Having settled all things to his mind at Cananor and Cochin, the admiral

proceeded with his fleet to the harbour of Calicut, where he took several

paraws in which were about fifty Malabars who could not escape; but he

forbore making any farther hostilities against the city, till he might

see whether or not the zamorin would send him any message. Soon

afterwards there came a boat with a flag to the admirals ship, a which

was a person in the habit of a Franciscan friar, who was taken at first

sight for one of those who had accompanied Ayres Correa, and who they

supposed had remained a prisoner. On entering the ship, he saluted them,

saying _Deo gratias_; but was immediately recognized as a Moor. He

excused himself for coming in that disguise, to secure permission of

getting on board, and said that he brought a message from the zamorin to

the admiral, about settling a trade in Calicut. To this the admiral made

answer, that he would by no means treat on this subject, unless the

zamorin would previously satisfy him for all the goods which had been

seized in the factory, when he consented to the death of Correa and the

rest who were there slain. On this subject three days were spent

ineffectually in messages between the zamorin and the admiral, as the

Moors used every influence to prevent any friendly agreement. At length,

perceiving that all these messages were only meant to gain time, the

admiral sent notice to the zamorin that he would wait no longer than noon

for his final answer, and if that were not perfectly satisfactory and in

compliance with his just demands, he might be assured he would wage cruel

war against him with fire and sword, and would begin with those of his

subjects who were now prisoners in his hands. And, that the zamorin

might not think these were only words of course, he called for an

hour-glass, which he set down in presence of the Moorish messenger, saying

that as soon as the sand had run out a certain number of times, he would

infallibly put in execution all that he had threatened. All this, however,

could not induce the zamorin to perform his promise; for he was of an

inconstant and wavering disposition, and influenced by the counsels of

the Moors. The outward shew he had made of peace was only feigned, or

occasioned by the fear he had of seeing so great a fleet in his port,

from which he dreaded to sustain great injury; but the Moors had now

persuaded him into a contrary opinion, and had prevailed on him to break

his word.

When the time appointed by the admiral was expired, he ordered a gun to

be fired, as a signal to the captains of his ships to hang up the poor

Malabar prisoners, who had been distributed through the fleet. After they

were dead, he ordered their hands and feet to be cut off and sent on

shore in a paraw, accompanied by two boats well armed, and placed a

letter in the paraw for the zamorin, written in Arabic, in which he

signified that he proposed to reward him in this manner for his deceitful

conduct and repeated breach of faith; and, in regard to the goods

belonging to the king of Portugal which he detained, he would recover

them an hundred fold[9]. After this, the admiral ordered three of his

ships to be warped during the night as near as possible to the shore; and

that these should fire next day incessantly on the city with all their

cannon, by which vast injury was done, and the royal palace was entirely

demolished, besides several other houses belonging to the principal

inhabitants of the place. The admiral afterwards departed for Cochin,

leaving Vincente Sodre with six well armed ships to command the coast,

who was to remain in India when the rest of the fleet returned to

Portugal, and was likewise directed to go upon a voyage of discovery to

the straits of Mecca, and the coast of Cambaya[10].

From Calicut the admiral sailed for Cochin; and immediately on his

anchoring in that port, the rajah[11] sent on board certain hostages to

remain as his sureties; and when the admiral landed, the rajah went in

person to meet him. At this interview, the rajah delivered up to the

admiral Stephen Gyl and others who had remained in his country, and the

admiral presented a letter from the king of Portugal to the rajah,

returning thanks for the kindness he had shewn to Cabral, and declaring

his satisfaction at the settlement of a factory for trade at Cochin. The

admiral also delivered a present from the king of Portugal to the rajah,

consisting of a rich golden crown set with jewels, a gold enamelled

collar, two richly wrought silver fountains, two pieces of figured arras,

a splendid tent or pavilion, a piece of crimson satin, and another of

sendal[12]; all of which the rajah accepted with much satisfaction. Yet,

not knowing the use of some of these things, the admiral endeavoured to

explain them; and particularly, ordered the pavilion to be set up to shew

its use, under which a new treaty of amity was settled. The rajah

appointed a house for the use of the Portuguese factory, and a schedule

of prices were agreed upon, at which the various spices, drugs, and other

productions of the country were to be delivered to the Portuguese factors,

all of which were set down in writing in form of a contract. The rajah

likewise delivered present for the king of Portugal, consisting of two

gold bracelets set with precious stones, a sash or turban used by the

Moors of cloth of silver two yards and a half long, two great pieces of

fine Bengal cotton cloth, and a stone as large as a walnut taken from the

head of an animal called _bulgoldolf_, which is exceedingly rare, and is

said to be an antidote against all kipds of poison[13]. A convenient

house being appointed for a factory, was immediately taken possession of

by Diego Hernandez as factor, Lorenzo Moreno, and Alvaro Vas as clerks,

and several other assistants.

While the ships were taking in their cargoes at Cochin, a message was

brought to the admiral from the zamorin, engaging, if he would return to

Calicut, to make a complete restitution of every thing that had been

taken from the Portuguese, and that a treaty of friendship and commerce

would be immediately arranged between them. After considering this

message, the admiral ordered the messenger to prison, meaning to take

revenge on him in case the zamorin should prove deceitful in this

instance as he had already been in many others[14]. After this precaution,

he went to Calicut, more for the purpose of endeavouring to recover the

merchandize, than from any expectation of procuring the friendship of the

zamorin. For this reason he took only his own ship[15], leaving Stephen

de Gama in the command at Cochin in his absence. The captains of the

fleet were much averse to this rashness; yet could not persuade him to

take a larger force, as he said he would be sufficiently protected by the

squadron of Vincente Sodre, which was cruizing on the coast, whom he

could join on any emergency. On his arrival at Calicut, the zamorin

immediately sent notice that he would satisfy him next day for all the

goods which had been taken from Cabral, and would afterwards renew the

trade and settle the factory on a proper footing. But as soon as he

understood that the admiral had come with so small a force, he commanded

thirty-four paraws to be got in readiness with all expedition, for the

purpose of taking his ship. And so unexpectedly did these assail him,

that the admiral was forced to cut one of his cables and make out to

seaward, which he was fortunately enabled to do, as the wind came off

from the land. Yet the paraws pursued him so closely, that he must

infallibly have been taken, if it had not been for the squadron of Sodre

making its appearance, on sight of which the paraws gave over the chase

and retired to Calicut.

On his return to Cochin, die admiral immediately ordered the messenger of

the zamorin to be hanged[16]. The failure of this treacherous attempt

against De Gama gave much concern to the zamorin; who now resolved to try

if he could induce the rajah of Cochin to refuse a loading to the

Portuguese, and to send away their factory from his port. With this view

he transmitted a letter to that prince, in the following terms:

"I am informed that you favour the Christians, whom you have admitted

into your city and supplied with goods and provisions. It is possible you

may not see the danger of this procedure, and may not know how

displeasing it is to me. I request of you to remember the friendship

which has hitherto subsisted between us, and that you now incur my

displeasure for so small a matter in supporting these Christian robbers,

who are in use to plunder the countries belonging to other nations. My

desire is, therefore, that for the future you may neither receive them

into your city, nor give them spices; by which you will both do me a

great pleasure, and will bind me to requite your friendship in whatever

way you may desire. I do not more earnestly urge these things at the

present, being convinced you will comply without further entreaty, as I

would do for you in any matter of importance."

The rajah of Cochin answered in the following terms: That he knew not how

to expel the Christians from his city, whom he had received as friends,

and to whom he had passed his word for trade and amity. He denied that

his friendly reception of the Christians could be construed as any

offence to the zamorin, as it was the custom in the ports of Malabar to

favour all merchants who resorted thither for trade; and declared his

resolution to maintain his engagements inviolate to the Portuguese, who

had brought great sums of gold and silver, and large quantities of

merchandize into his dominions in the course of their trade. The zamorin

was much offended by this answer of the rajah of Cochin; to whom he wrote

a second time, advising him earnestly to abandon the Portuguese if he had

any respect for his own welfare. The rajah of Cochin was not to be moved,

either by the persuasions or threatening of the zamorin, and sent a reply

to his second letter, in which he declared he should never be induced to

commit a base or treacherous action by fear of the consequences, and was

resolved to persist in maintaining his treaty of trade and amity with the

Portuguese. Finding that he could not prevail on the rajah of Cochin to

concur with him, he commanded twenty-nine large ships to be fitted out in

order to assail the Portuguese fleet when on its return homewards,

expecting that he should be able to destroy them with more ease when

fully laden.

The rajah of Cochin gave no intimation to the admiral of the letters and

messages which had been interchanged between him and the zamorin, until

he went to take leave; at which time, he declared he would hazard the

loss of his dominions to serve the king of Portugal. The admiral, after

many expressions of gratitude for his friendly disposition and honourable

regard for his engagements, assured him that the king his master would

never forget the numerous demonstrations he had given of friendship, and

would give him such assistance as should not only enable him to defend

his own dominions, but to reduce other countries under his authority. He

desired him not to be in fear of the zamorin, against whom there should

henceforwards be carried on so fierce war, that he would have enough of

employment in defending himself, instead of being able to attack others.

In this the general alluded to the aid which the rajah might expect from

the ships that were to remain in India under the command of Vincent Sodre.

All this conversation took place in presence of many of the principal

nayres, of which circumstance the rajah was much pleased, as he knew

these people were in friendship with the Moors, and had opposed the grant

of a factory to us at Cochin[17].

Having completed the loading of ten ships, the admiral sailed from Cochin

on his homeward-bound voyage; and when about three leagues from Pandarane,

he descried the Moorish fleet of twenty-nine large ships coming towards

him. After consulting with the captains of his fleet, and the wind being

favourable for the purpose, he immediately bore down to engage them. The

ships commanded by Vincente Sodre, Pedro Raphael, and Diego Perez, being

prime sailers, closed up first with the enemy, and immediately attacked

two of the largest ships of the Moors. Sodre fought with one of these

alone, and Raphael and Perez assailed the other. Almost on the first

onset, great numbers of the enemies were so dismayed that they leapt into

the sea to escape by swimming. On the coming up of De Gama with the rest

of the fleet, all the enemies ships made off as fast as they could

towards the shore, except those two which were beset at the first, and

were unable to escape, which were accordingly taken possession of. De

Gama, considering that all his ships were richly laden, would not pursue

the flying enemy, being afraid he might lose some of his ships on the

shoals; but our men went in their boats and slew about 300 of the Moors

who had endeavoured to save themselves by swimming from the two captured

ships. These vessels were accordingly discharged of their cargoes; which

consisted of great quantities of rich merchandize, among which were six

great jars of fine earthen ware, called porcelain, which is very rare and

costly and much admired in Portugal; four large vessels of silver, and

many silver perfuming pans; also many spitting basons of silver gilt: But

what exceeded all the rest, was a golden idol of thirty pounds weight,

with a monstrous face. The eyes of this image were two very fine emeralds.

The vestments were of beaten gold, richly wrought and set with precious

stones; and on the breast was a large carbuncle or ruby, as large as the

coin called a crusado, which shone like fire.

The goods being taken out, the two ships were set on fire, and the

admiral made sail for Cananor, where the rajah gave him a house for a

factory, in which Gonzalo Gill Barbosa was settled as factor, having

Sebastian Alvarez and Diego Godino as clerks, Duarte Barbosa as

interpreter, and sundry others as assistants, in all to the number of

twenty. The rajah undertook to protect these men and all that might be

left in the factory, and bound himself to supply lading in spices to all

the ships of the king of Portugal at certain fixed prices[18]. In return

for these favourable conditions, the admiral engaged on behalf of the

king of Portugal to defend the rajah in all wars that might arise from

this agreement; conditioning for peace and friendship between the rajahs

of Cochin and Cananor, and that the latter should give no aid to any one

who might make war upon the former, under the pain of forfeiting the

friendship of the Portuguese. After this, the admiral gave orders to

Vincente Sodre to protect the coast with his squadron till the month of

February; and if any war should break out or seem probable between the

zamorin and Trimumpara, he was to winter in Cochin for the protection of

that city; otherwise he was to sail for the straits of the Red Sea, to

make prize of all the ships belonging to Mecca that traded to the Indies.

All these matters being properly arranged, De Gama departed from Cananor

for Portugal on the 20th December 1502[19]; with thirteen ships richly

laden, three of which had taken in their cargoes at Cananor, and the

other ten at Cochin. The whole fleet arrived in safety at Mozambique,

where the ship commanded by Stephen de Gama having sprung a great leak,

was unladen and laid on shore to be repaired. Seven days after their

departure from Mozambique, the ship commanded by Lewis Cotinho sprung a

great leak, and they were forced to endeavour to return to Mozambique to

repair her; but, the wind being contrary, they had to do this in a creek

on the coast. Continuing their voyage, they were assailed by a sudden

tempest off Cape Corientes, in which the ship commanded by Stephen de

Gama had her sails all split by the storm, owing to which she was

separated from the fleet, and no more seen till six days after the

arrival of the admiral at Lisbon, when she came in with her mast broken.

The storm having abated, during which the fleet took shelter under the

lee of Cape Corientes, the admiral prosecuted his voyage to Lisbon, and

arrived safe at Cascais on the 1st September 1503. All the noblemen of

the court went to Cascais to receive him honourably, and to accompany him

to the presence of the king. On his way to court, he was preceded by a

page carrying a silver bason, in which was the tribute from the king of

Quiloa. The king received him with great honour, as he justly merited for

his services in discovering the Indies, and in settling factories at

Cochin and Cananor, to the great profit of the kingdom; besides the great

fame and honour which redounded to the king, as the first sovereign who

had sent to discover the Indies, of which he might make a conquest if he

were so inclined. In reward for these brilliant services, the king made

him admiral of the Indies, and likewise gave him the title of Lord of

Videgueyra, which was his own.

* * * * *

Note.--As De Gama did not return again to India till the year 1524, which

is beyond the period contained in that part of Castaneda which has been

translated by Lichefild, we shall have no occasion to notice him again in

this part of our work. For this reason, it has been thought proper to

give the following short supplementary account of his farther services in

India.

"In 1524, Don Vasco De Gama, now Count of Videgueyra, was appointed

viceroy of India by John III. king of Portugal, and sailed from Lisbon

with fourteen ships, carrying 3000 fighting men. Three were lost during

the voyage, with all the men belonging to two of them. While in the Gulf

of Cambaya, in a dead calm, the ships were tossed about in so violent a

manner that all onboard believed themselves in imminent danger of

perishing, and began to consider how they might escape. One man leapt

over-board, thinking to escape by swimming, but was drowned; and such as

lay sick of fevers were cured by the fright. The viceroy, who perceived

that the commotion was occasioned by the effects of an earthquake, called

aloud to his people, _courage my friends, for the sea trembles from fear

of you who are on it_. To make some amends for the misfortunes of the

voyage, Don George de Meneses, one of the captains, took a large ship

belonging to Mecca, worth 60,000 crowns, a large sum in those days. After

his arrival at Goa, the viceroy visited some forts, and issued the

necessary orders for regulating the affairs of his government; but he had

not time to put any of his great designs into execution, as he died on

Christmas eve, having only held the government of Portuguese India for

three months. De Gama is said to have been of middle stature, with a

ruddy complexion, but somewhat gross. His character was bold, patient

under fatigue, well fitted for great undertakings, speedy in executing

justice, and terrible in anger. In fine, he was admirably fitted for all

that was entrusted to his conduct, as a discoverer, a naval and military

commander, and as viceroy. He is painted with a black cap, cloak, and

breeches, edged with velvet, all slashed, through which appears the

crimson lining. His doublet is of crimson satin, over which his armour is

seen inlaid with gold. He was the sixth successive governor of India, and

the second who had the rank of viceroy."--Astl I. 54. b.

[1] According to Astley, much difference of opinion took place in the

council of Portugal, whether to continue the trade to India for which

it was requisite to employ force, or to desist entirely from the

attempt; but the profits expected from the trade, and the expectation

of propagating the Romish religion and enlarging the royal titles,

outweighed all considerations of danger; and it was resolved to

persist in the enterprize.--Astl. I. 50.

[2] The distribution, of this force is somewhat differently related by

Astley. Ten ships only are said to have been placed under the

immediate command of Vasco de Gama; five ships under Vincente Sodre,

who had orders to scour the coast of Cochin and Cananor, and to watch

the mouth of the Red Sea, on purpose to prevent the Moors, or Turks

and Arabs, from trading to India; the third, as in the text, was under

Stephen de Gama, but with no particular destination mentioned; and the

whole were under the supreme command of Vasco de Gama, as captain-

general.--Astl. I. 50.

[3] Such is the expression in the translation by Lichefild; but which I

suspect ought to have been, "and had passed Cape Corientes."--E.

In Astley, the following incident is mentioned: When off Cape Verd,

Vasco de Gama met a caravel bound from La Mina, on the western coast

of Africa, carrying much gold to Lisbon. He shewed some of this to the

ambassadors whom Cabral had brought from Cananor, and who were now on

their return to India. They expressed much surprize at this

circumstance; as they had been told by the Venetian ambassador at

Lisbon, that the Portuguese could not send their ships to sea without

assistance from Venice. This insinuation proceeded from envy, as the

Venetians were afraid of losing the lucrative trade with India which

they had long enjoyed through Egypt. --Astl. I. 51.

[4] According to De Faria, De Gama began by cannonading the city of

Quiloa; but on the king consenting to become tributary, all was

changed to peace and joy--Astl. I. 51. a.

[5] According to Astley, De Gama was forced beyond Melinda, and took in

water at a bay eight leagues farther on; and going thence towards

India, he spread out his fleet that no ship might escape him; in

consequence of which he took several, but was most severe on those

belonging to Calicut. --Astl. I. 51.

[6] In Astley this ship is said to have belonged to the soldan of Egypt,

and was very richly laden, besides being full of Moors of quality, who

were going on pilgrimage to Mecca.--Astl. I. 51.

[7] DeFaria says there were twenty of these children, whom De Gama caused

to be made Christian friars, to make amends for one Portuguese who

turned Mahometan.--Astl. I. 51. c.

[8] Castaneda, or rather his translator Lichefild, gets somewhat confused

here, as if this factory were settled at Cochin, though the whole

previous scene is described as at Cananor.--E.

[9] De Faria says the bodies of these unfortunate Malabars were thrown

into the sea, to be carried on shore by the tide.--Astl. I. 52. a.

[10] By the straits of Mecca are here meant the straits of Bab-el-mandeb,

or the entrance from the Indian Ocean into the Red Sea; and by the

coast of Cambaya, what is now called Guzerat.--E.

[11] The rajah or king of Cochin has already been named Triumpara, or

Trimumpara, on the authority of De Barros, De Faria, and other ancient

authors; yet De Faria, in other instances, calls him Uniramacoul--Astl.

I. 52. b.

[12] It is difficult to say what may have been meant by this last article.

In old French writings _Rouge comme Sendal_ means very high red, or

scarlet; from which circumstance, this may have been a piece of

scarlet satin or velvet.--E.

[13] Of the animal called bulgoldolf in the text we have no knowledge,

nor of this stone of wonderful virtue; but it may possibly refer to

the long famed bezoar, anciently much prized, but now deservedly

neglected.--E.

[14] According to De Faria, this messenger was a bramin, who left his son

and nephew at Cochin as hostages, and accompanied De Gama to Calicut,

where he carried various messages between the zamorin and the admiral.

--Astl. I. 53. b.

[15] De Faria says he was accompanied by a caravel.--Astl. 1.53. b.

[16] The son and nephew of the messenger, according to De Faria.--Astl. I.

53. c.

[17] In addition to the narrative of Castaneda, De Barros, Maffi, and De

Faria relate, that ambassadors came to De Gama while at Cochin from

the Christian inhabitants in Cranganore and that neighbourhood, who

they said amounted to 30,000. They represented, that they knew he was

an officer of the most Catholic king in Europe, to whom they submitted

themselves; in testimony of which, they delivered into his hands the

rod of justice, of a red colour, tipped with silver at both ends, and

about the length of a sceptre, having three bells at the top. They

complained of being much oppressed by the idolaters; and were

dismissed by De Gama with promises of a powerful and speedy

assistance.--Astl. I. 53. d.

[18] De Faria alleges that the persons who were appointed to settle

matters relative to trade at this port, differed much upon the price

of spices: on which occasion many threatening messages were sent to

the rajah, who at length through fear complied with all the demands of

the Portuguese. He says that the rajahs of Cochin and Cananor were as

refractory and adverse at first as the zamorin; and that when De Gama

arrived at Cochin, the three princes combined to make him winter there

by fraud, and joined their fleets to destroy him. That on the failure

of this combination, a durable peace was made with Trimumpara; and the

rajah of Cananor, fearing the Portuguese might not return to his port,

sent word to De Gama that he was ready to comply with all his demands,

--Astl. I. 54, a.

[19] In Castaneda this date is made 1503; but from an attentive

consideration of other dates and circumstances in that author, this

must have been a typographical error.--E.

SECTION VI.

_Transactions of the Portuguese in India, from the departure of De Gama

in December 1502, to the arrival of Alonzo de Albuquerque in 1503._

As soon as the zamorin was assured of the departure of De Gama for Europe,

he determined on putting his threats in execution against the rajah of

Cochin, for which purpose he gathered an army at the village of Panani,

not far from Cochin[1]. This was soon known to the inhabitants of Cochin,

who were exceedingly afraid of the great power of the zamorin, and were

much dissatisfied with their sovereign for incurring the displeasure of

that prince out of respect to the Christians, whom they inveighed against

with much bitterness on all occasions, and openly insulted wherever they

were seen. Some that were in high credit with the rajah said openly, that

as the zamorin was much more powerful than their state, our men ought to

be delivered up to him, as the war was entirely on our account, for whom

the kingdom ought not to be put in hazard. But the rajah, much offended

at these people, declared that he was resolved to defend the Portuguese

against the zamorin, trusting that God would favour him in so just a

cause. Yet many of his subjects were much inclined to have seized the

Portuguese belonging to the factory, but durst not, as the rajah gave

them a place of considerable strength to dwell in, and appointed a guard

for their security.

At this time Vincente Sodre arrived with his squadron in the bay of

Cochin, after having done much damage on the coast of Calicut, both by

land and sea. The Portuguese head factor sent Laurenzo Moreno to inform

Sodre of the preparations which were making by the zamorin for the attack

of Cochin, and requiring him in the name of the king of Portugal to land

with his men for its defence. But Sodre answered, that his orders were to

defend the sea and not the land; for which reason, if the zamorin had

prepared to attack Cochin by sea, he would certainly have defended it;

but as the war was to be carried on by land, he could not interfere, and

the rajah must defend himself. The factor sent a second message,

entreating him, in the name of God and on his allegiance to the king of

Portugal, not to abandon the factory in this state of danger, as the

power of the rajah was inadequate to defend Cochin against the zamorin;

and as the sole object of the war was for the destruction of the factory

and the ruin of the Portuguese trade, it certainly was his duty, as

captain-general for the king of Portugal in these seas, both to defend

the factory and to give every assistance in his power to the rajah. But

Sodre was immoveable, pretending that he had been ordered to discover the

Red Sea, where he expected to make many rich prizes, and set sail from

Cochin for Cape Guardafui, preferring the hope of riches to his duty in

defending the factory of Cochin.

The zamorin collected his army, as already mentioned, at the village of

Panani, where, besides his own subjects and allies, several of the

principal subjects of the rajah of Cochin joined his standard, deserting

their own sovereign, and carrying along with them all the power they were

able to muster: Among these were the caimalls or governors of Chirapipil

and Cambalane, and of the large island which is opposite to the city of

Cochin. At this place, the zamorin made a long speech to his assembled

chiefs, in which he endeavoured to justify his enmity to the Portuguese,

whom he represented as thieves, robbers, and pirates, and as having first

commenced hostilities against him without cause. He contrasted the quiet

and friendly conduct of the Moors, who had traded for 600 years with

Malabar, having never done injury to any in all that time, and had

greatly enriched the country, and had raised his city of Calicut to be

the greatest emporium in all the Indies: Whereas the Portuguese had taken

and destroyed his ships, made his ambassadors prisoners, insisted on

having their ships laden before those belonging to the Moors, had taken a

ship of the Moors, burnt ten of his ships in his own harbour, had

destroyed his city and forced him to escape for safety from his palace;

taking law and vengeance for pretended grievances into their own hands,

instead of applying regularly to him for redress. And, since the rajah of

Cochin was fully informed of all these things, yet persisted in favouring

the Portuguese in despite of all remonstrances, he had resolved to make

war upon him, to deprive him of his dominions, and to drive these

Christian intruders out of India.

This address gave much satisfaction to all the assembled chiefs, and most

especially to the lord of Repelim, who entertained a rooted enmity

against the rajah of Cochin, who had dispossessed him of an island called

Arrnuul. The only person who opposed the zamorin on this occasion was

Nambeadarin[2], who was brother and next heir to the zamorin. He strongly

urged the impolicy of driving the Christians from Malabar, to which

merchants resorted from all places of the world, seeing that the

Portuguese had made richer presents to the zamorin, than he had ever

received before, and had brought much gold and silver into the country

for the purchase of commodities, which was not usually done by such as

came to make war. He represented the attempt of the hostages to escape

who had been given for the safety of the Portuguese chief, and whom the

zamorin was pleased to call ambassadors, as the first cause of jealousy

and distrust; yet they were afterwards reconciled, and took the large

Moorish ship at the desire of the zamorin, to whom they presented the

great elephant. He said their conduct in trade and otherwise while in

Calicut was quite satisfactory to all except the Moors, who were envious

against them for interfering in their trade, and accused them falsely of

taking pepper against the will of the owners, which in fact they had done

themselves to prevent the Christians from loading their ships; nay that

this was so evident that even the zamorin had licensed the Portuguese to

take the pepper from the Moorish vessels. After which the Moors had risen

against them, slaying their men and seizing all their goods. Yet, after

all these outrages, they had given the zamorin a whole day in which to

offer reparation, and had not sought revenge of their injuries

treacherously like the Moors. That he saw no cause of going to war

against the rajah of Cochin for receiving the Portuguese into his city

like any other merchants who might frequent his harbour, as had likewise

been done by the rajahs of Cananor and Koulan, who would not have done so

if they had been robbers and pirates. And if the zamorin meant to drive

the Portuguese from the Indies, besides making war on Cochin, it would be

necessary for him to do the same against Canauor and all the other

princes on the coast.

The zamorin was a good deal staggered by the discourse of Nambendarin,

who had much credit and authority with him; insomuch, that it is thought

he would have desisted from prosecuting the war, if it had not been for

the Moors and the caymals, who represented that it would be a great

disgrace to his character to recede after the assemblage of so great an

army, and that it was to be expected the rajah of Cochin might now agree

from fear to do what the zamorin had desired him. The zamorin then

desired his sorcerers to point out a fortunate day for marching forward

with his army, which they did accordingly, and promised him an assured

victory. With this assurance, on which he placed great reliance, the

zamorin departed from Panani, and took possession of Repelim, which is

four leagues from Cochin.

The rajah of Cochin had regular intelligence of all that passed in the

camp of the zamorin by means of spies, and was in great trouble

respecting the event, not having sufficient force for his defence, as

many on whom he most relied had gone over to the enemy. Even those who

remained served against their inclination, more especially the

inhabitants of Cochin, who abhorred our people, and said openly that it

were proper the rajah should either deliver them up to the zamorin or

send them away from Cochin, to avoid the impending war. Many of the

inhabitants of Cochin deserted the place for fear of the consequences.

The members of the Portuguese factory were much alarmed by all these

circumstances, and requested permission from the rajah to withdraw to

Cananor, where they might remain in safety till the arrival of the next

fleet from Portugal; hoping by this means to remove the cause of war, and

to satisfy the subjects of the rajah. Trimumpara was displeased at this

request, as not reposing sufficient confidence in his word, and declared

he would rather forfeit his kingdom, and even his life, than deliver them

up to the zamorin or any other who sought to injure them; and that,

although he might lose Cochin in the war, there still were places of

sufficient strength in which to keep them safe till reinforcements should

arrive from Portugal. That although the zamorin had a great army, yet

victory did not always follow numbers, as a few valiant men were often

victorious over great odds, especially having justice on their side. He

therefore desired the factory to remain, and to pray God to give him the

victory. The Portuguese now offered to give him such aid as their small

number would allow; but he declined allowing them to expose themselves to

any danger on the present occasion, as his credit depended upon the

preservation of their lives, that they might witness, for his faithful

adherence to the treaty of amity which he had formed with their nation.

Upon this he placed them under the safeguard of certain naires in whom he

had confidence. After this, the rajah called all his nobles into his

presence, together with the chief naires, who were the cause of all the

murmurs against the Portuguese, and addressed the assemblage to the

following effect:

"I am much concerned to find that truth and loyalty should be wanting

among men of your quality. I do not wonder at the present misconduct of

the lower orders, who are often constrained by their poverty and

wretchedness to commit all manner of wickedness. But that naires, who

have always been noted for fidelity, should desire me to forfeit the

promise which I have made, to the captain-general in behalf of the

Portuguese, to defend them to the utmost of my power against all violence

as my own subjects, astonishes and distresses me beyond measure. Under

these assurances of protection, which were given with your consent, these

men were left in my city; and yet, because you see the zamorin coming

against me with more men than I have, you would have me to break my

promise. Were I so unjust, you of all men ought to abhor me. If you dwelt

with any sovereign on the assurance of his word, how would you conceive

of him, if he were to treat you as you would now have me to act by these

Christians? Is it because you are afraid of the great power of the

zamorin? Be assured it were better for us all to die in the discharge of

our duty, and the preservation of our promise, than to live dishonoured.

To me no evil can be greater than to break my word, nor can there be a

greater dishonour to yourselves than to be the subjects of a false and

treacherous king. These Christians have brought much profit to me and my

country, and the zamorin might have kept them in his own city, if he had

permitted their factory to settle there in peace. Were it his intention

to drive the Christians out of India, and to make war on all who receive

them into their dominions, he ought to have begun this war with the rajah

of Cananor: But his cause of war is the envy he has conceived at seeing

me benefited by the trade which he has lost through his own misconduct,

and because he believes in his pride that I am unable to withstand. But I

trust in God and the justness of my cause, that with your assistance, I

shall obtain the victory, and shall be able to protect the Christians,

and preserve my honour inviolate." This speech had great effect upon the

assembled naires, who were astonished at the constancy and resolution of

the rajah. They all therefore craved pardon for the fears they had

entertained, and promised to live and die in his service. The rajah

immediately called the factor and the rest of the Portuguese into his

presence, to whom he gave an account of all that had taken place between

him and the naires; and named before them the prince _Naramuhin_[3], his

brother and next heir, as general of the army which was destined to act

against the forces of the zamorin, commanding every one to obey him in

every respect as if he were himself present. Naramuhin accordingly

marched with 5500 naires, and entrenched himself at the ford which forms

the only entry by land into the island of Cochin, and which is only knee-

deep at low water.

When the zamorin received notice of the army of Cochin having taken post

at this ford, he was somewhat afraid, more especially as he knew

Naramuhin was considered to be the bravest and most fortunate warrior in

Malabar. He therefore made a fresh attempt to induce the rajah of Cochin

to accede to his demands, of delivering up the Portuguese and their goods,

otherwise threatening to conquer his dominions, and to put all the

inhabitants to the sword. Although the rajah of Cochin was quite sensible

of the inferiority of his military force, and was convinced what the

zamorin threatened might readily happen, he yet determined to remain firm

to his engagements, and sent the following answer:

"If you had required with civility what you have proudly commanded me, I

should not have esteemed your valour lessened by your courtesy: For with

men of wisdom and power there is no need for insolent vaunts. I have not

as yet so sinned against God, that I should humble myself to vain

boasting, or think that he should grant you the victory over me and those

brave men who fight on my side. In spite of all your pride, I trust even

with the small number I have to defend me in my just quarrel, that I

shall be enabled to overcome you and all my enemies. However much you may

have practised deceit and injustice, it has ever been my rule to avoid

shame and dishonour, and I will never consent to deliver up the

Christians or their goods, which I have engaged to defend."

The zamorin was much offended by this answer from the rajah of Cochin,

and vowed to destroy his whole country in revenge: Leaving, therefore,

the isle of Repelim on the last day of March, he entered on the

territories of Cochin, yet refrained from doing any injury, as he now

occupied those parts which belonged to the chieftains who had joined him

against their own sovereign. On the 2d of March, the army of the zamorin

made an attempt to force a passage by the ford which was defended by

prince Naramuhin; yet, in spite of all his prodigious superiority of

numbers, he was forced to retire with considerable loss. Disappointed in

this first essay, the zamorin encamped close by the ford, and sent the

lord of Repelim next day with a still stronger force than had been

employed in the first assault, to attempt forcing the passage. He even

joined several armed paraws in this attack; but Naramuhin made a resolute

defence, in which he was bravely seconded by Laurenzo Moreno and several

other Portuguese, and effectually resisted every effort of the zamorins

troops, who were obliged to retreat with much loss. Several such assaults

were made on the ford, in all of which the zamorin lost many men, and was

constantly repulsed, insomuch that he became fearful of a sinister end to

his unjust enterprise, and even repented of having begun the war. He sent,

however, a fresh message to the rajah, requiring him to deliver up the

Christians as a preliminary of peace. But the rajah replied, that as he

had refused to do so unjust an action when he had some reason to dread

the superior power of the zamorin, it was absurd to expect any such thing

now, when the advantage in the war was evidently of his side. He then

advised the zamorin to beware of continuing the war, as he would not now

satisfy himself with defence, but even hoped to give him a signal

overthrow. And this certainly had been the case, if the subjects of the

rajah had not shamefully deserted him in this war and given assistance to

the enemy. The zamorin almost despaired of success, and would have given

over the enterprize, if he had not been advised by some of his chiefs to

assail several other towns belonging to the dominions of Cochin, so as to

distract the attention of Naramuhin, and to weaken his force by obliging

him to send detachments for their defence. But that brave prince provided

against every emergency, and made so judicious a disposition of his

forces, that he repulsed every effort of the enemy, and slew many of

their men.

Foiled in every attempt with severe loss, by the bravery and excellent

dispositions of Prince Naramuhin, the zamorin corrupted the paymaster of

the troops of Cochin, who changed the usual order of payment which had

been daily made in the camp, and obliged the soldiers to come up to

Cochin for that purpose. Naramuhin was obliged to submit to this

arrangement, by giving leave to the naires to go for their wages, yet

charged them punctually to return to the camp before day. But the

treacherous paymaster kept them waiting till after day-light, by which

means the prince was left with very few troops to defend the ford. Taking

advantage of this concerted stratagem, the zamorin made an assault upon

the ford with his whole force by sea and land, and constrained Naramuhin

to retire with his small band into a grove of palm trees, where he was

surrounded by the whole army of Calicut, yet fought the whole day against

such terrible odds with the utmost resolution, several times throwing his

enemies into disorder, of whom many were slain. But at length,

overpowered by numbers, he and two of his cousins who fought along with

him were slain, together with most of his faithful followers.

When this melancholy event was announced to the rajah of Cochin, he

fainted from extreme grief, and was for some time thought to have

actually expired. At this time, the naires were much exasperated against

our men, to whom they attributed the overthrow and death of prince

Naramuhin, and the desperate situation of their country, and seemed much

inclined to have put the Portuguese to death, or to have delivered them

up to the zamorin. On the recovery of the rajah, and learning the designs

of his people against our men, he called the Portuguese into his presence;

he gave them assurance that even this reverse of his affairs should not

alter his resolution of protecting them, both against the zamorin and his

own subjects. He then addressed his assembled naires, urging them not to

stain his honour and their own by injuring the Portuguese, whom he and

they had sworn to protect. He exhorted them to persevere honourably and

bravely in defending their country and preserving their honour inviolate

to the Christians, and comforted them with the assurance that the

Portuguese fleet would soon arrive with sufficient reinforcements to

drive out the zamorin and to restore him to his dominions. In the

meantime, he proposed that they should retire with what force remained,

into the isle of Vaipi, which was of difficult access; and where they

could defend themselves till the arrival of the Portuguese fleet, more

especially as the winter was at hand, which would stop the progress of

the war for some time. The naires were astonished at the resolution of

their sovereign, and promised faithfully to obey his commands in all

things.

The zamorin made a new attempt to shake the resolution of the rajah in

his present adversity, by offering peace on condition of delivering up

the Portuguese and their goods; which the rajah rejected with disdain as

he had done all his former overtures. On this the zamorin gave orders to

destroy the whole country with fire and sword, on which intelligence most

of the inhabitants of Cochin withdrew to other places. There were at this

time in Cochin two Milanese lapidaries belonging to the factory, named

John Maria and Pedro Antonio, who had been brought to India by Vasco de

Gama. These men deserted to the zamorin, to whom they conveyed

intelligence of the consternation which reigned among the inhabitants of

Cochin, and of the small number of men that remained with the rajah.

These men also made offer to the zamorin to make ordnance for him

resembling those of the Portuguese, which they afterwards did as will

appear in the sequel of this history, and for which service they were

highly rewarded. The zamorin now moved forwards with his army to take

possession of Cochin, and was resisted for some time by the rajah, who

was himself slightly wounded. But finding it impossible any farther to

resist against such prodigious odds, he withdrew to the strong island of

Vaipi, carrying all our men along with him and every thing belonging to

our factory. The zamorin, on taking possession of the deserted city of

Cochin, ordered it to be set on fire. He then sent a part of his army

against the isle of Vaipi, which was valiantly defended by the rajah and

his men and in which defence the members of our factory contributed to

the best of their ability. But the winter coming on, and bad weather

setting in, the zamorin was obliged to desist for the present season, and

withdrew his army to Cranganor with a determination to renew the war in

the ensuing spring, leaving a strong detachment in the island of Cochin,

which he ordered to throw up entrenchments for their defence.

After his shameful desertion of Cochin, Vincente Sodre went with his

fleet towards the kingdom of Cambaya; meaning to capture the rich ships

of the Moors which trade to India from the Red Sea. He there took five

ships, in which in ready money only was found to the value of 200,000

_perdaos_. Most of the Moors were slain in the battle, and the ships

burnt. From Cambaya he sailed for Cape Guardafu; and as his ships were

foul, he proposed to lay them aground to be careened at the islands of

_Curia Muria_[4]. Sodre arrived there with his squadron on the 20th April

1503; and though these islands were well inhabited by Moors, he resolved

to venture on land, considering that these islanders were by no means

warlike, and stood in fear of our men. The islanders accordingly behaved

in a peaceable manner, and sold our people such provisions as they had to

spare. Sodre laid one of his caravels aground for repair, on which he was

informed by the Moors that their coast was subject to violent storms in

the month of May, during which no ships were able to keep the sea, but

were unavoidably driven on shore and wrecked. Wherefore they advised him

strenuously to remove to the other side of the island, which would then

be a sure defence against the storm, after which had blown over he might

return to their part of the coast. Sodre made light of their advice,

conceiving they meant him some harm; and told them that the ships of the

Moors having only wooden anchors, might be easily driven ashore, whereas

his anchors were of iron and would hold fast. Pedro Raphael, Hernan

Rodriguez Badarsas, and Diego Perez were convinced of the council of the

Moors being good, and therefore quitted these islands on the last day of

April; but Sodre would not listen to their advice and remained with his

brother at Curia Muria. According to the prediction of the Moors, a

violent storm came on early in May, by which the two remaining ships were

driven from their anchors and dashed to pieces. Vincente Sodre and his

brother, with many others lost their lives, and nothing whatever was

saved out of these two ships. The loss of these two brothers was

considered as a punishment of Providence, for basely abandoning the rajah

of Cochin and the factory in their imminent danger.

Those who were saved returned towards Cochin to succour our people, and

chose Pedro de Tayde[5] as their general. In their passage from Curia

Muria towards Cochin, they encountered several severe storms, and were

often in great danger of perishing. Being unable to reach Cochin on

account of the winds, they were forced to take refuge in the island of

Anchediva. A few days after their arrival, a ship came there from

Portugal, commanded by Antonio del Campo, who had left Lisbon alone some

time after Vasco de Gama, and had been much delayed on his voyage in

consequence of the death of his pilot. He had encountered severe weather

on the coast, and was forced after much trouble and danger to take refuge

in Anchediva. The united squadron wintered in this island, where they

suffered severe hardships from scarcity of provisions.

[1] This army is said to have amounted to 50,000 men. Panani is six

leagues from Cochin.--Astl. I. 54.

[2] This person is named Naubea Daring by Astley, and is said to have

been nephew to the zamorin.--Astl. I. 56.

[3] In Astley this prince is called the nephew of the rajah of Cochin.--

Astl. I. 55.

[4] These are a cluster of islands, otherwise called Chartan and Martan,

on the coast of Yemen, between the latitudes of 17° and 18° north.--E.

[5] Of the four officers mentioned in the text, three are enumerated at

the commencement of the former voyage of De Gama as commanders of

separate vessels. The fourth, Badarsas, is not in that list of

captains, and may have been appointed captain of Vincente Sodres flag-

ship.--E.

SECTION VII.

_Voyage of Alonso and Francisco de Albuquerque to India in 1503; being

the fifth of the Portuguese Expeditions to the East Indies._

Is the year 1503, supposing that the admiral Don Vasco de Gama had quietly

settled factories in Cochin and Cananor, the king of Portugal did not

consider it necessary to send any great fleet to India. He therefore

determined to send only six ships in two separate squadrons, under

separate generals. Alonso de Albuquerque, who was afterwards governor-

general or viceroy of India, commanded one of these squadrons, having

under him as captains, Duarte Pacheco and Hernan Martinez Mascarennas, who

is said to have died during the voyage. The other squadron, likewise of

three ships, was under the command of Francisco de Albuquerque, cousin to

Alonso, having as captains Nicholas Coello and Pedro Vas de la Vega, the

former of whom sailed under De Gama in the first discovery of India. This

latter squadron sailed from Lisbon fifteen days after the other, yet

arrived first in India. Both squadrons encountered severe storms during

the voyage, in which the ship commanded by De la Vega was lost. Francisco

de Albuquerque, and Nicholas Coello, arrived at Anchediva in the month of

August, where they found De Tayde and the other captains who had wintered

there, as related in the former section. They here received notice of the

war between the zamorin and the rajah of Cochin, and of the sinister

events which had occurred at that place; for which reason Francisco stood

over with the whole fleet, now consisting of six sail, to Cananor, where

he expected to receive more exact intelligence of the state of affairs in

Cochin. They were here received with great joy by the Portuguese factory;

and even the rajah of Cananor came on board the generals ship in person,

and gave him a distinct recital of what had happened at Cochin, and of the

present situation of Triumpara.

Alonso de Albuquerque lost no time in going to Cochin, where he arrived on

the night of Saturday the 2d of September 1503. Immediately on his

approach, the troops of Calicut who guarded the entrenchments thrown up by

the zamorin, abandoned their posts in the island of Cochin and fled to

Cranganor, according to orders to that effect from the zamorin, who had

received notice of the arrival of our fleet at Cananor. On Sunday morning

Francisco came to anchor close to Cochin, when he was joyfully received by

the inhabitants, playing on various instruments of music, and was soon

afterwards visited by the Portuguese factor, who brought him a message

from the rajah. On the Monday morning, leaving his ships in good order,

Francisco took several boats well armed, and went to the island of Vaipi

to visit the rajah, ordering two caravels to follow for security, in case

of any of the Calicut paraws making their appearance. The rajah received

our general with infinite satisfaction, greeting them with the exclamation,

Portugal! Portugal! as soon as our boats were within hail; which was

answered by our people shouting out, Cochin! Cochin! and down with the

zamorin! On landing, the rajah embraced Francisco de Albuquerque with

tears in his eyes, saying he only desired to live till restored to his

dominions, that his subjects might be satisfied of his just conduct in

suffering so much for the service of the king of Portugal. In the name of

that sovereign, Francisco gave hearty thanks to Triumpara for his fidelity,

and promised him ample revenge on his enemies. And as his finances were

much reduced, he made him a present of 10,000 crowns from the chest

belonging to the expedition, to serve his present necessities, until he

might be again able to draw the rents of his own dominions. This gift was

exceedingly acceptable to the rajah, whose affairs were then at a very low

ebb; and gave much satisfaction to the natives, who were by it greatly

reconciled to the protection which their rajah had given to our men.

The rajah was immediately brought back in triumph to Cochin, amid the

joyful acclamations of his subjects, who henceforwards treated our men

with esteem and respect. The news of the rajahs return to Cochin, and of

the money which had been given him by our general, was speedily

communicated to the zamorin; who, in expectation of the renewal of the war,

sent orders to his caymals or governors on the frontiers towards Cochin to

make every preparation for defence. On the very day on which the rajah

returned to Cochin, Francisco de Albuquerque resolved to commence

hostilities by an attack on the island directly over against Cochin, where

he found the inhabitants quite unprepared and off their guard, as they had

no idea of being so soon attacked: In this unprepared state, a great

number of the Calicut troops were slain, and several of the towns on the

island destroyed, after which the Portuguese returned to their ships

without loss. Next day Francisco made a fresh assault on the same island

with six hundred men, and was opposed by the caymal or governor for the

zamorin, with a force of two thousand nayres, part of whom were spearmen,

but the greater number armed with bows and arrows, and some with swords

and targets. After some resistance, but in which none of them were hurt,

our people made good their landing, and galled the Indians so sore with

their cross-bows, that they soon fled. The Portuguese pursued quite across

the island, and forced their enemies to continue their flight across the

water, leaving many of their men behind both killed and wounded. Having

now no enemy to oppose them in the island, the Portuguese laid it entirely

waste, and burnt all the towns and villages it contained.

Adjoining to this island there lay another, named _Charanaipin_[1], which

belonged to a caymal who was subject to the rajah of Cochin, but had

revolted to the zamorin at the commencement of the war. From some spies

employed by the rajah of Cochin, it was understood that this caymal had a

force of three thousand nayres, seven hundred of whom were archers, and

forty were, armed with matchlocks[2]; besides which all their towns were

well fortified with trenches. He had likewise several paraws provided with

ordnance, with which he was supplied by the zamorin, and these were

stationed in one of the harbours of the island, to defend it against the

Portuguese. Notwithstanding all these preparations, of which he was well

informed, Francisco Albuquerque went against this island the day after he

had reduced the former, and commenced his attack against the harbour in

which the paraws were stationed. The enemy were soon driven by our

ordnance from their boats, yet many of them continued in the water up to

their girdles to resist the landing of our troops, annoying them as much

as possible with stones, spears, and arrows. They were at length driven

from the water by our ordnance, but rallied again on the shore, and

bravely resisted our people in landing for a long time. They were at

length driven to take shelter in a grove of palm trees, in which they

defended themselves for a short space, and were at the last driven to seek

for safety in a disorderly flight, in which they were pursued by our men.

In the pursuit, Pedro de Lares, who was constable to Francisco de

Albuquerque, being separated from the rest, was attacked by three nayres

all at once. One of these let fly an arrow which hit Pedro on his breast-

plate but without hurting him; on which Pedro levelled his piece and shot

him dead. The second nayre he likewise slew by another shot. The third

nayre wounded him in the leg with a weapon called a _gomya_, and then

endeavoured to run away, but Pedro killed him, with his sword. On the

enemy being put to flight, Francisco divided his forces into three bodies,

two of them Portuguese, and the third composed of nayres in the service of

the rajah of Cochin, and marched all over the island plundering and

burning the towns and villages without resistance.

While thus employed, a considerable number of paraws arrived with

reinforcements from Calicut, from which a powerful body of nayres landed

in that part of the island where Duarte Pacheco happened to be posted with

a very inferior force, and had assuredly destroyed him and his men, but

that Francisco de Albuquerque came very opportunely to his aid. Finding

greater resistance than he expected, and fearing lest the caymal might

attack him in the rear, while engaged in front with the nayres of Calicut,

Francisco detached a part of his troops under Nicholas Coello, assisted by

Antonio del Campo and Pedro de Tayde, to assault the residence of the

caymal, who was slain bravely fighting in its defence. At this place one

of our men was slain and eighteen wounded. In the mean time, Francisco de

Albuquerque and Duarte Pacheco defeated the reinforcements from Calicut,

and forced them to take refuge on board their paraws, leaving many of

their men slain and wounded on the shore. After this signal victory, by

which the greater part of the three thousand nayres belonging to the

caymal and many of those from Calicut were slain, Francisco de Albuquerque

conferred the honour of knighthood on several of his officers who had

signalized themselves on the occasion. He then wasted the whole island

with fire and sword.

Francisco determined in the next place, to attack the country of the lord

of Repelim, for which purpose he departed with his troops by water from

Cochin, and reached a town in that territory, four leagues from Cochin,

about eight o'clock next morning. Near two thousand nayres, five hundred

of whom were armed with bows and arrows, were stationed, on the beach of

the isle of Repelim to repel this attack; but were soon forced by our

ordnance to retire into a grove of palms, on which Francisco landed with

his troops, the van being led by Nicholas Coello. The enemy resisted for

some time under the shelter of the trees, and wounded some of our people;

but were at length forced to take to flight, after losing a good many of

their men, who were shot by our cross-bows and _calivers_[3]. Our troops

followed the nayres, who took refuge in the towns of the island, in which

much greater slaughter was made of the enemy than in the field, as they

were crowded together and more exposed to our shot. On taking possession

of the town, Francisco gave it up to be plundered by the nayres of Cochin,

who assisted him on this expedition, that they might not consider the

conduct of the Portuguese on this occasion proceeded from any inclination

for plundering the country, but from a desire to revenge the injuries

which had been done to their own rajah.

On his return from this victory, Francisco was joyfully received by the

rajah of Cochin, who desired him to desist from any farther operations

against the enemy, as he considered himself sufficiently revenged. But

Francisco requested his permission to continue the war, as he was still

unsatisfied till he had taken effectual vengeance on the zamorin, and

accounted it no trouble to fight in the service of the rajah. He seized,

however, the present opportunity of the high favour in which he stood with

the rajah, to solicit permission for constructing a fort at Cochin, for

the protection of the Portuguese factory during the absence of the ships.

This request was immediately complied with; the rajah even offered to be

at the sole charge, and Francisco lost no time in proceeding to construct

the intended fort. As there were neither stones, lime, nor sand to be

procured, it was necessary to build the castle of timber; which the rajah

ordered to be immediately provided for the purpose, and brought to the

spot appointed, which was close to the river side, as best adapted for

resisting the assault of the Calicut fleet in any future attempt against

Cochin. The rajah sent likewise a great number of his subjects to carry on

the work; saying that our people had already had enough to do in the

operations of the war: But Francisco commanded our people to work in

constructing the fortifications, the foundations of which were laid on the

26th September 1503. The inhabitants of Cochin were astonished at the

diligence with which our people laboured at this work, saying there were

no such men in the world, as they were equally good at all things.

On the 30th September, four days after the commencement of the fort,

Alonso de Albuquerque arrived with his ships at Cochin, having been

delayed on his voyage by severe storms and contrary winds, yet brought all

his men with him in excellent health. Francisco was much pleased at his

arrival; and a portion of the fort being allotted to those newly arrived,

it was soon finished. Though built of timber, this castle was as strong

and handsome, as if it had been constructed of stone and lime. It was of a

square form, each face being eighteen yards, with bulwarks or bastions at

each corner mounted with ordnance. The walls were made of two rows of palm

trees and other strong timber, firmly set in the ground, and bound

together with iron hoops and large nails, the space between the two rows

of timber being rammed full of earth and sand, and the whole surrounded by

a ditch always full of water[4]. The day after this fort was finished,

which was named Manuel in honour of the king of Portugal, the captain-

general with all his people made a solemn procession, in which the vicar

of the fort bore the crucifix under a canopy carried by the captains of

the fleet, preceded by trumpets and other instruments of music. The fort

was solemnly blessed, and consecrated by the celebration of mass; after

which friar Gaston preached a sermon, in which he exhorted his hearers to

be thankful to God, who had permitted the inhabitants of the small western

kingdom of Portugal to construct a fortress in this distant region, among

so many enemies of the Catholic faith. He expressed a hope that this might

be the forerunner of many other establishments of a similar nature, to the

advancement of the true religion among the heathen, and the glory of

Portugal. He likewise desired his hearers to keep always in mind the high

obligations they owed to the rajah for the good service he had rendered to

the king of Portugal on this occasion. A faithful report was carried to

the rajah of this part of the discourse, who was much gratified, and gave

thanks for the same to the two generals.

After completing the fort, the Portuguese renewed the war, and made an

attack on two towns belonging to the lord of Repelim on the coast, about

five leagues from Cochin, having learned from spies that they were but

slightly garrisoned. On this expedition the generals took a body of seven

hundred men, and departing from Cochin about two hours before day, they

arrived at their destination about nine o'clock next morning. These towns

had a population of six thousand people, besides children, and were only

defended by three hundred nayres, all bowmen. Alonso de Albuquerque with

part of the forces landed at the nearest town, and Francisco with the

remainder of the forces at the other, which was only about a cannon-shot

distant from the former. In the first town the enemy was completely

surprised and run away, and the place was set on fire without resistance.

On seeing the people run away, our men pursued and slew many of the

fugitives, and when wearied of the pursuit they plundered and destroyed

the country. In the mean time the alarm was spread over the neighbourhood,

and about 6000 nayres assembled, who made an attack upon our men as they

were embarking, so that they were in great danger: In particular, Duarte

Pacheco, not being able to find his boat in the place where he had left it,

was closely pursued; and though he and his company defended themselves

valiantly, and killed many of the enemy, eight of his men were wounded

with arrows. So superior was the number of the enemy on this occasion,

that Pacheco and his men had assuredly been all slain, if the rest of the

troops had not again landed to his rescue; on which the enemy lost heart

and run away, leaving the field of battle strewed over with their slain.

After the defeat of the nayres, our men set fire to fifteen paraws, which

were drawn up on the beach, and carried away seven which were afloat.

The lord of Repelim was much grieved at the destruction of his towns; and

being afraid of our people making an attack on another about a league

farther up the river, he sent a strong detachment of his nayres for its

security. The generals, however, resolved to follow up their victory, and

to do all the evil in their power to the territories of this lord. For

this purpose, after allowing their men some time for rest, they departed

about midnight, while it was still so dark that they could not see each

other in the boats, expecting to come upon their enemies by surprise by

dawn of next morning. The boats in which Alonso de Albuquerque and his

party were embarked got considerably a-head of the rest, and arrived at

the town which it was intended to attack a good while before day. Weary of

waiting for the rest, he landed his men, and gave orders to set the town

on fire. At first they were successful in this rash enterprise, as the

ordinary inhabitants were a cowardly unarmed people. But the garrison of

above two thousand nayres, having assembled on the alarm, attacked Alonso

and his men with great fury and forced them to retreat to their boats,

after killing one man and wounding several others of the party, which only

consisted originally of forty men. Alonso and his soldiers would not have

been able to make good their retreat, if the sailors who remained in

charge of the boats had not fired off a falcon[5], or small piece of

ordnance, on which the nayres gave over the pursuit. By this time day

broke, and Francisco de Albuquerque approached with the rest of the boats;

and seeing the perilous situation of Alonso, he commanded the ordnance in

the boats to be played off against the enemy, on which they fled from the

shore. At this time Pacheco, who was somewhat astern of the rest, observed

a great number of armed nayres marching along a narrow passage to

reinforce the others at the town; and brought his boat so near the pass,

that he completely stopt their passage that way. The whole of our men were

now landed, and soon constrained the enemy to take flight with

considerable loss; after which they set the town on fire, but did not

think it prudent to pursue the runaways, as they were not acquainted with

the country.

After this exploit, Duarte Pacheco and Pedro de Tayde went with their

divisions to destroy another town at some distance, in their way towards

which they fought and defeated eighteen paraws belonging to the zamorin,

and then set the town on fire. From thence they stood over to the island

of _Cambalan_, the caymal of which was an enemy of the Cochin rajah, where

they destroyed a large town. From that place, Pacheco went with five armed

paraws of Cochin to burn another town, where he met with considerable

resistance, and slew a great number of the enemy, seven of his own people

being wounded. After setting the town on fire, he retired towards Cochin,

and was forced to fight with thirteen armed paraws of Calicut, which he

defeated with the assistance of Pedro de Tayde and Antonio del Campo, who

fortunately joined him in this emergency. On their defeat, the Calient

paraws retired into a creek, where one of them ran aground and was taken

by Pacheco; but our men being worn out with hard rowing, were unable to

pursue the rest, and returned to Cochin. On receiving an account of these

transactions, the rajah was much satisfied with the revenge which had been

taken of his enemies, and requested of our generals to discontinue the war,

to which, however, they were by no means inclined.

On account of the war, no pepper was brought from the country to sell at

the factory in Cochin, neither dared the merchants to go out in search of

that commodity, insomuch that the factory had only been able to procure

300 _bahars_[6], and the factor requested the generals to go in quest of

some which was to be procured at a place about nine leagues from Cochin.

For this purpose the two generals and all their captains set out from

Cochin under night, that their intentions might not be discovered by the

enemy. On the way Pacheco destroyed a whole island, in which he fought

against six thousand of the enemy with his own company only, and the two

generals put thirty-four paraws to flight. After this Pacheco and del

Campo destroyed a town on the continent, where they defeated two thousand

nayres, many of whom were slain, without any loss on their side. After

this, the generals sent on the _tony_[7] for the pepper, which carried

such merchandize as was meant to be given in exchange; and for its

protection Pacheco and three other captains accompanied it with two

hundred men, and five hundred Cochin paraws[8]. In passing a narrow strait

or river, our people were assailed from the banks by a vast number of the

natives armed with bows and arrows, but were defended by their targets,

which were fixed on the gunwales of their boats. Leaving one of his

captains with fifty Portuguese t protect the tony, Pacheco with the other

two captains and the troops belonging to the rajah, made towards the shore,

firing off his falcons against the enemy, whom he forced to quit the

shore with much loss; after which he landed with his troops, most of whom

were armed with hand-guns. The enemy, who were full two thousand strong,

resisted for a quarter of an hour, but at length took to flight after

having many slain. Pacheco pursued them to a village, where the fugitives

rallied and were joined by many nayres, insomuch that they now amounted to

six thousand men, and our people were in great jeopardy, as the enemy

endeavoured to surround them, and to intercept their return to the boats.

But our men defended themselves manfully, and fought their way back to the

shore, where the natives divided on each hand, being afraid of the shot of

the falcons, which slew great numbers of them, and our men re-embarked

without having a single man killed or wounded.

The zamorin was much displeased at the successes of our people against his

confederates, and by the loss of many of his paraws in these several

actions, and was even afraid lest the Portuguese might eventually

dispossess him of his dominions. He used every exertion therefore to

prevent us from procuring pepper, being in hopes, if our ships were

constrained to return to Portugal without loading, that they would come no

more back to India. He used his influence therefore even with the

merchants of Cochin to refuse supplying pepper to our ships, which they

did so effectually, under pretence of the war, that, in spite of the

influence of the rajah, and notwithstanding high offers of reward from

Francisco de Albuquerque, the factory had only been able to procure 1200

quintals or 4000 bahars[9] of pepper; and even that was got with hard

fighting, some hurt to our own men, and infinite loss of lives to the

enemy. Unable to procure any more pepper in Cochin, Alonso de Albuquerque

went to Coulan in search of that commodity, accompanied by Pedro de Tayde

and Antonio del Campo, knowing that the government of that state was

desirous of having one of our factories established in their city, and had

solicited both Pedro Alvares Cabral and the lord admiral De Gama to that

effect; and Alonso was determined to go to war with the people of Coulan

unless they gave him loading for his ships.

Coulan is twelve leagues from Cochin, and twenty-four from Cape Comorin.

Before the building of Calicut, Coulan was the principal city of Malabar,

and the port of greatest trade on that coast. Its buildings, more

especially the temples and shrines of their idols, are larger and more

splendid than those of Cochin. The haven is excellent, the country is well

stored with provisions, and the condition of the people resembles in all

things what has been formerly said of the inhabitants of Calicut. The

inhabitants are idolatrous Malabars, having among them many rich Moorish

merchants, more especially since the war broke out between us and the

zamorin, as many of these merchants had left Calicut to reside at Coulan.

They trade with Coromandel, Ceylon, the Maldive islands, Bengal, Pegu,

Camatia, and Malava. The rajah or king of this state rules over an

extensive kingdom, in which there are many rich cities and several good

harbours; by which means he has a large revenue, and is able to maintain a

great military force, but the men are mostly of a low stature: He

entertains in his palace a guard of three hundred women, armed with bows

and arrows, who are very expert archers, and they bind up their breasts

very tight with bandages of silk and linen, that they may not stand in the

way of using their bows. This rajah usually resides in a city named Calle,

and is generally at war with the king of Narsinga[10].

In the city of Coulan, which is governed by certain officers or aldermen,

there is a church which was built by the apostle St Thomas, who came here

to preach the Catholic faith, and made many converts both among the

idolaters and others, who have handed down the Christian belief from

generation to generation, so that there are at least twelve thousand

families of Christians scattered abroad in the country, in which they have

churches in many places. The king who then ruled in Coulan, being much

displeased at the numbers of his subjects who were converted to

Christianity, banished St Thomas from his dominions, who then went to a

city called Malapur or Meliapour, on the coast of the dominions of

Narsinga, and was followed by the Christians of Coulan, and even by many

of the idolaters. He is said to have retired into a solitude in the

mountains, where he died, and whence his body was removed for interment in

a vault of the church he had built at Coulan. This church is now deserted

and entirely overgrown with trees and bushes, and is kept by a poor

Moorish zealot, who subsists on alms which he receives from Christian

pilgrims, and even some of the idolaters give alms at this tomb.

On the arrival of Alonso de Albuquerque at the harbour of Coulan, the

governors of the city came on board to visit him, and settled a treaty

with him, in which it was stipulated that we were to have a factory in the

city, and that they should provide a loading with all possible dispatch

for the three ship he had along with him. While one of his ships was

taking in a lading in the harbour, the other two always kept out at sea

watching all ships that passed, and obliging every one they could descry

to come and give an account of themselves to Albuquerque as captain-

general under the king of Portugal. He offered no injury to any of these,

unless to such as belonged to the Moors of the Red Sea, all of which that

fell in his way were first plundered and then burnt, in revenge for the

injuries they had done to the Portuguese. When the house for the factory

was finished, and the ships laden, Alonso left there Antonio de Sola as

factor, with two clerks, Rodrigo Aranso and Lopo Rabelo, an interpreter

named Medera, and two friars to serve as chaplains, together with other

assistants, being twenty in all; after which he returned to Cochin.

About this time Francisco de Albuquerque received a message from

_Cosebequin_, a friendly Moor of Calicut who has been formerly mentioned,

giving him notice that the zamorin was determined to make another attack

on Cochin so soon as the Portuguese fleet had departed for Europe, and to

fortify it in such a manner as should prevent them from having any farther

intercourse with that country. With this view the zamorin had entered into

treaties with all the rajahs and leading nayres or nobles of Malabar, and

it was even rumoured that those of Cananor and Coulan had secretly entered

into terms with him against the Portuguese and the rajah of Cochin[11]. He

said farther that the Moorish merchants had promised large assistance for

carrying on the war, as they were exceedingly desirous to exclude the

Christians from trading to India. About the same time a letter came from

Rodrigo Reynel to the same effect, saying that the zamorin was levying

troops, and had caused a great number of cannon to be prepared for the war:

Reynel likewise said that the Moors of Cochin were decidedly in the

interest of the zamorin, and were therefore to be looked to with much

jealousy. The rajah likewise informed Albuquerque, that from certain

bramins who had come from Calicut he was informed of the intentions and

preparations of the zamorin for reducing Cochin; and as he had little

reliance on his own subjects, he requested some Portuguese troops might be

left for his defence. Francisco gave the rajah assurance of protection,

and even that the Portuguese would add to his dominions at a future period,

in reward for his fidelity and friendship to their nation, and as a

compensation for the injuries he had suffered in their cause.

The rajah was much pleased with this assurance; and as Francisco found he

could have no more pepper at Cochin, he determined upon returning to

Portugal, when he had appointed a fit person to remain as captain-general

in India. He found this matter difficult, as none of his captains were

willing to remain with the small force which he was able to leave behind.

At length Duarte Pacheco willingly accepted the charge, and the rajah was

much pleased with his appointment, having already sufficient proof of his

valour. Pacheco was accordingly left at Cochin with his own ship and two

caravels commanded by Pedro Raphael and Diego Perez, and a pinnace, with

ninety men in health besides others who were sick.[12] As much ordnance

and ammunition was likewise given him as could possibly be spared from the

homeward bound ships. All these things being settled, Francisco de

Albuquerque sailed for Cananor, where he proposed to endeavour to procure

the liberty of Rodrigo Reynel and the others who were at Calicut. But the

zamorin sent him word that there was no necessity to take this person away,

who was desirous of remaining in India; and if the captain-general would

remain he should have the pepper which was promised.[13] At this time

Alonso de Albuquerque returned from Coulan, and joined Francisco at

Cananor; and a letter was brought from Rodrigo Reynel, giving information

that the zamorin was certainly resolved to attempt the conquest of Cochin,

as soon as the Portuguese ships should leave the coast; and that his only

intention in making an offer of pepper was with a view to prevent them

from burning the ships which were then in the harbour of Calicut.

All matters being arranged, the Portuguese fleet sailed from Cananor on

the 31st of January 1504. Alonso de Albuquerque and Antonio del Campo came

to Lisbon on the 23d of August, and presented to the king 400 weight of

seed pearls, which are called _Alhofer or Ragges_, 144 pound weight of

great pearls, and eight of the oysters from which the pearls are procured.

[14] He gave likewise to the king a diamond as big as a large bean, and

many other jewels; and two Persian horses of wonderful swiftness.

Francisco de Albuquerque and Nicholas Coello, who left Cananor some time

after Alonso, were cast away on the voyage and never more heard of. Pedro

de Tayde was driven to Quiloa, where his ship was lost on the bar and most

of his men drowned. From Quiloa he went to Mozambique in a _zambucco_,

where he afterwards died; but left a letter in which he gave a particular

account of the state of affairs in India, which he ordered to be,

delivered to the first captain who might put in there from Portugal[15].

* * * * *

Antonio de Saldanna, the last of the three commanders who were sent to

cruise in the north of the Red Sea, having lost Diego Fernandez Peteira,

came to anchor at a place called St Thomas, on the east side of the Cape

of Good Hope, which was made famous by the name of _Aquada del Saldanna_,

or Saldannas watering-place, on account of his having lost several of his

men there in endeavouring to land. At this time Ruy Lorenzo was parted

from him in a storm which drove him to Mozambique, whence he held on his

course for Quiloa, where he took some small prizes. Being ambitious to

distinguish himself, he went to the island of Zanzibar, twenty leagues

short of Mombasa, where he took twenty small vessels. After this he

appeared before the town of Mombasa, the king of which place sent out a

number of armed almadias or paraws to take his ship: But Lorenzo armed his

long boat with a crew of thirty men, which took four of the almadias and

killed a great many of the Moors. The king sent an army of 4000 men to the

shore under the command of his son, who was killed with some others at the

first volley; on which one of the Moors ran out from the ranks with a flag

of the Portuguese arms, craving a parley. Peace was soon concluded, by

which the king agreed to pay 100 _meticals_ of gold yearly as a tribute to

the king of Portugal[16].

From Mombasa, Lorenzo sailed for Melinda, the king of which place was much

oppressed by him of Mombasa, on account of his connection with the

Portuguese. On his way he took two ships and three small vessels called

_zambuccos_, in which were twelve magistrates of Brava, who submitted

their city to the king of Portugal, and engaged to give 500 meticals of

yearly tribute. On his arrival at Melinda, he found that a battle had been

fought between the kings of Melinda and Mombasa, in which neither could

claim the victory. Antonio de Saldanna likewise arrived at Melinda about

this time, and by his mediation peace was restored between these princes.

Saldanna and Lorenzo went thence to the mouth of the Red Sea, where they

defeated some Moors at the islands of _Kanakani_[17] beyond Cape Guardafu.

On the upper coast of Arabia, they burnt one ship belonging to the Moors

which was laden with frankincense, and they drove another on shore which

carried a number of pilgrims for Mecca.

[1] This seems to be the island named Chirapipil on a former occasion.--E.

[2] Thus I understand the expression in Lichefilds translation of

Castaneda, "Forty were armed with, shot."--E.

[3] Caliver is the old name of the matchlock or carabine, the precursor

of the modern firelock or musket.--E.

[4] A very ordinary precaution in India, to guard the passage of the wet

ditch in fortified places, both against desertion and surprise, is by

keeping numbers of crocodiles in the water.--E.

[5] A falcon or faulcon is described as a small cannon of two pound shot.

The following enumeration of the ancient English ordnance, from Sir

William Monsons Naval Tracts, in the reigns of Elizabeth and James the

First, is given in Churchills Collection, Vol. III. p. 803. I suspect

the weight of the basilisk, marked 400 pounds in this list, may be a

typographical error for 4000.--E.

Names. Bore. Weight. Shot. Powder. Random

inches. libs. libs. libs. paces.

Cannon-royal 8-1/2 8000 66 30 1930

Cannon 8 6000 60 27 2000

Cannon-serpentine 7 5500 53-1/2 25 2000

Bastard cannon 7 4500 41 20 1800

Demi-cannon 6-3/4 4000 30-1/2 18 1700

Cannon-petro 6 3000 24-1/2 14 1600

Culverin 5-1/2 4500 17-1/2 12 2500

Basilisk 5 400* 15 10 3000

Demi-culverin 4 3400 9-1/2 8 2500

Bastard culverin 4 3000 5 5-3/4 1700

Sacar 3-1/2 1400 5-1/2 5-1/2 1700

Minion 3-1/2 1000 4 4 1500

Faulcon 2-1/2 660 2 3-1/2 1500

Falconet 2 500 1-1/2 3 1500

Serpentine 1-1/2 400 3/4 1-1/2 1400

Rabanet 1 300 1/2 1/3 1000

[6] Two weights of that name are described as used in India for the sale

of pepper and other commodities, the small and the large bahar; the

former consisting of three, and the latter of four and a half peculs.

The pecul is said to weigh 5 1/2 pounds avoirdupois: Consequently the

smaller bahar is equal to 16 1/2, and the larger to 24 3/4 English

pounds. A little farther on in the present work of Castaneda, 4000

bahars are said to equal 1200 quintals; which would make the bahar of

Cochin equal to thirty Portuguese pounds.--E.

[7] This is a species of bark of some burthen, then used on the Malabar

coast.--E.

[8] Such is the expression of Lichefild; which I suspect ought to have

been 500 nayres of Cochin in paraws.--E.

[9] The quantity in the text is probably exaggerated considerably, as

only a few pages before, the factory at Cochin is said to have only

been able to procure 300 quintals.--E.

[10] In Astleys Collection, I. p. 55. Coulan or Koulan is said to have

been governed at this time by a _queen_ or rana. By Narsinga Bisnagar

is to be understood, which was one of the sovereignties into which the

Decan or southern peninsula of India was then divided--E.

[11] The western coast of India below the Gauts, is divided into three

portions, the Concan in the north, after this the coast of Canara, and

in the south, the country of Malabar, reaching from Mount Deli to Cape

Comorin. At the present period, Malabar was divided into seven

kingdoms or provinces: Cananor, Calicut, Cranganor, Cochin, Porka,

Coulan, and Travancore; which last was subject to the kingdom of

Narsinga or Bisnagar. Cananor, Calicut, and Coulan only were

considered as independent rajahs, the others being less or more

subjected to the authority of these three.--E.

[12] According to Astley, his whole force consisted of 110 men. Vol. I. p.

65.

[13] This story of Reynel and the pepper promised by the zamorin, is so

confusedly told in Lichefild's translation of Castaneda, as to be

altogether unintelligible.--E.

[14] In Astley the weight of the large pearls is reduced to 40 pounds.

Even with that correction, the immense quantity of pearls in the text

is quite incredible. There must be some error in the denomination, but

which we are unable to correct.--E.

[15] The remainder of this section is taken from Astley, I. 56, being

there appended to the abridgement of the voyage of the Albuquerques.

It is an isolated incident, having no apparent connection with the

history in the text, yet seemed proper to be preserved in this place.

--E.

[16] Mombasa belonged to the Portuguese for near 200 years. In 1698 it

was very easily taken by the Muskat Arabs, who put twenty Portuguese

to the sword.--Astl. I. 56. a.

[17] No islands of that name are to be found on our maps. The islands of

Socotora, Abdul Kuria, and los dos Hermanas, are to the

eastwards of Cape Guardafu: Chartan Martan, or the islands of Kuria

Muria, are a considerable distance N.N.E. on the outer or oceanic

coast of Yemen.--E.

SECTION VIII.

_Transactions of the Portuguese in India under Duarte Pacheco, from the

departure of Alonso and Francisco de Albuquerque in January 1504, till

the arrival of Lope Suarez de Menesis with succours in September of that

year._

After the departure of the Albuquerques from Cananor, Duarte Pacheco, who

was left with the command in India, remained there for some time to take

in provisions, having along with him the caravel commanded by Pedro

Raphael, while the other ship of his small squadron, under the command of

Diego Perez, was repairing at Cochin. Pacheco anchored with his own ship

off the harbour of Cananor, and dispatched Raphael along the coast to

oblige all ships which passed that way to come to Cananor in

acknowledgment of Pacheco as captain-general in the Indies. Several were

brought in by Raphael, and were constrained to give a full account from

whence they came, whither bound, and what they were laden with. In case

of their containing any pepper, more especially if bound for Calicut, he

used to take that commodity from them; and carried his command with so

high a hand, that he became the terror of these seas. One night while

thus at anchor, a fleet of twenty-five ships came suddenly to the

anchoring-ground where he lay, which he suspected to have been sent from

Calicut on purpose to attack him. Considering himself in imminent danger,

he immediately slipped his cables, not having time to weigh anchor, and

made sail to gain the windward of this fleet, upon which he directly

commenced firing. They were mostly small ships laden with rice, and made

off with all the haste in their power, though some of them ran aground.

One of the vessels of this fleet was a large ship belonging to the Moors

of Cananor, having nearly 400 men on board, who resisted for some time,

shooting off their arrows, and even endeavoured to take our ship. When

day was near at hand, and after having nine men slain in the action, the

Moorish captain at length submitted, and told Pacheco that he belonged to

Cananor.

After some time spent in this manner, Pacheco made sail for Cochin, and

in the passage fell in with several ships belonging to the Moors, taking

some, and burning or sinking others. On landing at the fort of Cochin, he

learnt from the factor that the reports of the zamorin making

preparations for the renewal of the war, were perfectly true, and even

that the Moorish inhabitants of Cochin were adverse to the rajah for

having taken part with the Portuguese against the zamorin. Being informed

likewise that the Cochin rajah was in great fear of this new war, he went

next day to visit him, carrying all his boats well manned, and fenced

with raised sides of boards to defend his men from the missile weapons of

the enemy. They were likewise furnished with ordnance, and all decorated

with flags and streamers in a gallant manner, hoping thereby to inspire

confidence in Trimumpara, who was much dejected at the small force which

had been left for his defence. In a conference between them, the rajah

said to Pacheco, that the Moors asserted he was left in the Indies for

the sole purpose of removing the merchandize belonging to the Portuguese

in the factory at Cochin to Cananor and Coulan, and not to defend him

against the power of the zamorin; which he was even disposed to think

were true, in consideration of the smallness of the fleet under his

command. Pacheco felt indignant at the suspicion which the rajah

entertained, and endeavoured to convince him that he had been imposed

upon by the Moors out of enmity to the Portuguese, assuring him that he

would faithfully exert himself in his defence. He pointed out to him the

strength of the natural defences of Cochin, which were all narrow, and

defensible therefore by a few valiant men against any number of

assailants. The rajah was greatly relieved by these assurances, and

Pacheco went to visit the different places by which the island of Cochin

might be assailed, all of which he diligently fortified, more especially

the ford, which he strengthened with a row of stakes, both to prevent the

enemy from wading across, and to hinder any of their vessels from passing.

In the mean time he was informed by letter from Rodrigo Reynel, that a

principal Moor in Cochin, in concert with several others, were contriving

to quit that city; and had been twice secretly at Calicut to confer with

the zamorin on this subject. Pacheco was a good deal concerned at this

intelligence, and proposed to the rajah to have this Moor executed for

his treasonable intercourse with the zamorin. But Trimumpara would by no

means consent to this measure; saying that it would occasion a mutiny

among the Moors, by whom the city was furnished with provisions in

exchange for goods, and be thought it were better to dissemble with them

all. Pacheco then said that he would have a conference with the Moors,

meaning to use policy with them, since the rajah did not approve of

violent measures; and to this the rajah consented, giving orders to his

naires to obey the orders of Pacheco. In pursuance of this plan, Pacheco

went to the dwelling of this chief Moor, named _Belinamacar_, close by

the river, taking with him a guard of his own men well armed, and

requested that person to send for some other leading men among the Moors,

whom he named, saying that he wished to consult with them on a subject of

great importance to them all. When they were all assembled, he made them

a speech to the following effect.

"I sent for you, honest merchants, that I might inform you for what

purpose I remain in the Indies. It is reported by some, that I mean only

to remove the factory and the goods belonging to the Portuguese to Coulan

and Cananor: But my sole purpose is to defend Cochin against the zamorin,

and even if necessary I will die in your defence. I am resolved to meet

him in Cambalan, by which way it is said he means to invade you; and, if

he has the boldness to meet me, I hope to make him prisoner and to carry

him with me into Portugal. I am informed that you intend to go away from

Cochin, and to induce the rest of the inhabitants among whom you are the

chiefs, to do the same; but I am astonished men of your wisdom should

leave the country in which you were born, and where you have dwelt so

many years, from fear of vain reports. Such conduct were even disgraceful

for women, and is therefore much more so for you who are men of wisdom

and experience. If you should be disposed to remove from hence when you

shall actually be in danger, I should hardly blame you: But to do so

before that danger is apparent, and even before a single battle has been

fought, must proceed either from cowardice or treachery. You all well

know, that only a very short while ago, a very small number of our

Portuguese defeated thousands of those same enemies who now threaten to

invade us. You may allege that we were then more in number than now,

which was assuredly the case. But we then fought in the open field, where

numbers were necessary; and we now propose only to fight in narrow passes,

in which a small number will suffice as well as a multitude. You already

know that I can fight, as it is I who have done the greatest injury to

the enemy in the late war, which the rajah can well vouch. As for me I

shall never yield, and I have more to lose, being overcome, than any of

you. Put your trust therefore in me and my troops, and remain where you

are till you see the event of our defence. Your sovereign remains in his

port, and wherefore should you go away? I and the Portuguese who are with

me, remain in this far distant country to defend your king, and you who

are his natural born subjects: Should you then desert him and your

country, you would disgrace yourselves and dishonour me, by refusing to

repose confidence in my promise to defend you against the zamorin and all

his power, were it even greater than it is. Wherefore, I strictly enjoin

that none of you shall remove from Cochin, and I swear by all that is

holy in our faith, that whoever is detected in the attempt shall be

instantly hanged. It is my determined purpose to remain here, and to have

the port strictly watched day and night that none of you may escape. Let

every one of you, therefore, look well to his conduct, and be assured, if

you do as I require, you shall have me for your friend; but if otherwise,

I shall be your mortal enemy, and shall use you worse even than the

zamorin."

The Moors endeavoured to clear themselves from what had been alleged

against them, but Pacheco would not listen to their excuses, and departed

from them in anger, and immediately brought his ship and one of the

caravels with two boats, which he anchored directly opposite the city of

Cochin, with strict charges to let no one leave the city by water. He

likewise appointed a number of paraws to guard all the creeks and rivers

around the city; and ordered every boat that could transport men or goods

to be brought every night under the guns of his ships, and returned to

their owners in the morning. In consequence of all these precautions, the

people of Cochin were so much afraid of him, that not one of the Moors or

Malabars dared to leave the city without his permission, and

henceforwards continued quiet. Notwithstanding all these cares, Pacheco

used to make nightly invasions into the island of Repelim, where he burnt

the towns, slew the inhabitants, and carried away much cattle and many

paraws; on which account the Moors of Cochin, astonished that he could

endure so much fatigue, gave out that he was the devil.

Mean time the zamorin collected his forces in the island of Repelim,

where he was joined by the lords of Tanor, Bespur, Kotugan, Korin, and

many other Malabar chiefs, making altogether an army of 50,000 men. Four

thousand of these were appointed to serve by water, in 280 vessels,

called _paraws_, _katurs_, and _tonys_; with 382 pieces of cannon

intended to batter the Portuguese fort at Cochin; and the rest of the

troops were appointed to force a passage across the ford of the river,

under the command of Naubea Daring, nephew and heir to the zamorin, and

Elankol, the lord of Repelim[1].

Intelligence of all this was conveyed to Cochin, and that the zamorin

proposed to invade that city by the straits of Cambalan. Rodrigo Reynel,

who sent this intelligence by letter, lay then very sick and died soon

after, on which the zamorin caused all his goods to be seized. On the

approach of the zamorin, the Moors of Cochin would very willingly have

induced the inhabitants to run away, but durst not venture to do so from

the fear they were in of Pacheco. He, on the contrary, that all might

know how little he esteemed the zamorin and all his power, made a descent

one night on one of the towns of Repelim, to which he set fire. But on

the coming up of a great number of armed naires, he was forced to retreat

in great danger to his boats, having five of his men wounded, after

killing and wounding a great number of the enemy. On their return to

Cochin, the targets of our men were all stuck full of arrows, so great

was the multitude of the enemies who had assailed them. The rajah came to

visit Pacheco at the castle on his return from this enterprize, and

expressed his satisfaction at his success, which he considered as a

mighty affair, especially as the zamorin and so great an army was in the

island. Pacheco made light of the zamorin and all his force, saying that

he anxiously wished he would come and give battle, as he was not at all

afraid of the consequences, trusting to the superior valour of his own

men.

As the people of Cochin remained quiet, Pacheco now prepared for

defending the pass of Cambalan. Leaving therefore a sufficient force to

guard the castle, and twenty-five men in the caravel under the command of

Diego Pereira to protect the city and watch the conduct of the Moors,

taking with himself seventy-three men in one of the caravels and several

armed boats, he departed for Cambalan on Friday the 16th of April 1504[2].

On passing the city, Pacheco landed to speak with the rajah, whom he

found in evident anxiety; but making as if he did not observe his

heaviness, Pacheco addressed him with a cheerful countenance, saying that

he was just setting out to defend him against the zamorin, of whom he had

no fear of giving a good account. After some conference, the rajah

ordered 500 of his naires, out of 3000 who were in his service, to join

Pacheco, under the command of _Gandagora_ and _Frangera_ the overseers of

his household, and the caymal of _Palurta_, whom he directed to obey

Pacheco in all things as if he were himself present. On taking leave of

Pacheco, while he exhorted him to use his utmost efforts for defending

Cochin against the zamorin, he desired him to be careful of his own

safety, on which so much depended.

Pacheco arrived at the passage of Cambalan two hours before day, and

seeing no appearance of the zamorins approach, he made an attack on a

town on the coast of the island about the dawn, which was defended by 300

naires, all archers, and a small number armed with calivers, or

match-locks, all of whom were embarked in certain paraws, and endeavoured

to defend the entrance of the harbour. They were soon constrained by the

cannon of the Portuguese to push for the shore and quit their paraws, but

resisted all attempts of the Portuguese to land for near an hour, when

they were completely defeated after losing a great many of their number,

killed or wounded, and our men set the town on fire. Having taken a

considerable number of cattle at this place, which he carried off with him,

Pacheco returned to defend the pass of Cambalan. At this time the zamorin

sent a message to Pacheco, offering him a handsome present, and proposing

a treaty for a peace between them: but Pacheco refused accepting the

present, and declared he would never make peace with him while he

continued at enmity with the rajah of Cochin. Next day, the zamorin sent a

second message, proudly challenging him for daring to obstruct his passage

into the island of Cochin, and offering him battle, declaring his

resolution to make him a prisoner, if he were not slain in the battle. To

this Pacheco made answer, that he hoped to do the same thing with the

zamorin, in honour of the day which was a solemn festival among the

Christians, and that the zamorin was much deceived by his sorcerers when

they promised him the victory on such a day. Then one of the naires who

accompanied the messenger, said smiling as if in contempt, that he had few

men to perform so great an exploit; whereas the forces of the zamorin

covered both the land and the water, and could not possibly be overcome by

such a handful. Pacheco ordered this man to be well bastinadoed for his

insolence, and bid him desire the zamorin to revenge his quarrel if he

could.

That same evening, the rajah of Cochin sent a farther reinforcement to

Pacheco of 500 naires, of whom he made no account, neither of these who

were with him before, believing they would all run away; his sole

reliance, under God, was on his own men, who feasted themselves that

night, that the zamorin might learn how much they despised all his

threats, and how eager they were for battle. Early next morning, Pacheco

made a short speech to his men, exhorting them, to behave valiantly for

the glory of the Christian name and the honour of their country, and

promising them an assured victory with the assistance of God; by which

their fame would be so established among the natives that they would be

feared and respected ever after. He likewise set before them the rewards

they might assuredly expect from their own sovereign, if they behaved

gallantly on the present occasion. His men immediately answered him that

they hoped in the ensuing battle to evince how well they remembered his

exhortations. They all then knelt down and sung the _salve regina_, and

afterwards an _Ave Maria_, with a loud voice. Just at this time, Laurenço

Moreno joined Pacheco with four of his men armed with calivers, who were

all anxious to be present in the battle, and of whose arrival the general

was extremely glad, as he knew them to be valiant soldiers.

In the course of the night, by the advice of the Italian lapidaries who

had deserted to the enemy, the zamorin caused a sconce or battery to be

erected directly over against the place where Pacheco was stationed, on

which five pieces of ordnance were placed, from which great service was

expected in the ensuing battle, owing to the narrowness of the pass. On

the morning of Palm Sunday, the zamorin marched forwards with 47,000 men,

partly naires and part Moors, and accompanied by all the rajahs and

caymals who had joined him in this war. Of these, the rajah of _Tanor_

had 4000 naires; the rajahs of _Bybur_ and _Curran_, whose countries lay

near the mountains of Narsinga, had 12,000 naires; the rajah of

_Cotogataco_, which is between Cochin and Cananor close beside the

mountains, had 18,000 naires; the rajah of _Curia_, which is between

Paniani and Cranganor, had 3000 naires. Naubea Daring, the prince of

Calicut, and his brother Namboa, who were particularly attached to that

part of the army composed of the zamorins immediate subjects, had a large

body of men whose numbers I do not particularize. Their warlike

instruments were many and of divers sorts, and made a noise as if heaven

and earth were coming together.

Before day, the van of this prodigious army arrived at the sconce of the

Italians, and began immediately to play off their ordnance against the

caravel, which was so near that it was an absolute miracle that not a

single shot did any harm. But our cannon were better served, and every

shot did execution among the enemy: and so well did they ply their guns,

that before sunrise above thirty discharges were made from our caravel.

At day-break, the whole of the enemies fleet, consisting of 169 barks,

came out of the rivers of the island of Repelim to attack our small force.

Sixty-six of these were paraws, having their sides defended with bags of

cotton by advice of the Italians, to ward off our shot; and each of these

had twenty-five men and two pieces of ordnance, five of the men in each

paraw being armed with calivers or matchlocks. Twenty of the foysts or

large barks were chained together, as a floating battery to assault the

caravel; besides which, there were fifty-three _catures_ and thirty large

barks, each of which carried sixteen men and one piece of ordnance,

besides other weapons. Besides all these armed vessels, there were a

great many more filled with soldiers, so that the whole river seemed

entirely covered over. Of this numerous fleet, which contained near 10,

000 men, Naubea Daring was admiral or commander in chief, and the lord of

Repelim vice-admiral. All these advanced against the Portuguese, setting

up terrible shouts, which was answered alternately by sounding all their

military instruments of music. The whole of these people were almost

naked, having targets of various colours, and made a very gallant

appearance. On the approach of this prodigious fleet, our caravel and

boats were hardly discernible, so completely did the enemy cover the face

of the water. Terrified by so prodigious a multitude, the naires of

Cochin all ran away, only Grandagora and Frangora remaining, who were on

board the caravel, or they would have done like the rest. Indeed their

presence was of no importance, except to serve as witnesses of the valour

of our men.