A Double Wedding.--Its Celebration.--The Honeymoon.--Its
Interruption.--Warlike Preparations.--Soong-kong
Invested.--General Ching's Despatch.--Tsing-poo
Recaptured.--Ti-ping Seventy Excused.--England's
Responsibility.--Curious Chinese Custom.--The Chung-wang's
Policy.--His Explanation.--The Ti-ping Court of Justice.--How
Conducted.--Opium Smoking.--Its Effects.--Evidence
thereof.--Forbidden by Ti-ping Law.--Opium Trade.
Soon after our return to Nankin, the Chung-wang, having left the Shi,
Mo, Ting, and other Wangs, in charge of the lately captured Shanghae and
Hang-chow districts, despatched considerable reinforcements to the
Ying-wang, on the northern side of the Yang-tze river, and to the
Ti-ping positions along the southern bank. These troops quickly
dispersed the Imperialist force supposed to be investing Nankin from the
hills on the opposite side of the river, and recaptured many towns on
the southern side.
Meanwhile, at the Ti-ping capital, Marie became my wife, while my friend
L. received the Chung-wang's youngest daughter in marriage. When
Cum-ho's father ascertained the state of that young lady's affections,
he sanctioned her union with L., although his better half made no little
opposition at first, her ambitious mind being directed to the Mo-wang as
a suitable son-in-law. This, however, she eventually accomplished by
giving the chief her next eldest daughter as a wife. We were married
according to the ritual of the Ti-ping church, but with the addition of
using a ring, in conformity with the usage of our own. The Kan-wang's
own chaplain, who was an ordained teacher of the London Missionary
Society at Hong-kong, performed the ceremony.
Since the arrival of the Kan-wang at Nankin, he had altered the Ti-ping
marriage service so as to closely resemble that of the English church,
to which he had been used when principal native instructor and catechist
of the London Mission. Although by the laws of the state polygamy was
allowed, the improvements introduced by the Prime Minister, in fact we
may term them regulations, had almost abolished the custom, so that few
among the people married more than one wife.
Although L. and myself were married on the same day, and nearly at the
same time, there was a vast difference between the style of the two
ceremonies. Marie agreed with me in preferring a quiet solemnization,
with only a few friends present; but L., taking to wife a chief's
daughter, was obliged to undergo the usual pomp and festivity.
After my own marriage had been concluded, preparations for that of my
friend were made in the "Heavenly Hall" of the Chung-wang's palace. The
Hall was decorated with flowers and a profusion of silken flags and
streamers. Several large tables in a side chamber were loaded with
bridal presents from friends, who, with all the household, were
assembled to witness the ceremony. The Chung, Kan, Foo, and all the
other Wangs present, wore their state robes and coronets, while the
dresses of many of the ladies were still more beautiful and dazzling.
Besides the Kan-wang's chaplain, the principal ecclesiastic in Nankin
officiated, dressed in a splendid black silk garment broidered with gold
and silver crosses, both of whom, attended by several priests, took up
their position before the altar, which was decorated with large garlands
of flowers.
At last, when everything was ready, the bride, completely enveloped in a
long white veil, was escorted to the Hall by nine young girls dressed
in scarlet, and with red flowers in their hair. At the same time L., in
the full costume of a Ti-ping chief of the "Woo" rank (to which he had
been raised by the Chung-wang's wish), came to the right side of the
altar attended by nine young chiefs. After the bridegroom and bride were
united, the ceremony was concluded by a short service, nearly
approaching to that of the Sabbath, and then, entering two magnificent
sedans, they were conveyed to their new home (a house given them by the
Chung-wang) by a vast and gorgeous cavalcade. The newly-married couple
now entertained a number of guests to a festive meal in the principal
hall of their house. Meanwhile, with my wife, I removed from the
Chung-wang's palace and took up my abode with L., the house being
divided between us.
During several months, as it is, I presume, with nearly all
newly-married people, we paid but little attention to the outside world,
and, with the exception of the periodical arrival and departure of our
friends D. and Captain P. with the vessels, and the addition of three
Frenchmen, who had served in the French artillery at Shanghae, to our
corps of the Chung-wang's army, but little occurred to divert us from
our honeymoon. In the mean time the Commander-in-Chief was occupied
making his plans for further operations against the Manchoo, with the
intention of recapturing the towns and territory that had lately fallen
into their possession, and making a movement against their capital,
Pekin. Before, however, these tactics could be put into execution, news
came from the Shanghae district of the hostilities commenced by the
British and French, and of the consequent defeat of the Ti-ping local
forces, and the capture of their cities and villages. Immediately,
orders were sent recalling the reinforcements despatched to the
Ying-wang, and the force operating along the southern bank of the
Yang-tze, while from the garrisons of Nankin and other cities troops
were concentrated upon Soo-chow.
With natural reluctance I prepared to accompany the Chung-wang on his
march to the threatened districts, accompanied by my friend, who felt
how difficult it was to part with his youthful Ti-ping bride. Our
feelings were not indeed to be envied when, upon a misty, heavily
raining, and more than usually disagreeable Chinese morning in May,
between the chilly hours of three and four, we set out on the march for
Soo-chow. Even Phillip, although his honeymoon had terminated long
before ours began, appeared to feel as gloomy as myself and L. upon
parting with our wives.
As we slowly rode through the high city portal, dimly lighted by the
glare of lanterns and torches, the rain poured down in continuous
streams, as though it never intended to cease again. Fortunately we had
the promise of the rainbow, and I imagine the Chinese must have known it
also, or the whole force might have become panic-stricken with the dread
of another deluge. Splash, splash went our horses, and tramp, tramp came
the soldiery, through the mud, the former drooping and the latter
dripping. The tenacity, consistency, and otherwise sticky properties of
Chinese mud, are really wonderful, and in wet weather cause the
pedestrians' feet, to sound like a huge sucker suddenly torn from some
sympathetic substance. The rain beating in our faces every now and then
compelled us to close our eyes and risk their being picked out by the
iron spikes on the ends of the bamboos carried by the surrounding
spearmen. Every thing and animal presented a miserable and draggled
appearance. The few trees in the neighbourhood of the city, dimly seen
in the hazy grey of morning as we passed under their shadows, looked
more like huge spectres outlined against the foggy background. The very
houses presented a weird and desolate aspect as they became faintly
visible through the heavy rain and dense atmosphere.
A march of five days brought our forces to the city of Soo-chow, when
preparations were immediately made to move the troops to the defence of
the Ti-ping territory in the vicinity of Shanghae and Ningpo. The
Tow-wang, with the principal part of his forces, had been recalled from
the northern side of the Yang-tze, leaving the Ying-wang in command of
the different positions still held. This contingent, with those from
Nankin and Soo-chow, the Chung-wang's immediate command, and other
detachments, composed an army of some 50,000 men. The Commander-in-Chief,
a few days after his arrival at Soo-chow, moved forward in three columns
to the threatened quarter. With my company of partly disciplined men and
a few light pieces of artillery, I accompanied the division attached to
the Chung-wang himself. Each of the other _corps d'armee_ were
respectively commanded by the Mo and Tow Wangs.
Marching rapidly upon the places lately captured by the allied
Anglo-Franco-Manchoo forces, those garrisoned only by Imperialists were
very quickly retaken. On Kah-ding and other cities held by the
foreigners with their irresistible artillery, no direct assault was at
first made. The Chung-wang's tactics were, circulating exaggerated
rumours that with an immense force he was marching for Shanghae, and by
continual mock attacks upon Kah-ding, Na-ziang, &c., with men carrying
numberless flags, to harass the garrisons so as to compel them to
abandon their positions. These tactics were entirely successful. General
Staveley, and the other commanders, fearing for the safety of Shanghae
and the fate of their detachments guarding the lately captured towns,
evacuated all excepting Soong-kong, which was held in conjunction with
the filibuster General Ward's disciplined Chinese.
Having recaptured Kah-ding, the Chung-wang established his head-quarters
at the city of Chang-za, some forty miles north-west of Shanghae, while
his subordinate generals successively occupied the places evacuated by
the allies. The brave Ling-ho, with his regiment of Honan guards, made a
dashing attempt to carry Soong-kong by storm. Just at daylight on the
morning of May the 30th, this gallant chief, with less than 1,500 men,
made a desperate attack upon the north-east side of the city. So
suddenly was the attempt made, that when the garrison had manned the
walls, the scaling-ladders were actually planted against them. These
ladders consisted simply of two long bamboos secured together at either
end about two feet apart, the man to ascend being pushed up by men from
below with another bamboo, while he assisted himself with the uprights.
Soong-kong would certainly have been captured but for the circumstance
of its being held by a strong detachment of the seamen and marines of
Ward's dear and invaluable friend Admiral Hope, who, at the expense of
the British tax-payers, instead of attending to his ships, chose to
scour Chinese territory, hunting for Ti-pings wherever they were to be
found. The first to man the walls of Soon-kong were the men of H.B.M.S.
_Centaur_, who opened a heavy fire upon the assaulting column at a few
yards' distance. In spite of this, Ling-ho led his men up their
scaling-ladders, and was himself the first upon the wall, the second
being the French commander of his regiment. Their gallantry, however,
was unavailing, the deadly Enfield rifles and the showers of grape and
canister crashing among the Ti-pings within half pistol-range proved
irresistible. Ling-ho fell mortally wounded while striving with his
usual surpassing courage to animate his men to follow him, and his brave
French officer was killed by his side. This settled the action, and
sorrowfully carrying off their wounded leader, the Ti-pings retired from
the attack.
During the next few days a part of the Chung-wang's division having
arrived before the place, Soong-kong was closely invested. On the 2nd of
June a large Imperialist force was driven out of some strong stockades
they had erected close to the city, while one of the _Centaur's_ gigs
and a dozen Chinese gunboats loaded with arms and ammunition were
captured in a neighbouring creek. Seeing this, the whole British force,
accompanied by a body of Ward's Chinese, made a powerful sortie, and
succeeded in recapturing the gig and two or three of the gunboats, the
rest being carried off by the Ti-pings. During the 3rd, 4th, and 5th of
June, each day an attempt was made to storm the city, and outside the
west gate a battery was erected, from which the besiegers opened fire in
the morning, but upon every occasion it was effectually silenced by the
superior fire of the British guns on the walls.
The gig's crew and some other Europeans captured in the gunboats were
not harmed by the Ti-pings, although, had the latter simply followed the
law of retaliation, they would have met with the fate of the
unfortunates who were delivered over to the Manchoo execution-grounds,
after having fallen into the hands of British soldiers during the late
freebooting raids of Admirals Hope and Protet, and General Staveley.
I cannot do better than give a few extracts from the summons to
surrender sent into Soong-kong by Ching, the chief in command of the
besiegers. General Ching, after a preamble setting forth the object of
the Ti-ping revolution, stated:--
"Now, having received our king's commands to hold the city of
Soo-chow, we had intended to remain there, and give the
Heavenly[19] soldiers rest, and not to take your place, not
imagining you would league with the foreigners and attack my
cities, forcing me to rise up and retake them. _For this
causeless misfortune, for this injury to the people, who then is
to blame?_ Had you not invaded my territories, I should not have
troubled you; _the people would have remained undisturbed._
Would not this have been better for both sides?
"Again, all the officers, both military and civil, all the
soldiers, too, and the people, are without exception Chinese;
and you eat the bread of the Tsing[20] dynasty, serving a
stranger....
"As for you, O foreign troops, you had best return to your
native country, as quickly as may be; _for, being a distinct
race_, AND SEEKING TRADE ONLY, _why should you contend with me,
or why should I be compelled to overcome you?_... If you are
resolved and will fight with me, I fear, indeed, your trade will
suffer."
Upon the l0th of June the Mo-wang succeeded in recapturing Tsing-poo,
the garrison of Ward's Chinese, a British force 600 strong, with six
guns, evacuating the city _after almost completely destroying it by
fire_! The filibuster officer (Colonel Forrester) in command of Ward's
force having, in his hurry, forgotten to carry off some of his loot
(gathered during the late successful campaign against the Ti-ping
cities), ran back for it, and was captured by the Mo-wang's men just as
he was rushing away loaded with sycee and dollars. This man, whom the
Europeans captured at Soong-kong, as also eleven British seamen taken
prisoners at the evacuation of Kah-ding by the allies, were all
liberated by the Ti-pings. In vain I represented to the Chung-wang the
policy of retaining them as hostages for any of his own chiefs who might
fall into the hands of the enemy, and most probably be delivered over to
the reeking execution-shambles at Shanghae and elsewhere. He would not
retain them, but had them released, so as to exhibit his unalterable
friendship for Europeans.
I would not willingly screen a single fault upon the part of my Ti-ping
friends; but, after viewing all events calmly, when many thousand miles
away from aught that could bias or warp the judgment, I must confess
that I can scarcely find the slightest grounds for censure upon any
point.
I had certainly intended to blame the Tow and Mo-wangs for the severity
of their measures towards the people of those villages, which, upon the
successful raids of the allied forces, had proved renegade, and had
given in their allegiance to the Manchoo. But, consideration of the
primary cause of the destruction of many Ti-ping cities and villages,
and the subsequent devastation of some that had been left whole by the
allies, conclusively fixes the guilty responsibility upon the latter, by
reason of their wanton attack upon the Ti-ping territory. After the
recapture of some places, people who had been well known as subjects of
the Tien-wang were found with the shaved head (the badge of the Manchoo)
and other strong and irrefragable proof of their traitorous conduct;
many of these were decapitated, and their property confiscated. In like
manner, some of the villages that had, with Chinese apathy, at once gone
over to the Imperialists, were burned down, and the people compelled to
labour as coolies. These measures may appear harsh; but, if events had
occurred otherwise, and the Imperialists had occupied the position of
the Ti-pings, fresh evidence would be given that there were prototypes
of the notorious Yeh in every Manchoo official!
The Shanghae district had been captured by the revolutionists; after
that event, the people were gradually settling down to the new state of
affairs, while those who had naturally fled from the shock of war were
fast returning to their homes and giving in allegiance to the dominant
power. In fact, so well were the lately disturbed departments recovering
from the effect of the civil war, that in a short time they would
certainly have attained the high state of prosperity enjoyed by the silk
districts, then thoroughly settled under Ti-ping rule. The question as
to the relative right of each belligerent has nothing to do with the
present argument. Each party to the civil war had their own causes and
reasons, and these certainly concerned no one but themselves. The simple
question is this:--After the Ti-pings had proved their power to
successfully dispute the Manchoo authority, and had wrested large tracts
of land from their foreign yoke, who became responsible for again
carrying the horrors of war, with its attendant misery and desolation,
into a country which would otherwise have remained happy in its freedom,
peaceful and nominally Christian? Who other than England?
Upon the suppositional "mights" elsewhere described, Admiral Hope and
his colleagues captured the cities and villages within a radius of
thirty miles from Shanghae, burning and destroying (as proved in this
work by the words of the Admiral himself) everywhere. These places were
then captured a second time by the Ti-pings, and subsequently recaptured
by the allies. Now, for the cruelties and devastations inflicted four
times over by the sword of Asiatic warfare, in the words of the Ti-ping
general long since in the presence of his God, I ask, "For this
causeless misfortune, for this injury to the people, who then is to
blame?"
Plain it is to all who will judge fairly and honourably, that England is
heavily responsible for the effects of the unprovoked hostilities
carried by her soldiers and sailors into the Ti-ping dominions. Besides
the more direct evil consequences of that most evil policy, there were
others not so well known though closely connected with it. In the first
place, few people are aware, or trouble themselves to reflect, that the
wholesale destruction of grain and rice by the allies (as per Admiral
Hope's despatches) led to the starvation of many thousands of the
unfortunate country people. The Ti-ping system of Government is one of a
paternal form (so favorite with the Chinese, but so seldom obtained),
involving a community of interests upon the part of every subject.
Consequent upon this, all rice crops and other descriptions of grain
were gathered regularly into the state granaries, and from thence
supplied to every person and family in the respective departments of the
"Land divisions of the Ti-ping dynasty." Consequently, when the whole
stores of food were destroyed in the districts ravaged by Admiral Hope
and others, the miserable people had literally nothing to eat; so that,
although the Ti-ping soldiery were killed in hundreds by the
irresistible foreign artillery, the non-combatants perished by tens of
thousands from famine.
Then again: the only means of support for the large Ti-ping armies, the
Government and administrative machinery, were precisely similar to those
of other nations; that is to say, from direct and indirect taxation.
Naturally, therefore, when England maintained the treaty ports against
the Ti-pings, and when Admiral Hope invaded their territory, many
valuable sources of revenue were cut off. If a nation, or organized body
of people, possess neither settled territory nor regular revenue, they
must plunder their neighbours in order to exist, and by this mode of
reasoning it is evident that England is responsible for all plundering
or brigandage committed by the Ti-pings when driven from their
dominions, and defrauded of their just dues by her intervention. At the
time, however, to which we have now arrived (summer of 1862), the
revolutionists had not been expelled from the valuable silk, and a great
proportion of the tea, districts, the revenue upon the productions of
which exceeded L2,500,000 sterling per annum. Previous to their
expulsion from these districts, the Ti-pings only acted as marauders
when literally compelled to do so in order to save their own lives, and
when any people in the world would have acted in the same manner. When
driven back by the raids of Admiral Hope and General Staveley, the
troops and people, rendered destitute, fell upon the nearest places to
forage and subsist. Otherwise, the only plundering ever indulged in by
Ti-ping soldiery was upon the _public_ property of the enemy. Private
property, except in dire cases of necessity, was always respected: most
especially were the troops careful to avoid injuring the standing crops
of grain--a course of conduct which forcibly contrasts with the
destruction of the cultivated fields of the unfortunate New Zealanders
by English soldiers, and with the outrages committed by the forces of
the Emperor of the French in Algeria! Most unjustly the Ti-pings have
been represented as "hordes of banditti," "ruthless marauders," &c.; but
these statements may invariably be traced to interested quarters. If a
few examples of sack and pillage have been selected to blacken the
character of the Ti-pings, are we to forget the names of Magdeburg,
Badajos, and Ciudad Rodrigo? Are we not to remember the progress of the
Federal General, Sheridan, through the Shenandoah Valley, as recorded in
the columns of the _Times_ of the 30th March, 1865? "Burning houses and
barns, he passed through the valley, and may boast of a destruction such
as _no_ Asiatic chief ever surpassed!"
When Admiral Hope ascertained that Soong-kong, the only remaining
Manchoo place outside the walls of Shanghae, was seriously threatened by
the Ti-ping forces, he sent up strong reinforcements to it, commanded by
Captain Borlase, R.N. Upon this, the Chung-wang gave orders to abandon
the siege; and, after placing strong garrisons in all the recaptured
cities, returned with the rest of his forces to Nankin. During the march
from Soo-chow to the capital, I became acquainted with a singular custom
of the Chinese. We had just passed through a village, when we came upon
a party of country people carrying a coffin to the burial-place. To the
great surprise of myself and European comrades, instead of interring the
corpse or building a grave over it, according to the usual Chinese
customs, two forked wooden stakes were fixed in the ground, and the
coffin placed upon them at either end. Upon inquiry, we were informed
that the dead man had been killed by lightning, and that the common
practice throughout the country was to dispose of the bodies of those
who perished in such a manner by placing their coffin on stakes which
would support them above the ground.
Soon after reaching Nankin, the Chung-wang seriously turned his
attention towards operating against the Manchoo forces further up the
Yang-tze, whose successes, though unimportant when compared with the
great Ti-ping victories in Che-kiang and Kiang-su, were yet becoming
dangerous to the supremacy of the revolutionists in that part of China.
When the Commander-in-Chief drew off all his troops from the Shanghae
district, after having retaken all the places previously captured by the
allies, he did so under the impression that neither England nor France
would again make war upon the re-established Ti-ping territories. A man
so noble-hearted, large-minded, and honourable, could not realize the
determined hostility entertained against his cause, or credit the
intention of Admiral Hope and General Staveley to resume active warfare
upon the arrival of reinforcements from Tien-tsin and India; he
therefore left garrisons amply sufficient to repel any effort of his
natural enemies, but neglected the precaution of leaving in the district
even a single _corps d'armee_, which would have frustrated the future
triumphs of his unexpected foemen. It was certainly necessary that large
additions should be made to the Ti-ping forces opposing the progress of
the Imperialists from the upper waters of the Yang-tze towards the city
of Nankin; still, this could have been thoroughly accomplished, and a
field force of at least 50,000 men left in the neighbourhood of Shanghae
at the same time. Had any such disposition been made, the easy success
of the allies, during their next campaign, would have been exceedingly
different; the disasters that subsequently befell the Ti-ping cause
would never have taken place; while the standard of liberty and
Christianity would now wave erect and triumphant.
During the interval between our return to Nankin and the commencement of
further military operations, I was frequently closeted with the Chung,
Kan, and other chiefs, upon the discussion of political matters. On one
occasion, at an interview with the Commander-in-Chief, my friend D----
was present, and translated a certain speech, which was subsequently
published in some of the Shanghae papers. He asked the Chung-wang "why
he had ventured within the limits of Consular Ports;" and received this
reply:--
"Why? Because foreigners have broken faith with us! The English
and Americans stipulated with us to remain strictly neutral in
regard to our war with the Manchoos. This agreement was kept on
their part by assisting, in every way they could, in the
collection of the very 'sinews of war' for the Imperialists;
allowing their subjects to enter the Manchoo employ, and at the
same time sending a man-of-war to force, at the cannon's mouth,
the return, and even punishment of the few foreigners who had
joined us! Was _this_ neutrality?
"This was not all: they actually, with their own Government
troops, _invaded_ our territory, and violated the most sacred
usages of war, by permitting, or not preventing, the Chinese
troops from committing the most atrocious barbarities. It has
been told us that, among foreigners, the proof of courage is
clemency towards the vanquished. But the torture inflicted
lately upon some of your helpless prisoners proves to us the
quality of your _neutrality_! Neutrality! Every few days we see
several Manchoo steam vessels, laden with munitions of war, all
to be expended to our destruction, passing under the very walls
of our capital, but flying the American flag! They are called by
foreigners the _Koong-foo-tze_ (Confucius), _Kee-me-et_
(Williamette), _An-te-lok_ (Antelope), etc. But for that flag we
would have sunk them hundreds of times. Is _this_ neutrality? Is
it not a most shameful perversion of the American nationality?
Is it not a vile trading--a base jobbery in the dignity and
honour of a noble people, who have never permitted their
officers to _openly_ violate our rights? Would not these great
foreign sovereigns blush to see the degradation of their flags,
perverted to such ends as private aggrandisement and infamous
prostitution?
"Moreover, as lords of our immense territory, we have a perfect
right to levy taxes on goods of natives passing through our
dominions; but by acts of gigantic fraud,[21] the foreign
consuls have given to native craft papers, and their national
flag, simply for a fee--thus robbing us of our revenues, in as
far as they _could_! Would any _other_ nation have borne these
outrages for years, as we have done, without making reprisal?
And we have been accused of relentless barbarity; of burning
towns, slaughtering the people, &c. Well, granted. It is the
hard necessity of war, which we would avoid if we could; but
knowing, as we do, the conduct of Napoleon in Europe, of the
British in India, &c., and the Americans in their own country,
we think such accusations come with a bad grace from
foreigners. The Ming dynasty was founded by a revolution such
as is now in progress; and we have never heard of a people who
expelled tyrants from their country who did not suffer both
offensively and defensively.
"That the foreign Powers are playing a game to suit their own
profit in China, is to us perfectly clear. When, some time ago,
we addressed their authorities on this subject (at the Consular
Ports), our communications were returned _unopened_. This
contemptible insult taught us that you foreigners" [the
translation of this part cannot be literally given, by reason of
the Chung-wang's use of idiomatic and figurative language, but
may best be expressed as follows:--] "thought our cause a
sinking one, or intended to make it so; and, like rats on
shipboard, you would desert--_not us, but your own professions
towards us_. Not long after, our capital was called, in a public
print, the 'City of Coolie Kings.' This title, which was meant
for a sneer, we thought the highest compliment possible: we are
indifferent as to what the Duke of Pa-le-chiau[22] thought of
the remark, or the Americans, whose capital might be called by
the same name with equal justice. It was easy to judge, from
these circumstances, and many others, at what value we could
esteem the lofty sentiments of honour, justice, and equity,
which foreigners professed towards the Chinese people. 1st. They
struck a nearly fatal blow to the Manchoo power; then, in
pretence of seeking the real good of the nation, they bolster up
the tottering _simulacrum_, and actively carry on operations
against us. They reform not one abuse of the Tartar Government,
and send for Captain Osborne's fleet![23] Will the most noble
Empress of England, the mother of her people, permit her brave
soldiers, and noble-minded naval officers, to serve under the
most cruel and corrupt Government officials in the world, and
furnish them with means to come to the Middle Kingdom, to crush
out at the cannon's mouth the last vestige of liberty, and
freedom of being governed, while professing our religion, as
seems to us most conformable to the sacred book (Bible)? We
cannot think so, though her officers have refused to receive our
communications!
"Will not one of you here present make it known to the
sovereigns of England and America, that by this conduct we can
only judge of them, and that it seems that they desire to
exterminate us. Of the French we have nothing to hope; _they_
have never professed any friendship for us! They (the French
Jesuits) materially assisted the Manchoos in getting possession
of the throne, for the sake of propagating a religion which
English missionaries have taught us to condemn. But, at least,
they have never deceived us by false professions!"
Within two months after our return to Nankin, I became utterly
prostrated by one of the forms of low fever prevalent in China. My
illness was long in duration and slow in disappearing, even when
recovery commenced. During many months I was confined to a sickbed, from
whence, but for the tender and unremitting attentions of my wife, I
should never have risen again. In the meanwhile my comrades had all left
the city, having proceeded with another expedition against the Manchoo.
Shih-ta-kae, the I-wang and brother of the Ti-ping king, had been
recalled to the capital, and in the month of September, 1862, marched
forth in command of an army destined to operate along the south bank of
the Yang-tze. The Chung-wang, with a still larger army, crossed the
river, and commenced a campaign having for its principal objects the
recapture of Ngan-king and the capture of Pekin.
While these armies are marching along their several routes, we will
digress for a little and notice two subjects particularly favourable to
the moral aspect of the Ti-ping revolution, though one of them has
excited no little hostility to the great movement.
The justice courts of Ti-pingdom form the theme of our first eulogy.
These are invariably conducted with the strictest and most simple
equity. The disgusting scenes, the inseparable concomitants of the
Manchoo magisterial dwelling, or _yamun_,--such as the torture of
litigants, criminals, and prisoners,--are entirely abolished. Defendant,
plaintiff, and witness, are fairly confronted; but under the sway of the
Tartar despotism either the one or the other is tortured if any party
chooses to bribe the presiding mandarin; or, if none have the sense and
means to sooth the majesty of justice with lumps of virgin sycee, the
_whole_ are tortured by that impartial functionary. The infamous system
of bribery is entirely unknown in a Ti-ping court of justice; _not one_
form of torture is permitted by law,[24] and prisoners or litigants are
afforded every facility to defend themselves consistent with justice. In
no way can a rich and superior adversary obtain any unfair advantage
over a poor man, none being convicted or punished but upon the clearest
and most decisive proof of guilt.
Ti-pingdom is one of the last places in the world likely to please a
lawyer; plaintiff, defendant, and prisoner having to plead their own
cases, which are then decided upon according to their respective merits
by the presiding chief and his assistant officers. All trials are
conducted more by the dictates of right and justice than the trammels of
law, so that the glaring injustice frequently caused by European legal
technicalities and quibbles is seldom committed.
The Ti-pings have one very singular custom in connection with their
"Judgment Halls." Two large drums are always kept hanging just inside
the porch of the outer gate, and are at the use of any person who may
consider himself aggrieved, or may wish to present a complaint, when he
is at liberty to strike upon the drums and demand justice from the
chief. A Ti-ping court of justice is generally a very imposing affair.
The gorgeous dress of the chiefs, their numerous attendants and body
guard, the many beautiful silken banners around the walls, and
especially the brilliancy of colour, strongly impress the observer's
imagination with an idea of what Europe must have been during its
earlier career, when it delighted in the same barbaric splendour and
feudal display.
The second subject of our digression is the abolition of opium-smoking
by the Ti-pings, which is almost the principal cause of the hostility
the British Government and nearly all merchants who trade in the drug
have hitherto entertained against the revolutionists. Although the
arguments to prove the utterly health-destroying and mind-pervading
effect of opium are many and incontrovertible, we may dispense with them
and give a few facts to establish the value of the prohibition by the
Ti-pings. In India, as well as in China, the unfortunate natives are
thereby utterly destroyed. In a communication forwarded by General
Alexander to Earl Shaftesbury (then Lord Ashley), from Mr. A. Sym, dated
the 13th of March, 1840, the following passages occur:--
"The health and morals of the people suffer from the production
of opium. We are demoralizing our own subjects in India; one
half of the crime in the opium districts--murders, rapes, and
affrays--have their origin in opium-eating.... One opium
cultivator demoralizes a whole village. Thus thousands of our
fellow-subjects in India are oppressed, and their health and
morals destroyed, for the sake of this infernal opium trade. So
completely is the production of opium in the hands of the East
India Company[25] that not a single poppy can be grown in the
extent of their vast territories without either the permission
of the Government or an infraction of its laws. The grower of
the poppy derives only a bare subsistence for its cultivation,
and the difference between 250 rupees and 1,200 to 1,600 rupees
a chest goes to the Government, which exchanges the drug for
silver at the auction mart."
This sort of thing has been continually on the increase since the above
statements were written, and the opium trade has now reached an enormous
extent, being fully equal to if not greater in value than either the
silk or tea trade. While the price of opium has been steadily maintained
or increased, that of western manufactures has gradually fallen off to
one-third the former rates, although the latter trade has not largely
increased, and that in opium has been more than doubled. The vast amount
of specie drawn from China in payment of this deleterious drug is
diverted from a more beneficial and righteous trade in British
manufactures, or in the cultivation of cotton, which the East Indian
districts now devoted to the poppy are so well adapted to produce. If
Lancashire would only look abroad it might see a mode of easily
increasing the British exports to China, till the eight or nine millions
annually paid in cash for the produce of China were replaced by them,
and the abolition of the opium trade had enabled the Chinese to barter
for English manufactures to a greater extent. The amount of clear profit
realized by the Indian Government upon the sale of opium is considerably
upwards of L5,000,000 per annum,[26] being the difference between L25 a
chest they give for it, and L115 they sell it at. The opium, upon
reaching China, extracts from that country the vast amount of specie
above mentioned, which would otherwise be expended on British produce.
Only a few years ago the following evidence was adduced before the
Select Committee of the House of Commons, on our commercial relations
with China, by Mr. Montgomery Martin, who was Her Majesty's treasurer in
India:--
"I inquired of the Taou-tae of Shanghae what would be the best
means of increasing our commerce with China, and his first
answer, in the presence of Captain Balfour, was:--'_Cease to
send us so much opium, and we shall be able to take your
manufactures._'... The true remedy for our deficient trade with
China is not to be found in the reduction of L1,000,000 to
L2,000,000 sterling of tea duties, but in perfect freedom of
intercourse with China; in facilities of access to the interior
of that vast country; and in the abolition of the pernicious
opium traffic, which absorbs L4,000,000 per annum, which would
be devoted to the purchase of British manufactures."
Proofs of the immense injury the opium traffic inflicts upon British
export trade to China might be multiplied _ad infinitum_. The drug not
only destroys the moral and physical principles of those who connect
themselves with it in any way, but it has been the direct cause of every
war England has had with China. The following statement by Mr. Martin is
so identical with what I would say myself that I cannot do better than
quote it with the appreciation it so well deserves. It was adduced
before the Committee of the House of Commons already referred to:--
"Minute 3491. In what respect do you think the trade injurious
to us in our relations with China?
"3492. Politically, with reference to our position with the
Government of China, had France, or America, or Russia, granted
us an island on their coast as a commercial station,[27] had
they prohibited the use of opium, believing it to be injurious,
we dare not, in that case, have made it a smoking-shop for the
empire; and I would not act to the Chinese Government in a
different manner than I would act to a Government in Europe.
Then, socially speaking, I believe it is the duty of this
Government to uphold moral principles and to disseminate
religious truth, and she cannot do that with one hand, while on
the other she is introducing into China an amount of opium which
furnishes 17 grains a day to each of 3,000,000 of people, and
which, in the language of Mr. Lay, Her Majesty's late consul at
Amoy, 'is ham-stringing the nation.' I think it is desolating
China, corrupting its Government, and bringing the fabric of
that extraordinary empire to a state of rapid dissolution.
Commercially speaking, it is injurious to us, because it
prevents the extension of our manufactures in China. Four or
five mercantile houses are engaged in the traffic, and derive a
large amount of revenue from it; _but the trade of England is
materially cramped by the extension of its consumption in China
to the extent of at least four million sterling a year_."
Now, this truthful statement was made in the year 1857, since when the
evils mentioned have increased to more than double their extent at that
period. We will also examine the opinion of the Chinese themselves with
regard to the introduction of opium into their country. Kinshan, one of
the most celebrated of the _literati_ of China, has written on the
subject, and how correctly all can affirm who know anything of
opium-smoking in that empire. The following is his statement:--
[Illustration:
London. Published March 15^{th} 1866 by Day & Son, Limited Lithog^{rs}
Gate Str. Lincoln's Inn Fields. Day & Son, Limited, Lith.
INTERIOR OF AN OPIUM SMOKING SALOON.]
"Opium is a poisonous drug brought from foreign countries. At
first the smokers of it merely strive to follow the fashion of
the day, but in the sequel the poison takes effect, and the
habit becomes fixed. The sleeping smokers are like corpses--lean
and haggard as demons; such are the injuries it does to life; it
throws whole families into ruin, dissipates every kind of
property, and destroys man himself. There cannot be a greater
evil than this. 1st. It exhausts the animal spirits; hence the
youth who smoke will hasten the termination of their years. 2nd.
It wastes the flesh and blood; the faces of the weak who smoke
become black and cadaverous. 3rd. It dissipates every kind of
property. 4th. It renders the person ill-favoured--mucus flows
from his nostrils, and tears from his eyes. 5th. It promotes
obscenity. 6th. It discovers secrets. 7th. It violates laws.
8th. It attacks the vitals. 9th. It destroys life. When the
smoker has pawned everything in his possession, he will pawn his
wife and sell his daughters; such are the inevitable
consequences."
To every word of the above statement, from my own personal experience, I
can give the most unqualified assent. The following extract from a
manifesto addressed by the distinguished Imperial Commissioner Lin to
the Queen of England, with regard to the _forcible_ introduction of
opium by British subjects, places the wrongly despised Chinaman in
pleasing contrast with the opium trafficking European. Commissioner Lin
said:--
"That in the ways of Heaven no partiality exists, and no
sanction is allowed to the injury of others for the advantage of
one's self--that there is not any great diversity (for where is
he who does not abhor death and seek life?), these are
acknowledged principles. Though not using opium one's self, to
venture, nevertheless, on the manufacture and sale of it, and
with it to seduce the simple folk of this land, is to seek one's
own livelihood by the exposure of others to death--to seek one's
own advantage by other men's injury; and such acts are utterly
abhorrent to the nature of men, and are utterly opposed to the
ways of Heaven."
No wonder the Rev. Dr. Medhurst, one of the most experienced
missionaries in China, has said: "Opium is demoralizing China, and
become the greatest barrier to the introduction of Christianity which
can be conceived of." And to prove this he states that almost the first
reply of a native, when urged to believe in Christ, is, "Why do
Christians bring us opium, and bring it directly in defiance of our
laws? The evil drug has poisoned my son, has ruined my brother, and well
nigh led me to barter my wife and children. Surely those who import
such a deleterious substance, and injure me for the sake of gain, cannot
wish me well or be in possession of a religion better than my own. Go
first and persuade your own countrymen to relinquish this nefarious
traffic, _and give me a prescription to correct this vile habit_,[28]
and then I will listen to your exhortations on the subject of
Christianity."
Never has there been a viler or more utterly debasing institution upon
earth than that of the opium-smoking dens in China. "Truly," as the Rev.
E. B. Squire, formerly a missionary to that empire, once said, "it is an
engine in Satan's hands, and a powerful one." It is necessary to
remember that this same engine of wickedness and abomination has been
systematically, and by the medium of several wars, forced upon China by
the English nation and the produce of her Indian possessions.
The very day that the monopoly of the China trade by the East India
Company ceased, the British Government commenced forcing the opium
traffic, by which means they brought about the first opium war. Although
the drug destroyed by Commissioner Lin was surrendered up _according to
agreement_ by H. B. Majesty's representative, Captain Elliot, yet its
destruction was afterwards perverted into a _casus belli_. From that
event may be dated a course of policy that all posterity will assuredly
condemn, terminating as it did in the Chinese Government being compelled
to legalize this nefarious trade.
Opium has ever been made contraband by the Ti-ping law, its use being
forbidden under penalty of death, and all cases of infraction being
strictly visited with the punishment of decapitation. As opium has in
every case been the primary cause of each war with China, and as it was
universally known that the success of the Ti-pings would have utterly
abolished the trade, it is by no means unfair or unreasonable to ascribe
a great proportion of the hostility the revolutionists have experienced
(from those bound by every other motive to be their warmest friends) to
the same cause. It is indisputable that nearly all who became acquainted
with the Ti-pings during the early part of their career, and even many
who did not, entertained for them the most friendly feelings; but no
sooner was it thoroughly understood that they were determined not to
submit to the introduction of opium, when, in spite of their
Christianity, &c., a strong party arose against them.
In China it is quite notorious that one of the principal mercantile
houses (Dent & Co.), after vainly endeavouring to establish an opium
trade with the Ti-pings at Wuhu (a city some fifty miles above Nankin,
on the Yang-tze River), by the means of their opium-ship _Nimrod_, which
was stationed there for six months, and where I have myself seen her,
did, after the failure of the attempt, become their most signal
revilers, and use all the interest they possessed against them.
Too many merchants, and, unfortunately, their national representatives
interested in maintaining the great opium revenue, have, in China, by
the blind pursuit of profit, sacrificed principle to lucre, heedless of
the grievous consequences. It is no less unfortunate that many of those
who are now designated "merchant princes" some years before made their
capital by opium smuggling; equally deplorable is it that still their
largest profits result from what by fire and sword has become the
legalized trade. Such, however, is the case, and principally for this
reason has it become popular to stifle the birth of freedom and
Christianity in the opium-ruined Chinese nation.
FOOTNOTES:
[19] The title (Tien-ping) of the Ti-ping soldiery.
[20] The Manchoo.
[21] Perfectly true.
[22] The French General in command during the Pekin campaign, who
received this title from his emperor.
[23] The proceedings to raise the "Vampyre" fleet in England were then
nearly concluded, and were known to the Ti-pings.
[24] The different methods of legal torture are numerated in the
Imperialist code by hundreds.
[25] The power has, of course, reverted to the Home Government since the
Sepoy revolt.
[26] By the last official return (1863-4) the export of opium from India
to China is given as 42,621 chests, and the gross revenue derived
therefrom, Rupees, 52,072,358.
[27] Alluding to Hong-Kong.
[28] These very words have frequently been addressed to myself by
Chinese opium-smokers, and I fancy scarcely any European has been in
China without having experienced the same.