59. Moderate Tone of Apology.

The tone of the Apology is much sharper than that of the Augsburg

Confession. The situation had changed; hence the manner of dealing with

the opposition also changed. The Romanists had fully revealed themselves

as implacable enemies, who absolutely refused a peace on the basis of

truth and justice. In the Conclusion of the Apology we read: "But as to

the want of unity and dissension in the Church, it is well known how

these matters first happened and who caused the division namely, the

sellers of indulgences, who shamefully preached intolerable lies, and

afterwards condemned Luther for not approving of those lies, and

besides, they again and again excited more controversies, so that Luther

was induced to attack many other errors. But since our opponents would

not tolerate the truth, and dared to promote manifest errors by force it

is easy to judge who is guilty of the schism. Surely, all the world, all

wisdom, all power ought to yield to Christ and his holy Word. But the

devil is the enemy of God, and therefore rouses all his might against

Christ to extinguish and suppress the Word of God. Therefore the devil

with his members, setting himself against the Word of God, is the cause

of the schism and want of unity. For we have most zealously sought

peace, and still most eagerly desire it, provided only we are not forced

to blaspheme and deny Christ. For God, the discerner of all men's

hearts, is our witness that we do not delight and have no joy in this

awful disunion. On the other hand, our adversaries have so far not been

willing to conclude peace without stipulating that we must abandon the

saving doctrine of the forgiveness of sin by Christ without our merit,

though Christ would be most foully blasphemed thereby." (451.)

Such being the attitude of the Romanists, there was no longer any reason

for Melanchthon to have any special consideration for these implacable

opponents of the Lutherans and hardened enemies of the Gospel, of the

truth, and of religious liberty and peace. Reconciliation with Rome was

out of the question. Hence he could yield more freely to his impulse

here than in the Augustana; for when this Confession was written an

agreement was not considered impossible. In a letter of July 15, 1530,

informing Luther of the pasquinades delivered to the Emperor,

Melanchthon declared: "If an answer will become necessary, I shall

certainly remunerate these wretched, bloody men. _Si continget, ut

respondendum sit, ego profecto remunerabor istos nefarios viros

sanguinum_." (_C. R._ 2, 197.) And when about to conclude the Apology, he

wrote to Brenz, April 8, 1531: "I have entirely laid aside the mildness

which I formerly exercised toward the opponents. Since they will not

employ me as a peacemaker, but would rather have me as their enemy, I

shall do what the matter requires, and faithfully defend our cause."

(494.) But while Melanchthon castigates the papal theologians, he spares

and even defends the Emperor.

In Luther's _Remarks on the Alleged Imperial Edict,_ of 1531, we read:

"I, Martin Luther, Doctor of the Sacred Scriptures and pastor of the

Christians at Wittenberg, in publishing these Remarks, wish it to be

distinctly understood that anything I am writing in this booklet against

the alleged imperial edict or command is not to be viewed as written

against his Imperial Majesty or any higher power, either of spiritual or

civil estate.... I do not mean the pious Emperor nor the pious lords,

but the traitors and reprobates (be they princes or bishops), and

especially that fellow whom St. Paul calls God's opponent (I should say

God's vicar), the arch-knave, Pope Clement, and his servant Campegius,

and the like, who plan to carry out their desperate, nefarious roguery

under the imperial name, or, as Solomon says, at court." (16, 1666.)

Luther then continues to condemn the Diet in unqualified terms. "What a

disgraceful Diet," says he, "the like of which was never held and never

heard of, and nevermore shall be held or heard of, on account of his

disgraceful action! It cannot but remain an eternal blot on all princes

and the entire empire, and makes all Germans blush before God and all

the world." But he continues exonerating and excusing the Emperor: "Let

no one tremble on account of this edict which they so shamefully invent

and publish in the name of the pious Emperor. And should they not

publish their lies in the name of a pious Emperor, when their entire

blasphemous, abominable affair was begun and maintained for over six

hundred years in the name of God and the Holy Church?" (16, 1634.)

In a similar manner Melanchthon, too, treats the Emperor. He calls him

"_optimum imperatorem,_" and speaks of "the Emperor's most gentle

disposition, _mansuetissimum Caesaris pectus,_" which Eck and his party

were seeking to incite to bloodshed. (_C. R._ 2, 197.) In the Preface he

says: "And now I have written with the greatest moderation possible; and

if any expression appears too severe, I must say here beforehand that I

am contending with the theologians and monks who wrote the Confutation,

and not with the Emperor or the princes, whom I hold in due esteem."

(101.) In Article 23 Melanchthon even rises to the apostrophe: "And

these their lusts they ask you to defend with your chaste right hand,

Emperor Charles (whom even certain ancient predictions name as the king

of modest face; for the saying appears concerning you: 'One modest in

face shall reign everywhere')." (363.)

The Confutators, however, the avowed enemies of truth and peace, were

spared no longer. Upon them Melanchthon now pours out the lye of bitter

scorn. He excoriates them as "desperate sophists, who maliciously

interpret the holy Gospel according to their dreams," and as "coarse,

sluggish, inexperienced theologians." He denounces them as men "who for

the greater part do not know whereof they speak," and "who dare to

destroy this doctrine of faith with fire and sword," etc. Occasionally

Melanchthon even loses his dignified composure. Article 6 we read: "Quis

docuit illos asinos hanc dialecticam?" Article 9: "Videant isti asini."

In his book of 1534 against the Apology, Cochlaeus complains that the

youthful Melanchthon called old priests asses, sycophants, windbags,

godless sophists, worthless hypocrites, etc. In the margin he had

written: "Fierce and vicious he is, a barking dog toward those who are

absent, but to those who were present at Augsburg, Philip was more

gentle than a pup. _Ferox et mordax est, latrator in absentes,

praesentes erat Augustae omni catello blandior Philippus_." (Salig, 1,

377.)

On this score, however, Cochlaeus and his papal compeers had no reason

to complain, for they had proved to be past masters in vilifying and

slandering the Lutherans, as well as implacable enemies, satisfied with

nothing short of their blood and utter destruction. As a sample of their

scurrility W. Walther quotes the following from a book written by Duke

George of Saxony: "Er [Luther] ist gewiss mit dem Teufel besessen, mit

der ganzen Legion, welche Christus von den Besessenen austrieb und

erlaubte ihnen, in die Schweine zu fahren. Diese Legion hat dem Luther

seinen Moenchschaedel hirnwuetig und wirbelsuechtig gemacht. Du

unruhiger, treuloser und meineidiger Kuttenbube! Du bist allein der

groesste, groebste Esel und Narr, du verfluchter Apostat! Hieraus kann

maenniglich abnehmen die Verraeterei und Falschheit deines

blutduerstigen Herzens, rachgierigen Gemuets und teuflischen Willens, so

du, Luther, gegen deinen Naechsten tobend, als ein toerichter Hund mit

offenem Maul ohne Unterlass wagest. Du treuloser Bube und teuflischer

Moench! Du deklarierter Mameluck and verdammter Zwiedarm, deren neun

einen Pickharden gelten. Ich sage vornehmlich, dass du selbst der aller

unverstaendigste Bacchant und zehneckichte Cornut und Bestia bist. Du

meineidiger, treuloser und ehrenblosser Fleischboesewicht! Pfui dich

nun, du sakrilegischer, der ausgelaufenen Moenche und Nonnen, der

abfaelligen Pfaffen und aller Abtruennigen Hurenwirt! Ei, Doktor

Schandluther! Mein Doktor Erzesel, ich will dir's prophezeit haben, der

allmaechtige Gott wird dir kuerzlich die Schanze brechen und deiner

boshaftigsten, groebsten Eselheit Feierabend geben. Du Sauboze, Doktor

Sautrog! Doktor Eselsohr! Doktor Filzhut! Zweiundsiebzig Teufel sollen

dich lebendig in den Abgrund der Hoelle fuehren. Ich will machen, dass

du als ein Hoellenhund sollst Feuer ausspruehen und dich endlich selbst

verbrennen. Ich will dich dem wuetenigen Teufel und seiner Hurenmutter

mit einem blutigen Kopf in den Abgrund der Hoelle schicken." (_Luthers

Charakter,_ 148.)

Despite the occasional asperity referred to, the Apology, as a whole, is

written with modesty and moderation. Melanchthon sought to keep the

track as clear as possible for a future understanding. In the interest

of unity, which he never lost sight of entirely, he was conservative and

not disposed needlessly to widen the existing gulf. In the Preface to

the Apology he declares: "It has always been my custom in these

controversies to retain, so far as I was at all able, the form of the

customarily received doctrine, in order that at some time concord could

be reached the more readily. Nor, indeed, am I now departing far from

this custom, although I could justly lead away the men of this age still

farther from the opinions of the adversaries." (101.) This irenic

feature is perhaps most prominent in the 10th Article, Of the Lord's

Supper, where Melanchthon, in order to satisfy the opponents as to the

orthodoxy of the Lutherans in the doctrine of the Real Presence,

emphasizes the agreement in such a manner that he has been misunderstood

as endorsing also the Romish doctrine of Transubstantiation.

Historical Introductions to the Symbolical Books of the Evangelical Lutheran Church · 第 65 / 313 题