Distribution of Income in Prussia, 1902 126

==============+============+============

| Per cent | Per cent

Income | of persons | of income

--------------+------------+------------

Below $214 | 70.7 | 33.0

$214 to $714 | 25.8 | 34.9

Over $714 | 3.5 | 32.1

--------------+------------+------------

than $214 a year, the minimum taxable income. It shows the poverty of

the mass of the people as well as the concentration of wealth among

the few rich. In the United States, where the natural resources have

been so much richer than in Germany, a similar table would probably

show a much smaller proportion under the Prussian minimum, but on the

other hand it would probably show a greater concentration of income in

the hands of a few. Europe has as yet no billionaire. The great

fortunes of the United States have been made possible by the unrivaled

opportunities for the exploitation of rich natural resources, the

appropriation of natural monopolies, and to special privileges and

opportunities in manufactures and transportation. The importance of

monopoly privileges in the distribution of wealth is well shown by the

results of an investigation made in 1892 by the New York Tribune into

the sources of the fortunes of millionaires. It was undertaken to show

that protection was not the main cause; but while it proved this, it

showed clearly that most of them were built up on monopoly. “Of the

4,047 millionaires reported, only 1,125, or 28 per cent, obtained

their fortunes in protected industries…. About 78 per cent of the

fortunes were derived from permanent monopoly privileges, and only 22

per cent from competitive industries unaided by natural and artificial

monopolies…. Furthermore, if the size of fortunes is taken into

account it will be found that perhaps 95 per cent of the total values

represented by these millionaire fortunes is due to those investments 127

classed as land values and natural monopolies, and to competitive

industries aided by such monopolies.”[43] It is essential to the

stability of our democratic institutions that all special privileges

be absolutely prohibited, and that monopoly be brought under strict

government control and regulation. Improper methods of wealth

accumulation should certainly be prevented.

The opposite question of poverty has already been discussed and some

of the causes of poverty pointed out. It will be sufficient here to

try to answer the question which has often been asked: Are the rich

growing richer and the poor poorer? Though the first part of the

question has just been affirmed, the second part may be denied. The

nineteenth century has witnessed a vast improvement in the condition

of the laboring man, who has shared in the increasing wealth which he

has helped to produce. Wages have steadily increased, the hours of

labor have been reduced, and the material well-being of the

wage-earner is greater today than it has ever been before. It has more

than once been pointed out by writers on this subject that with an

equal distribution of wealth no one would be well-to-do, while many

others insist that inequality in itself is a desirable thing. Greater

diffusion of wealth can come about only by very slow processes, and

permanent plenty can be secured only by a great increase in the

accumulations of capital and the efficiency of each worker. Any

suggested reform, therefore, that would weaken the motives to thrift

and industry must be rejected.

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