_On outside wrapper (a handkerchief)_:
No secrets as far as I am concerned.
C. G. GORDON.
LT.-COLONEL STEWART, C.M.G.,
Chief of the Staff, or LORD WOLSELEY, G.C.B.
Soudan Expeditionary Force.
* * * * *
JOURNAL OF EVENTS—KARTOUM, VOL. IV.
From 12th Oct. to 20th Oct., 1884.
* * * * *
GENERAL GORDON’S JOURNAL.
EVENTS AT KARTOUM.
From 12th Oct. to 20th Oct., 1884.
To be pruned down if published.
C. G. GORDON.
The following note accompanied this Journal, addressed to
Lieutenant-Colonel Stewart:—
Kartoum, 20th October, 1884.
MY DEAR STEWART,
Here is the Journal up to date—not much in it. I hear
you got down all right. Kind regards to Lord Wolseley. I have
given up now all idea of getting information from you all.
Yours sincerely,
C. G. GORDON.
_On inside sheet_:
GENERAL GORDON’S JOURNAL, VOL. IV.
From 12th Oct. to 20th Oct. 1884.
EVENTS OF KARTOUM.
Together with a paper, Intelligence Department, on
False Prophet.[118]
To be pruned down if published.
C. G. GORDON.
JOURNAL.
_October 12._—Post left for Metemma by _Towfikia_ to-day. I am
almost decided to evacuate Halfeyeh, and put Shaggyeh, now there, at
Goba.[119] I dug up a shell yesterday which was at the foot of a lay
figure at north side, and see that the reason of their (the shells)
not proving fatal is that they are buried too deep, and their force is
expended laterally—a man must be over them to be hurt. Of course this
would be remedied in regular warfare. Were I to put them out again, I
would lay the shells on the surface of the ground, hiding the fuses or
ignitors, and run the risk of their being seen. Men going to assault
a place do not pick their steps, as if they were crossing a street. I
have ordered the concentration of guns on part of lines opposite to
which Arabs bombard us. I have ordered silence for the two or three
first rounds of the Arabs, and then to give them some salvoes.
What with these people’s prayers, eating and sleeping, one’s patience
is indeed tried. I know no people in the world who can take advantage
of cover better than them—the cover being “_I am ill_;” that is a
settler; for although you know it is the illness of laziness, you can
say nothing; if you doubt it, you are universally voted a brute.
When you say to any escaped soldier, “Why do you come here?” he
replies, “Why, the Arabs give us nothing. Why, with you I can get this
or that.” It is merely a question of what they can _get_. The belly
governs the whole world.
Have ordered the _Bordeen_ steamer to creep up when the moon rises, and
attack the Arab ferry at Kalakla.
Went over to Goba, and chose positions for the Shaggeyeh tribe. If we
evacuate Halfeyeh, we shall have to give up three outer forts, and one
central one (Seyd Mahomet Osman’s house).
It is quite a danger to pass through the yard of the Palace on account
of the turkey-cock (though he has a harem of five); he killed two of
his children the other day. I do not know if you have noticed it, but
when not angry, or in full dress, the lobes of flesh about their necks
are grey; but it does not need half a minute for them to make them of
the most brilliant scarlet. I cannot understand how they make part
of their heads blue, while the appendages are scarlet. I think the
turkey-cock is a bird worth studying; the tuft in front is peculiar to
him alone. I know no other bird which has it. I would give him the palm
over all birds for pluck.
I have decided to bring those wretched Shaggyeh over to Goba, and have
sent boats for them.[120]
I declare solemnly, that if it were not for the honour’s sake of our
nation, I would let these people slide; they are of the very feeblest
nature, and the Arabs are ten times better; but because they are weak,
there is so much more the reason to try and help them; for I think it
was because we were such worthless creatures, that Our Lord came to
deliver us. These Shaggyeh know no shame. It is an unknown quantity
with them. What a life one has to live. I wish I commanded the Arabs
(speaking professionally). I think it is a great shame not giving me
Zubair Pasha, for he would know how to deal with these people. They are
the weariness of my life. From February until now they have been one
continued worry to me, and I expect they worried the Arabs as much.
I have decided to put the Shaggyeh into the North Fort, and not to
occupy Goba. A slave came in from Kerowé; had no news. The Arabs did
not fire upon the lines to-day, so concentration of artillery fire on
them did not come off. A woman came into the Lines from Waled a Goun
with a letter.[121] _Towfikia_ was to have left this morning; but late
last night, happening to go to the telegraph office, and asking whether
she was all ready, the captain replied he had no wood! so there was an
end of her start to-day.
I particularly wish to ascertain how many communications were sent me
from Cairo or elsewhere in Egypt between the 12th of March, when the
telegraph wire was cut, and the present date.[122] I hope Stewart will
get this information for me, and not be hoodwinked about it. I should
also much like the substance of those communications.
The letter was from Abou Gugliz sending in a woman who had before been
a spy. He begs me to become a Mussulman, &c. The woman who brought it,
says the Mahdi comes to-night to Omdurman, and that he says, as soon as
he comes, _I shall ask to surrender_! The Mahdi says he will write me
three letters; he will then wait for five days, and that he will then
advance across the river, which will divide for him. Looking at the
date which will be arrived at, after these letters are written and the
five days’ grace have expired, and making allowances for what is meant
by the dividing of the waters, it would bring the Mahdi’s attack about
the 21st October, the New Year’s day of 1302 A.H.[123]
We hear the Arabs are perplexed, because the other day, when they
bombarded us, we did not answer. This was my doing to save ammunition.
The Arabs asked the regulars with them, “why we did not answer?” and
said they were sure the regulars were in communication with us. We are
now weighing the pros and cons for not answering the artillery fire
of the Arabs, which do us no harm and uses up their ammunition. By
not doing so we do not lose the sympathies of the regulars, whereas
if we do so we exasperate and render desperate those regulars. We had
an instance of that at Bourré, where at first the regulars were well
disposed towards us, and came over in numbers; whereas after we had
killed a lot of them they ceased to come in, and used to fight us with
viciousness.
The woman says, beyond the captured regulars, Arabs have no fighting
force. These captured regulars are mostly all blacks.
Another _plot_? In town a man was discovered taking out a note
couched in mysterious language, from one of the clerks in a Government
office. With the note was £34, supposed to be a present to the Mahdi
from Sheikh el Islam (the blind man) here. The efforts to square the
circle are extraordinary. The people here, I expect, have all hedged.
I am going to make a sort of general arrest to-night (similar to that
made by Napoleon III. on the night of the 1st December) of all who are
supposed to be in communication with the Mahdi. I shall not hurt them,
but shall send them out to the Mahdi. Query, was it on the night of
the 1st and 2nd December Napoleon took his foes prisoners, or on the
night of the 2nd-3rd December? I think it was the night of the 1st-2nd
December, and the so-called massacre happened during the day of the 2nd
December. (Vide Kinglake in ‘Coup d’étât.’)
I shall not send out the Sheikh el Islam[124] although he is a
disgrace. I asked Mahomet Edrees, my servant, “to become a Christian.”
He said “he could not.” Then I said, “Why ask me to become a Mussulman,
when your Sheikh el Islam is prepared to acknowledge Mahomet Achmet as
the Mahdi?” 5 P.M.—The arrests are out. Sheikh el Islam, Cadi, and a
host of swells are to be kept in their homes—sixteen in all! A good
swoop; among them the Mudir Achmet Bey Jelaba. I have made Moussa Bey
Mudir. There will be quite a scare about it. I have not sent any away
to the Mahdi. The band boys are all armed, and are quite ferocious. It
would be a great mistake to come up here and think to find soldiers _in
extremis_; they are as cocky as possible. They strut along as if no one
was their equal. The blacks are a stubborn race; and if one sticks to
them, they will stick to you. _Towfikia_ has left for Metemma _at last_.
A mouse has taken Stewart’s place at table; she (judging from her
swelled-out appearance) comes up and eats out of my plate without fear.
The turkey-cock has become so disagreeable that I had to put his head
under his wing and sway him to and fro till he slept. The cavasses
thought he was dead, but he got up and immediately went at me. The
putting the head under the wing acts with all birds, but it is the
_cock_ alone who gets mesmerised by the chalk lines drawn in front of
his beak. How do you account for this?
I believe that a good recruitment of blacks and Chinese would give
England all the troops she wants for expeditions, mixed with one-sixth
English. As for those wretched Sepoys, they are useless. I would
garrison India with Chinese and blacks, with one-sixth English, and
no army could stand against us. The Chinese in Shanghai had the
greatest contempt for the Bombay Sepoys, and used to knock them about.
Beloochees and Sikhs are a different class. I have the greatest
contempt for the pure Indian Sepoys. Chinese, or blacks, or Goorkas,
or Belochees are far better. The moment he (the pure Sepoy) is off
parade, he puts off all uniform that connects him with Her Majesty’s
Government, and puts on his dish-clout. I hate these snake-like
creatures. Any man accustomed to judge by faces sees that they hate us.
I would back the Mussulmans of India against the lot of those snakes.
India, to me, is not an advantage; it accustoms our men to a style of
life which they cannot keep up in England; it deteriorates our women.
If we kept the sea-coast, it is all that we want. It is the centre of
all petty intrigue, while if our energy were devoted elsewhere, it
would produce tenfold. India sways all our policy to our detriment.
Lord Cardwell replied (when I asked him the question as to the benefit
we got from India), “_that we could not get out of it_,” and I suppose
that is the answer that must be given.
* * * * *
_October 13._—Cavalry sortie this morning from Bourré; captured
fifteen slaves and killed thirteen men who resisted. This sortie was
under Abdoul Hamid, the Sandjak of the Shaggyeh. We lost none.
The Arabs on Omdurman side have spread out their huts in a semicircle
(but at a considerable distance) around Omdurman, on the left bank.
Shaggyeh from Halfeyeh will be in the North Fort to-day. The Arabs off
South Front, near the White Nile, fired musketry against the lines, but
did no harm.
Last night cavalry Shaggyeh captured three men who were going off to
Sheikh el Obeyed from Halfeyeh; they had their arms with them. I have
let them go again.
No definite news yet of the arrival of the Mahdi at Omdurman. The Mahdi
will be furious with this cavalry sortie; it will be disagreeable news
to him on his arrival here.
A man from the Arabs has come in to Omdurman with two letters;[125]
it is too late to see them to-night. By telegraph I hear that the man
brought two letters for the Commandant at Omdurman from Faki Mustapha,
saying the Mahdi was coming the day after to-morrow, and inviting him
to submit; so I have told them to send the man off again.
We are a wonderful people; it was never our Government which made us a
great nation; our Government has been ever the drag on our wheels. It
is, of course, on the cards that Kartoum is taken under the nose of the
expeditionary force, which will be _just too late_.[126]
[Illustration: 1. _Daily News._ _2. Times._ _3. Standard._ _4. Pall
Mall Gazette._]
The expeditionary force will perhaps think it necessary to retake it;
but that will be of no use, and will cause loss of life uselessly on
both sides. It had far better quietly return, with its tail between its
legs; for once Kartoum is taken, it matters little if the Opposition
say “You gave up Kartoum,” or “You gave up Kartoum, Sennaar,” &c., &c.,
the sun will have set, people will not care much for the satellites.
England was made by adventurers, not by its Government, and I believe
it will only hold its place by adventurers. If Kartoum falls, then
go quietly back to Cairo, for you will only lose men and spend money
uselessly in carrying on the campaign.[127]
* * * * *
_October 14th._—I have been obliged to make some more arrests. Report
in says many of the people, chiefs, &c., of Shendy come in to the three
steamers now at Metemma; also that the steamers have been firing on the
Arabs of Metemma; report says that expedition advance guard is at Abou
Hamed, remainder at Merowé; that some English are coming from Kassala
with Seyd Mahomet Osman to Gros Ragéb; that the Sakkeyer Arabs meditate
a raid on Shoboloha tribes, who are favourable to Government. The Arabs
fired on the lines this morning, doing no harm. Made Ferratch Ullah,
who used to be at the Palace, a Miralli.[128]
In the two letters,[129] Faki Mustapha says the English are prisoners
at Assouan, and that the Arabs had captured _Abbas_ with Stewart at
Cataract Dar Djumna, below Abou Hamed, _which would be dismal_!
Arabs are keeping a long way off the lines since the cavalry sortie.
No sign of the arrival of the Mahdi at Omdurman. Very few horsemen to
be seen on the South Front. Query, have they gone down towards Berber?
This evening, some twelve of those arrested and allowed to stay in
their houses are to be taken to the barracks; I hate those arrests,
but one can scarcely doubt so many informants, who declare there was
“trahison” meditated, not from any wish to join Mahdi, but for fear I
was not strong enough to hold the city, and owing to Awaan’s statement,
_that he had written the letters_ I had received from Debbeh announcing
that the expeditionary force was coming.
The North side is like a market, with the camels, horses, sheep,
goats, donkeys, of the Shaggyehs, who have come up from Halfeyeh, &c.
I confess I am more perplexed about these arrests than I like; is it a
good thing? or is it not? If I could be sure that the majority wished
to go to the Mahdi, I could make up my mind at once what to do; it
would be an immense relief to me, but does the mass wish it? If they do
not, I ought to take all precautions against such an event. Then comes
the query. Am I not, in these arrests, being made a tool of by the
Turkish and Cairo elements? Are they not gratifying spites? Paul said,
“_I have learned_” (as in a school) “_in whatsoever state I am to be
content_.” I can only say, “_I am learning,” but have “not learned_.”
No sign this evening in Faki Mustapha’s camp of the arrival of the
Mahdi.
Heavy thunderstorm and rain this evening, which will be made out by the
proselytes of Mahomet Achmet as a proof of his divine pretensions. It
is rather bad for our mines.
* * * * *
_October 15th._—No spies in—everything quiet. Some begin to doubt if
Mahdi is so near.
People say I must have some news of relief, otherwise I would not have
made the arrest of Mudir, Cadi and Sheikh el Islam, &c., &c.
I see there was a total eclipse of the moon on 4th October, and there
is a partial eclipse of the sun on the 18-19th October.
I reason thus respecting the arrests: if the people really want to
go over to the Mahdi, it will make no difference beyond hastening
the event; if they do not want to go to the Mahdi it will make no
difference. If there is a minority to go to the Mahdi the arrests have
upset their plans, at any rate for a time. To my idea, these people
were only _hedging_, in order to be prepared for all contingencies.
Mahomed Pasha Hassan, who is a barometer of fear, approves of the
step—so I hear in an indirect way:—_of course_ every body approves of
it, if _asked_ by _me_, for fear of their own arrest.
I had to make three more arrests—when once one begins this detestable
practice, one never can stop. As far as I can judge the mass of people
approve of the arrests. I am now going on the principle “in for a
penny, in for a pound.” Wilfrid Blunt will make a nice row about this.
It is very odd we have had no one in from the Arabs for two days. Glad
to say I found out one arrest not just, and have let the man out.
Jeremiah was arrested over and over again, and let out by King
Zedekiah. I wonder how any man can possibly wish to enjoy despotic
power: he can never be happy or comfortable if he has any pretensions
to a conscience.
2 P.M.—Six flags appeared at Faki Mustapha’s camp. Report in town
says the Mahdi is at his Isle of Abba, 160 miles up White Nile,
attending to the circumcision of his son (poor little fellow). I hope
it is true, for it will give us ten days’ respite. He may also have
another dream there, which will tell him not to come to Kartoum, or he
may persuade his followers to have one to same effect. What a comfort!!!
The Mahdi will make it an excuse that he came for this circumcision
from Kordofan to Abba Island (where he received his first revelation
that he was the _Mahdi_), if he sees things go against him.[130]
3 P.M.—The six flags at Faki Mustapha’s camp have increased to ten
(gathering of waters). We have just completed _our_ concentration of
forces, and the steamers have just come in from their last trip from
Halfeyeh. We may now be said to be in fighting trim, close hauled.
Small steamer _Husseinyeh_ will be completed to-morrow, I hope.
6.30 P.M.—Horsemen riding to and fro in Faki Mustapha’s camp. A
letter has come in with two men from Slatin. Have received the letter,
and send back the men who brought it, at once. “You must remember,”
says England, “that when you entered my service, I bought you, as
far as your body was concerned, giving you at first 5_s._ 3_d._ per
diem, when no one else would have given you 1_s._, giving you also a
beautiful plumage and the _entrée partout_. You have advanced now to
higher pay, but on _same terms_ (your whole life and body). You can
never say you have done _more_ than your duty. If you do not do it you
break your word, and if you do it you merely fulfil your contract, and
have no _claim_ on me.”
The two men who came in with the letter of Slatin were one Arab and
one slave. The latter questioned (apart) says that the report is _that
the Mahdi will come in two days to Omdurman; that he has not been
seen; that the regular soldiers have gone back to Kordofan; and that
Faki Mustapha told him_ (the slave) _to frighten the Kartoumers_. I am
hoping the Mahdi will prove a _bogie_!
Steamers _Bordeen_ and _Ismailia_ went down below Kerowé to-day, and
saw no Arabs on the left bank of the Nile.
The quietude of Sheikh el Obeyed’s forces is curious, for they have
twice beaten us, _with heavy loss_, though they have been beaten by us,
with loss, at other times, but in minor engagements.
I begin to get over my disquietude _in re_ the arrests; from what I
hear, I think public opinion is not dissatisfied; but really it was a
strong measure to arrest Sheikh el Islam, Cadi and Mudir, and sixteen
others, and that without turning the two former out of their employ.
A lot of people were pressing for harder measures, but my new chief
clerk said “we would wish to leave it to you to do or not to do,” which
is lively, as I am innocent of what goes on, or who is a traitor, or
who is not; if ever there was a happy-go-lucky government, it is this,
in Kartoum. I declare that, sometimes, I give a decision, and have no
more idea of what the decision is about than a cow; these, however,
are exceptional cases. I have had about six bad slips in ten years,
not more, and these I have managed to rectify, with loss of prestige.
Slatin is _not_ with Faki Mustapha, so says the slave. What liars these
spies are!
If in two days I find the news correct that the Mahdi is still in
Kordofan, I shall let out all the political prisoners (which will shock
the townpeople), but will be true joy and delight to me, for it has
been a work utterly repugnant to me. I like free will (we left God with
_our own free will_, we must return with our _own free will_). I hate a
forced subjection, and I feel sure that to let these people out, with
free will to go to the Arabs or not, will be good policy. I must say
that I feel it a great compliment, when my counsellors say to _me, “Do
what you think right, irrespective of our advice,” when they know I am
ignorant of all that goes on, ignorant of the Arabic language, except
in my style, ignorant of the Arab customs, &c., &c. “You will do better
than we do_,” is what they say, and _I, poor Devil, do not know where
to turn_. Oh! our Government, our Government! what has it not to answer
for? Not to _me_, but to these poor people. I declare if I thought the
town wished the Mahdi, I would give it up: so much do I respect free
will.[131]
* * * * *
_October 16._—The letters of Slatin have arrived.[132] I have no
remarks to make on them, and cannot make out why he wrote them.
Heavy rain last night, I expect there is an end to the vitality of our
mines, and we have now no more matches to renew them.
No spies in, no Arabs visible outside their camp: it is pretty certain
that the Mahdi has not come to Omdurman.
The Austrian Consul[133] has asked me to let him write to Slatin, and
to allow him to give him (Slatin), an interview on the Lines, which I
have agreed to and sent out. Slatin’s letter to Hansall was quite in a
different tone to the one he wrote to me. What astounding lies those
spies have told about the Mahdi and his heterogeneous staff being close
here.
_Noon._—Two spies came in, one from Sheikh el Obeyed, one from
Kordofan. The latter says the Mahdi is not coming to Kartoum, but has
been recalled to Obeyed on account of the advance of expeditionary
force; that the Mahdi has withdrawn all the regulars captured here
and there from our vicinity to Kordofan; that a lot of the Arabs he
forced to come with him have deserted him. That is about all; one feels
disinclined to write these histories, which are contradicted a few days
afterwards. Certainly the Arabs are very quiet, and one does not see
many about. I hope to be able to let out the prisoners on New Year’s
Day of Arab year 1302, which is on 21st October. I shall make Ferratch
Pasha do the honours of the day, I cannot stand these pageants. A woman
came in from the Dem on the South Lines; she says a few days ago there
was a regular panic caused by report of troops having captured Katarif;
half the Arabs went southward. However the report was contradicted and
they have come back.
Slatin’s letter to Austrian Consul contains the remark “that if he
comes over to me I must promise never to surrender the city, _as he
would then suffer terrible tortures and death_.” He evidently is not
a Spartan, he also says “that he changed his religion because he had
not had much attention paid to his religious belief when young.” If
he gets away I shall take him to the Congo with me, he will want some
_quarantine_; one feels sorry for him.
Slatin says there is a rumour that a boat of Stewart’s expedition,
down Nile, was captured by Arabs at the cataract Dar Djumna, below Abou
Hamed, but he doubts its truth; this, in his letter to the consul.
The Arabs have not occupied Halfeyeh. The Shaggyeh are pulling down
Goba and Hogali, the village opposite the Palace. The village of
Omdurman is levelled. The little steamer _Husseinyeh_ is finished and
armed, and will go up against the Arabs (her virgin trip), on Saturday
morning. They have put a little lion as figure-head to it.
Fancy post-office officials (of all people), who have done literally
nothing for seven months (not being _able_ to do anything), asking for
increase of pay!! These people have no conscience. There were very few
Arabs to be seen on south front this day, and few were seen going to
Giraffe. At Faki Mustapha there also seems no numbers, in spite of the
great array of grass huts erected for the Mahdi. Report in town says
that the Arabs in Kordofan say the Mahdi is all fudge, and that they
are robbed more now under his name than before, when they were under
the Government.
Report says the Mahdi sent Sheikh el Obeyed (the _man_ not the _city_)
to tell him to come to Obeyed (the _city_ not the _man_), and devotes
himself to God’s service as a dervish. The Sheikh el Obeyed (the _man_
not the _city_)[134] does not see it, for he is very rich (I know it is
a horrid nuisance these names, but I did not give them). It would be a
charity to execute the _man_, for those who are perplexed, and end the
difficulty. We cannot execute the city.
* * * * *
_October 17._—Church parade at minimum: that at Faki Mustapha’s Dem
some 400: that at south front not more than a 1000.
[Illustration]
Mr. Gladstone has a rival up here in shirt collars: Mohamed Bey Ibrahim
appeared to-day with regular wings rather ragged, his collars up to his
ears, regular orthodox patterns.
I am sending _Bordeen_ and _Husseinyeh_ up the White Nile to
reconnoitre, and the horsemen out towards Giraffe and Halfeyeh.
I shall have nothing to do with Slatin’s coming in here to stay, unless
he has the Mahdi’s positive leave, which he is not likely to get: his
doing so would be the breaking of his parole, which should be as sacred
when given to the Mahdi as to any other power, and it would jeopardise
the safety of all those Europeans, prisoners with Mahdi.[135]
According to all accounts, the cataract at Dar Djumna below Abou Hamed
is a very small one, so I am in hopes it is a false rumour that we
have lost the boat. A slave came from Faki Mustapha, saying the Mahdi
is at Jura Hadra, his people suffering from sickness: many have gone
back to Khordofan. All regulars have gone back, they have little grain,
and people are discontented. This man brought his rifle in with him;
219 days to-day we have been boxed up; four of the principal men were
allowed to be prisoners in their houses, one of these allowed a man to
come to him and bribe the sentry with two dollars: this man was whipped
off to the prison at once. The Sheikh el Islam let two women come to
him, he was only threatened. We caught a man going over to the Arabs
to-day, he had under his ordinary costume the Dervish dress. If Zubair
was here he would take off heads I feel sure. I content myself with
fearful threats, which they know are nothing.
* * * * *
_October 18._—The _cavalry_ went out towards Giraffe, and captured
five _female_ slaves! and killed three Arabs, who resisted their being
taken. I own I do not feel satisfied with the killing of these men, but
I suppose it is _war_: we lost none. The captive ladies had little to
say more than the Arabs had two guns at Giraffe.
_Bordeen_ and _Husseinyeh_ went up the White Nile, saw no Arabs
at first, but coming back Arabs got down two guns and opened fire,
they killed one man and wounded another. I had warned these steamers
distinctly to keep in the middle of river, and not to go near the
banks. The casualities were from musketry. Arabs fired fifteen rounds
(gun), _Husseinyeh_ fired ten rounds (gun), _Bordeen_ fired ten rounds
(gun). I have stopped these steamers going up the White Nile for the
future. The officer is entirely responsible for the death of this man,
for I had given orders that, _even_ if they saw cattle or boats, they
were not to be enticed to the banks to get them. I never will believe
in ships against land batteries, unless troops are landed, for _unless_
a steamer can get close alongside a battery, the battery will hold its
own.
* * * * *
_October 19._—This morning, in spite of my orders not to leave the
lines, Bourré must needs send out men, and the consequence was that I
have a Bimbashi and six men wounded, however I think I have stopped
these excursions for the future. The _cavalry_ went out from the North
Fort to Halfeyeh, and saw no one, and captured a cow!
I hope it will be remembered that with respect to white troops
(Fellaheen) on board the now four steamers at Metemma, I make you a
handsome present of them (officers and all), and request that if you
use the steamers you will disembark those men and take them on your
list, for we never wish to see them (and to have to feed them) up
here again. _You will be carrying out the evacuation policy!!!_ If
you do not use the steamers, please send them back _empty of these
Fellaheen troops_, but send me _their rifles_. You will soon have a
fine contingent? for I have everything ready for a _general discharge
of Cairo débris_ (Bashi Bazouks, &c., &c.), the moment I hear you are
really at Berber; I shall not wait to ask your leave, for I have had
enough of the débris up here, and you can feed them better than we
can; _at any rate, they will be off my hands_, and _on yours_. I hope
it will be an understood thing that _every Egyptian soldier_ you find
_belongs to you_, and that you will not send him back to me. I nobly
present you _with them all_, and then, besides that, you have the glory
of living representatives of your rescuing expedition. I object and
protest against (when once Egyptian soldiers come into your lines) your
returning them to Kartoum. As for their pay, &c., as far as I have been
able to order, it ought to be quite clear what is owed them. I have
given orders enough about that subject, as Stewart knows. I include
_officers_ as _well as men_. I want to see them no more. _Pray attend
to this request!_[136]
The _Talataween_ came in this evening from Shendy; reports Seyd
Mahomet Osman has come to Gros Rageb with English troops. English
troops are coming from Debbeh by Nile, and have passed Abou Hamed.
Arabs captured two boats of Stewart’s expedition, by means of the
captured steamer _Fascher_ above Abou Hamed, which our steamers had
seen getting up steam: _vide_ my journal. I had a feeling about this
that when the steamers had seen the Arab steamer _Fascher_ getting up
steam they ought to have staid and tried to prevent the pursuit. The
Arabs have a gun at Shendy, which came from Berber. The English troops
are only two days distant from Berber. The steamers had twenty-five
wounded, they collected eleven prisoners, and captured four boats. One
of our men was killed. The _Towfikia_ lost none on going down. I am
sending down the _Bordeen_ and _Talataween_ the day after to-morrow
to Shendy, with order to leave one steamer at Shendy, and go on with
the other four to Berber, and to remain in its neighbourhood. The
_Mansowrrah_ will stay at Shendy, and the _Talataween_, _Bordeen_,
_Saphia_, and _Towfikia_ will go towards Berber. I shall keep
_Ismailia_ and _Husseinyeh_ here.
STATEMENT OF TROOPS, ARMS, AMMUNITION, GRAIN, &C., IN KARTOUM, 19TH
OCTOBER, 1884.
No. of Black Troops, Regulars 2316
A White 1421
B Cairo Bashi Bazouks 1906
Shaggyeh 2330
Townspeople enrolled 692
————
Total 8665
A and B will be sent to Berber as soon as it is possible to find
Transport, and as soon as you get to Berber.
No. of Guns upon Lines 12
Steamers 11
Rounds Gun Ammunition 21,141
” Small Arms, Remington 2,165,000
” Arsenal turns out weekly 40,000
_Amount of Grain and Biscuit in Magazine._
Grain Ardebs 4,018
Biscuit Okes 349,000
Weekly consumption of Troops Ardebs 500
No. of Steamers 7
Private Boats 58
Government Boats 53
Money in Specie £2900
Paper £39,195
_October 20th._—Here is a summary of reports brought by _Talataween_,
which left Shendy four days ago. _Abbas_ went down to Hagar Homar with
her four boats. She was pursued by _Fascher_, which captured two of
her boats, with twelve Greeks. The _Abbas_ turned and fired two cannon
shots at the _Fascher_, which retired, and the _Abbas_ went on her way
and was seen no more. She is supposed to have been attacked by Arabs
below Abou Hamed and drove off attack, killing seventy-two Arabs, the
Greeks captured in the two boats were not hurt by the Arabs. When
the _Abbas_ got to Debbeh the troops advanced towards Berber. Three
distinct parties moving on Berber: _one_ through the desert of Korosko
(the Arabs have put 1500 men and a gun at Abou Hamed); _one_ from
Merowé to Berber across the desert (making forts at intervals), and
_one_ with Seyd Mahomet Osman down the Atbara valley towards El Damer
(which place is at the junction of the Atbara with the Nile) assisted
by Awad Kerim. The steamers have been bombarding Metemma and Shendy, I
expect with no great effect.
To-day came in from Waled a Goun two men and three women. They say the
Mahdi is opposite Kalakla, _i.e._ within two miles of Kartoum, few
people with him; those who came with him from Kordofan have, in great
part, gone back.
In yesterday’s skirmish the Arabs lost two men in the steamer fight,
the day before they lost more. Waled a Goun has sent his family to
Gitana; many are deserting.
An officer and sergeant have escaped and come into Omdurman.
They say that the Arabs of Berber were warned by someone in the town of
the descent of the _Abbas_. I have ordered the sale of 200 ardebs of
Dhoora on the strength of this news. A man, who was at Berber, on board
one of the captured steamers says Ferratch Pasha! and other officers
have sent news to the Arabs, and that the Arab chief of Berber wrote to
Cassim el Mousse, proposing he should kill me, which Cassim el Mousse
refused to do. This Mahomet el Khair is a true cur, for I have ever
treated him well. I expect if the truth was known very few notables or
officials have not been hedging with the Arabs.
The Shaggyeh on the opposite side are yelling, on enquiring find it
is for Dhoora; they have had their month’s rations and the month is
not up. I went to the telegraph office and told them that “till the
month was up I would give them none, but that the Sheikh el Obeyed had
plenty, and that if they liked they could go to him;” no answer was
given to this telegram.
The officer and sergeant who came in at Omdurman say the Mahdi with
all Europeans, Hassan Khalifa, Saleh Pasha, and _that_ Frenchman are
opposite Kalakla, and that he means coming to Omdurman, that the Arabs
are not in good heart.
The _Saphia_ and the _Mansowrrah_ ought to have laid off Berber, and
prevented the exit of the _Fascher_ when the _Abbas_ went down, but
I expect they only cared to come back here. I am much put out at the
loss of those two boats. What one has felt so much here is the want of
men like Gessi, or Massodaglia, or Slatin; but I have had no one to
whom I could entrust expeditions like that. _I do sincerely hope all
Egyptians and Turks or Circassian officers and men may be taken out of
the steamers and kept by you; it would be too bad to send them back
to me._. I do not mean the _captains_ or _engineers_ of _steamers_.
Twenty-two wounded men were brought to the hospital (four were gravely
wounded) from Shendy steamer. I wish you to take command of steamers,
but do not let any _Khedival authority_ do so, _for he will certainly
be bribed to let back the Egyptians_. Please acknowledge the receipt
of the Journal, of which this is Vol. 4. As far as my experience goes,
there are not more contemptible troops, officers, and men than the
Egyptians, so beware of them, and, with scarcely an exception, all
Turks and Circassians in Egyptian employ are emasculated.
I have prepared to clear out of the Palace, and have five houses ready
for occupation. I hope Cuzzi’s baggage will be searched, for I feel
sure he is a traitor. A slave came in this evening from Waled al Goun
with the usual story of the near approach of the Mahdi; that Arabs want
food; that regulars mean to desert when they get an opportunity. With
the reiterated request that I may not have any _Egyptians, Turks, or
Circassians sent back to me_, I end this Journal.
C. G. GORDON.
20/10/84.
The sunset to-night ends the year 1301, and begins 1302.