heaven and

furniture of the Earth, in a word, all those bodies which compose the

mighty frame of the world, have not any subsistence without a Mind” (sect.

6). Living Mind or Spirit is the indispensable factor of all realities

that are presented to our senses, including, of course, our own bodies.

Yet this Principle, notwithstanding its intuitive certainty, needs to be

evoked by reflection from the latency in which it lies concealed, in the

confused thought of the unreflecting. It is only gradually, and with the

help of reasoning, that the world presented to the senses is distinctly

recognised in this its deepest and truest reality. And even when we see

that the phenomena _immediately_ presented to our senses need to be

realised in percipient experience, in order to be concretely real, we are

ready to ask whether there may not be substances _like_ the things so

presented, which can exist “without mind,” or in a wholly material way

(sect. 8). Nay, are there not _some_ of the phenomena immediately

presented to our senses which do not need living mind to make them real?

It is allowed by Locke and others that all those qualities of matter which

are called _secondary_ cannot be wholly material, and that living mind is

indispensable for _their_ realisation in nature; but Locke and the rest

argue, that this is not so with the qualities which they call _primary_,

and which they regard as of the essence of matter. Colours, sounds,

tastes, smells are all allowed to be not wholly material; but are not the

size, shape, situation, solidity, and motion of bodies qualities that are

real without need for the realising agency of any Mind or Spirit in the

universe, and which would continue to be what they are now if all Spirit,

divine or human, ceased to exist?

The supposition that some of the phenomena of what is called Matter can be

real, and yet wholly material, is discussed in sections 9-15, in which it

is argued that the things of sense cannot exist really, in _any_ of their

manifestations, unless they are brought into reality in some percipient

life and experience. It is held impossible that any quality of matter can

have the reality which we all attribute to it, unless it is spiritually

realised (sect. 15).

But may Matter not be real apart from all its so-called qualities, these

being allowed to be not wholly material, because real only within

percipient spirit? May not this wholly material Matter be Something that,

as it were, exists _behind_ the ideas, phenomena, or qualities that make

their appearance to human beings? This question, Berkeley would say, is a

meaningless and wholly unpractical one. Material substance that makes and

can make no real appearance—unphenomenal or unideal—stripped of all its

qualities—is only “another name for abstract Being,” and “the abstract

idea of Being appeareth to me the most incomprehensible of all other. When

I consider the two parts or branches which make up the words _material

substance_, I am convinced there is no distinct meaning annexed to them”

(sect. 17). Neither Sense nor Reason inform us of the existence of real

material substances that exist _abstractly_, or out of all relation to the

secondary and primary qualities of which we are percipient when we

exercise our senses. By our senses we cannot perceive more than ideas or

phenomena, aggregated as individual things that are presented to us: we

cannot perceive substances that make no appearance in sense. Then as for

reason, unrealised substances, abstracted from living Spirit, human or

divine, being altogether meaningless, can in no way explain the concrete

realisations of human experience. In short, if there are wholly

unphenomenal material substances, it is impossible that we should ever

discover them, or have any concern with them, speculative or practical;

and if there are not, we should have the same reason to assert that there

are which we have now (sect. 20). It is impossible to put any meaning into

wholly abstract reality. “To me the words mean either a direct

contradiction, or nothing at all” (sect. 24).

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The Works of George Berkeley. Vol. 1 of 4: Philosophical Works, 1705-21 · 第 21 / 51 段