III. Evolution in the Later Middle Ages

For the evolution of the processional hymn from this point to the close

of the Middle Ages, we have in addition to hymnic manuscripts, the

service books and manuals devoted to, or including, processional

practice. The _Ritual_ or _Roman Pontifical_ was the earliest to include

directions for processions, an illustration of which has been presented

above in the case of _Sancta Maria, quid est?_ In the course of time,

since so many medieval processions were not thus provided for, the

_Processional_ came into existence, containing the order of processions

for a particular diocese or monastery.[27] The St. Gall _Processionals_,

for instance, are informative as to customs already described above. The

specific name _versus_ gave rise to the title _Versarius_ for a book of

processional hymns.[28]

In addition to the collections, liturgical writers discussed the

procession. Of these, none was more influential than Durandus, Bishop of

Mende, who, about 1286, produced his _Rationale divinorum officiorum_

which among many other liturgical subjects, included processional

rites.[29] Durandus was a leading authority upon ecclesiastical

symbolism. Accordingly, he dwells upon every minute detail of the great

processions for Easter, Ascension, Palm Sunday and the Purification as

well as the Sunday procession and others of lesser importance, ascribing

to each act a wealth of symbolic meaning. Much of this figurative

interpretation is obvious and inherent in the feast to be celebrated but

in other cases he gives full play to his sense of the symbolic, a phase

of contemporary thought already so characteristic of Adam of St. Victor

and other writers on religious themes. Finally he declares that whatever

else is suggested, “the true procession is a progress to the celestial

country.” (_Ipsa vero processio, est via ad coelestem patriam._)[30] If

the fundamental concepts which entered into their origins be reviewed,

medieval processions apparently carried with them the familiar ideas of

supplication, of dramatic representation or of pilgrimage to sacred

places. Durandus reiterates and sublimates these concepts, giving them

an added significance.

The processional manuals, especially of the English rites observed at

Salisbury, York, Canterbury and other cathedral centers, offer

descriptions and sometimes illustrations showing the order and vestments

of the clergy, the position and functions of the choir, the appropriate

acts involved, together with the complete text of the antiphons, psalms,

other scriptural passages, hymns, prayers and rubrics. Turning to the

processional hymns which were rendered in these centuries, one is

impressed by the gradual disappearance of hymns typical of the efforts

of the St. Gall school and its contemporaries. A tremendous vogue of the

original _Salve festa dies_ of Fortunatus which had never been lost

sight of, together with its centos, variants and copies, takes

possession of the field. There were in all, perhaps, from one hundred to

one hundred and fifty true processional hymns in circulation throughout

the whole medieval period, if one enumerates those which are edited in

the _Analecta Hymnica_. One half of these may be considered to be of the

_Salve festa dies_ type while similar elegiac metrical forms are found

in half of the remainder.

What has been said of the cultural background in which the sequence

developed and multiplied is equally true for the processional hymn. The

same influences which created new seasonal feasts and additional feasts

for the saints, produced new processional hymns to accompany them. There

is, however, a great disparity between the number of sequences and

processional hymns that were written. The sequence was regnant in sacred

and secular verse, both in Latin and the vernaculars. Office hymns, too,

far outnumbered processionals. This may be another way of saying that

the office hymns and the sequences had a liturgical function and

setting, while the processional was always extra-liturgical and either

superfluous or purely ornamental from this point of view. The antiphons

and psalms were sufficient to satisfy the essential choral demands of

any procession.

Unfortunately Thomas Aquinas did not include a processional hymn when he

furnished the hymnody for the Feast of Corpus Christi. He could hardly

have envisaged the thousands of Corpus Christi processions throughout

Catholic Christendom which have marked the Feast even to this day. Nor

could he have foreseen that his hymn _Pange lingua gloriosi corporis

mysterium_, written in the tradition of Fortunatus, would be widely

appropriated for that purpose. Other processionals for Corpus Christi

appeared almost at once, especially of the _Salve_ type.

Contemporary devotion to the Virgin Mother and her festivals was felt in

the expansion of the Marian hymnology for processions. The establishment

of St. Osyth in Essex was a center in which new hymns were used for the

Visitation,

Salve festa dies, toto venerabilis aevo,

Qua Christi mater visitat Elizabeth. (_A. H._ 11. 51)

Hail thee, festival day, blest day that is hallowed forever,

On which Christ’s mother visits Elizabeth.

and the Assumption,

Salve festa dies, toto venerabilis aevo,

Qua fuit assumpta virgo Maria pia. (_A. H._ 11. 55)

Hail thee, festival day, blest day that is hallowed forever,

On which the holy Virgin Mary was assumed.

A lengthy hymn of twenty stanzas for the Feast of the Purification which

had been observed for so many centuries, appears in a twelfth or

thirteenth century manuscript from Kremsmünster, _Laetetur omne

saeculum_ (_A. H._ 4. 54), “Let every age rejoice.” The biblical scene

of the Presentation in the Temple is described and reference is made to

the carrying of lighted candles.

Later medieval practice perpetuated other earlier customs. From the

original station processions at Rome had developed the ceremonies to

celebrate the translation of relics of saints in western European lands.

Pope Callistus II (d. 1124) wrote a processional hymn honoring St. James

of Campostella, _Versus Calixti Papae, cantandi ad processionem sancti

Jacobi in solemnitate passionis ipsius et translationis ejusdem_ (_A.

H._ 17. 194), or _Versus of Pope Callistus, to be sung at the procession

of St. James in the celebration of his passion and translation_. A hymn

for St. Kyneburga (d. 680) commemorated the restoration of her relics to

their original burial place in Peterborough Minster from which they had

been removed during the Danish invasions.[31] (_A. H._ 43. 218)

A procession in which the relics were carried for the veneration of the

worshipers was familiar in many places. Records from St. Gall testify

that St. Magnus was honored with such a procession and an appropriate

hymn of praise (_A. H._ 50. 261). The relics of saints treasured at

Exeter were borne in procession with the singing of a hymn which

mentions their miraculous powers. (_A. H._ 43. 277)

In an era marked by municipal drama and civic display as well as

religious festivals, the pageantry of the procession was understandably

popular. Rome always had its great processions. Accounts are extant of

ceremonies accompanied by hymns, in Tournai, Strasburg, Nuremberg and

other medieval towns, aside from those prescribed by episcopal and

monastic manuals of the day for the great cathedrals and abbeys.

The music to which the processional hymn was sung is, in some cases,

available. The St. Gall manuscripts, as Gautier noted, were furnished

with musical notation. This is occasionally true of later manuscripts,

especially as we enter the closing medieval centuries. The traditional

melodies of certain hymns, like the _Salve festa dies_ and _Gloria laus

et honor_ are known to-day. Musicologists and students of liturgical

music are currently engaged in bringing this music to present-day

knowledge. For example, the hymn used in procession before the reading

of the Gospel appears in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries as a

_conductus_ or _conductum_ which, in turn, is related to the

_cantio_.[32] A _conductus_ for the festival of St. James of Campostella

(_A. H._ 17. 199), illustrates the evolution of a minor type of

processional hymn from Hartmann’s solemn _versus_, mentioned above, to

the festive style of the late medieval period. The recent study of the

_conductus_ by Leonard Ellinwood reflects the growing interest of

musicians in these forms, both secular and religious, which preceded the

Renaissance.[33]

To summarize the characteristic marks of the processional hymn which are

constant and quite independent of the date of their appearance, the

student must recall the underlying motives: 1) supplication in the

litanies, 2) re-enactment of biblical scenes and 3) religious

pilgrimage. Respecting usage, the special interest of a ceremony devoted

to a particular occasion is present in processional hymns, additional to

other rites. Lastly, a group of hymns has come into existence, not to be

classified with the more formal categories of the office hymn and the

sequence but dedicated to an extra-liturgical purpose.

As a group, the processional hymns are not well-known or frequently used

in translation with the exception of the ageless hymns of Theodulphus

and especially of Fortunatus whose processionals usurped the medieval

field for over one thousand years and are still current to-day.

(See Illustrative Hymns, XVII. _Salve festa dies_, “Hail thee, festival

day.”)

CHAPTER SEVEN

Influence and Survival of Latin Hymns

The Medieval Latin Hymn · 第 25 / 94 题