I. Late Medieval Influence

From the creation of the Latin hymn in the fourth century by the

earliest writers to the efforts of poets heralding the Renaissance,

Christian hymnody left its imprint upon contemporary verse both secular

and religious. The field of inquiry suggested by this thesis has never

been fully explored although it abounds in fascinating possibilities for

the student of medieval culture. The subject, of course, cannot be

treated within the limits of this chapter but such hints may be offered

as have resulted from a partial study of particular areas or fall within

the bounds of reasonable assumption.

Perhaps the most pervading influence and the simplest to trace is the

metrical. The iambic dimeter of Ambrose, both in its quantitative and in

its rhythmical form, became a standard for poetry of all types,

appearing even in the modern age as the long meter of the metrical

versions of the Psalms. Trochaic verse, initiated in hymns by Hilary,

employed most effectively by Fortunatus and always a favorite, rivalled

the iambic in the vernaculars. As the metrical features of the Victorine

sequence became increasingly popular, they were taken over bodily by

secular poets writing both in Latin and in the modern European

languages. Classical meters fostered by Prudentius and later by the

Carolingian poets showed less vitality as poetical models. The

liturgical hymn and the sequence are of prime importance in their

metrical aspects but the meters of the _piae cantiones_ and other

religious lyrics were also widely appropriated. The origin of rhyme is a

related problem which in the opinion of W. B. Sedgwick “centers around

the Christian hymn.”[1] Numerous publications by scholars who, like

Sedgwick, have spoken with authority, bear witness to the general

linguistic and literary interest attaching to these subjects of

research.

Aside from aspects of meter and rhyme, medieval secular verse in Latin

borrowed generously from the hymn; witness the songs of the wandering

scholars as recorded in the collection edited under the title _Cambridge

Songs_ and also the goliardic poetry of the _Carmina Burana_.[2]

Well-known hymns are frequently parodied and, in general, the liturgical

models are employed to create humorous allusion or pungent satire. The

student song _Gaudeamus igitur_ is a familiar illustration of this

general group.

The adaptation of the sequence to secular purposes resulted in a novel

type of verse, the _modus_, already cited in connection with the origin

of the sequence, illustrated by the _Modus florum_ of which many

examples have been preserved varying in beauty and poetic conceit.

Reference has been made in an earlier chapter to the deeper problems

underlying sequence origins on the poetical side. Discussion among

scholars as to the priority of the religious or secular Latin lyric is

still active.[3] Some would say that popular Latin verse arose by virtue

of the hymnodic influence. Others would posit a vernacular impulse which

eventuated in the Latin lyric both secular and religious.[4]

Apart from the lyric, there are in the general field of Latin verse many

resemblances to hymnic models. The lengthy narrative poems of the

_Peristephanon_ in which Prudentius recounted the sufferings of the

martyrs, St. Laurence, St. Vincent, St. Agnes, St. Eulalia and others,

and celebrated their spiritual victories, have been called hymns. It has

been argued that they were actually sung,[5] in full, upon the festival

days of the saints in question although the praises of St. Vincent, for

example, are expanded to 576 lines, other hymns varying from 66 to 1140

lines. It may have been possible in the more leisurely tempo of medieval

life to render the martyr hymns of Prudentius in their entirety. A far

more provocative suggestion makes them the starting point for the

medieval saints’ legend of which illustrations exist in lengthy Latin

poems and later, in vernacular verse.

The contribution of hymns to the liturgical drama of the Church has been

noted in connection with the sequence, _Victimae paschali laudes_. It is

nowhere contended that the hymn created the drama but that the dramatic

phraseology is often reminiscent of the hymn and that the role of the

singers in the _schola cantorum_ and the choir, as actors in the

liturgical play, becomes significant in connection with the hymnic

origins of these productions within the church.[6]

Finally, an interesting group of Latin poems having an interrelation

with the hymn is illustrated by _O Roma nobilis_, a tenth century lyric

praising the apostles and martyrs of the Eternal City (_A. H._ 51.

219).[7]

The transition from Latin to vernacular languages took place as soon as

the latter were sufficiently developed to produce Christian verse. The

Gospels were rendered into Germanic rhymed verse in the ninth century by

Otfried the Frank who inserted a hymn of ten stanzas as a poetic version

of the opening of St. John’s Gospel. It is written in seven-syllable

couplets with four or six to a stanza.[8] Otfried is said to have been

influenced by Rabanus Maurus and with good reason since the latter was a

recognized leader in mediating Latin patristic and other writings to the

Germanic world of his day.

Otfried was the first of many medieval poets whose religious lyrics in

the vernacular, often revealing the inspiration of the Latin hymn, have

been preserved. Their verse appears in Wackernagel’s great collection in

which he has edited 1448 specimens from the time of Otfried to that of

Hans Sachs.[9]

Celtic churchmen were pioneers among medieval Latin hymnists, their

earliest contribution dating from the sixth century. Religious lyrics in

the Celtic tongue must have been produced and recorded before the Danish

invasions although the destruction of these manuscripts delayed the

compiling of new vernacular collections until the eleventh century. The

hymn _Hymnum dicat turba fratrum_, written in trochaic tetrameter, and

preserved in the Bangor Antiphonary, to which reference has been made in

Chapter One, apparently influenced the metrical system of Celtic poetry.

The metrical pattern used by Otfried, a quatrain of seven-syllable lines

with rhymed couplets, is commonly found.[10] Latin influence is at least

tentatively acknowledged by scholars in the rhyme and stanza structure

of Celtic poetry prior to the eleventh century.[11]

After the creation of the Latin sequence, vernacular poetry is

overwhelmingly affected by this new type of hymn. Germanic poets

followed the leadership of Notker. The Victorine school, rejecting the

strophic system and rhythmic model of the Germans, built the couplet and

rhyme, already existing in hymns, into a characteristic structure which

proved to be easily transferable to vernacular uses. It has been

asserted that the lyric poetry of the Middle Ages, in German, French,

Provençal and English was reborn in this conquest of the vernacular by

the Latin sequence.[12] At the same time, the possible influence of the

vernacular over the Latin must not be ignored. There is a resemblance,

for instance, between the narrative elements of sequences written in

honor of saints and the ballads of secular poetry.[13] Whatever the

conflicting currents may have been in the period of origins, the

smooth-flowing stream of the vernacular religious lyric with its many

tributaries, refreshed the spirit of medieval man and recalled to memory

his religious heritage.

The vitality of this new religious poetry which flourishes in the later

centuries, in which the Latin hymn suffered so marked a deterioration,

suggests that the future of the hymn, like other media of Latin

literature, was to be realized in a new linguistic environment. It was

not the verity but the language that was destined to change.

In order to appreciate the variety and interest of that vernacular lyric

poetry which arose within the sphere of influence of the Latin hymn,

illustrations may be culled from many parts of Europe. _Mary-Verse in

Meistergesang_ is the title chosen by Sister Mary Schroeder for her

study of one aspect of the German lyric.[14] A very large proportion,

perhaps two-thirds of the songs are religious in content, showing to a

degree, their dependence upon hymnal poetry, while nearly one-fourth of

them are devoted to the praise of the Virgin. Occasionally, a Latin

sequence has been freely translated, paraphrased or elaborated.

The Swedish vernacular is represented by the patriotic poem of Bishop

Thomas of Strängnäs, who, in the fourteenth century, wrote in praise of

the national hero, Engelbrekt. Metrical and stanza form are both of the

hymnal type.[15]

The Romance languages afford myriad examples of the sequence form. St.

Martial, near Limoges, already cited as a center in the production of

the sequence, and Paris, the home of the Victorine school, are both

places of origin for vernacular lyrics. A close connection has been

traced between the sequence and the French romantic lyric, especially

the _lai_, a connection amply illustrated and tabulated for the

convenience of the student.[16] More familiar, perhaps, than the _lais_

are the appealing lines of François Villon, “Dame des cieulx, regente

terrienne,” which possesses all the charm of the Marian lyric at its

best.

About the year 1270, Alfonso X of Castile made a collection of 400 poems

in the Galician-Portuguese dialect, the _Cántigas de Santa María_ around

which a considerable literature has grown up. All are devotional in

subject matter. Alfonso X was a literary patron. Ramon Lull (c. 1315)

was himself a poet who wrote in the Catalan tongue although his mystical

writings are better known than his poetry. His _Hours of our Lady St.

Mary_ was modeled upon the hymn and set to a hymn tune.[17]

The Italian poets of religious verse flourished as writers both in the

vernacular and in Latin. St. Francis of Assisi, (1181-1226), whose

_Cantico di fratre sole_[18] is known and loved by countless persons in

our own day, was among the earliest poets of the _Laudi spirituali_. The

origin of the _laudi_ has been traced in part to the ejaculations of the

flagellants of northern Italy where bands of these penitents were

commonly seen in the thirteenth century. A century earlier, religious

societies of singers, the _laudisti_, were in existence in Venice and

Florence. Arezzo knew such a group as early as 1068.[19] Included among

the known writers of _laudi_ are Jacopone da Todi, (1230-1306), and

Bianco da Siena, (c. 1307), both classified today as writers of hymns.

The movement represented by the _laudisti_ spread to France,

German-speaking lands, the Low Countries and Poland. Everywhere the

vernacular was used with popular unison melodies. As we approach the

Renaissance, Florence is still conspicuous for her authors of the

religious vernacular lyric, among them Lorenzo di Medici and Savonarola,

(1452-1498), better known as the Florentine preacher whose passionate

denunciations of the evils of his day brought him into conflict with the

Church and resulted in his execution. His _Laude al crucifisso_ has been

translated in part by Jane F. Wilde as a hymn, “Jesus, refuge of the

weary.”

The English religious lyrics of the thirteenth, fourteenth and fifteenth

centuries may be read with enjoyment in the collections of Carleton

Brown whose appraisement of this poetry was the fruit of great learning

and a sympathetic discernment of human values.[20] Here the Latin hymn

may be found as it was translated, adapted and imitated in English

verse. The Latin sequence, as it increased in popularity, was taken over

by English poets with great success. Some of these writers who

appropriated the Latin models, like William Herebert, Jacob Ryman and

John Lydgate, are known to us by name while others are anonymous. Their

poetic themes are varied but Marian verse appears in many forms: hymns,

laments, and rhymed petition. Incidentally, a knowledge of the Latin

original must be presupposed on the part of the English laity of this

period. Chaucer wrote for the layman who must have understood his use of

the sequence _Angelus ad Virginem_ in the “Miller’s Tale” and the

sequence _Alma redemptoris mater_ in the “Prioress’ Tale.”

English macaronic verse best reveals the Latin hymn. Over and over

again, Latin quotations are used, sometimes embedded in the text,

sometimes added as refrains, an understanding of which is always vital

to the appreciation of the poem.

The carol, although extraneous to true hymnody, because of its

non-liturgical character and usage, was related to Latin origins; to

some extent, to the _cantio_ and the _conductus_. A form of vernacular

lyric, the carol often shares the macaronic features which were common

in the blended phraseology of the European languages with Latin in this

popular type of late medieval verse. It is relevant here as a religious

lyric which bears the unmistakable mark of the hymnic inheritance.

Whatever is true of the English carol is equally true of the carol in

other lands. To-day these lyrics are of great interest and of increasing

usage in the Christian Church at large. Their musical and poetic aspects

are both subjects of enthusiastic research. Many persons in our modern

society who have never studied the classical languages are able to sing

the Latin words and phrases they contain, with understanding, as did

their medieval predecessors.

The Medieval Latin Hymn · 第 26 / 94 题