the Turks and Persians, which is rather the title of a judge than of a
priest, which is named Moulah.--E.
[43] It is probable that this passage should be thus understood, "The
king sent him a pilot, who was an idolater from Guzerate, &c."--E.
[44] The addition to, or observations on the text, inserted in this place
within inverted commas, are from Clarke, I. 486, 487.--E.
[45] In Lichefild's translation this date is made the 22d; but the Friday
after Sunday the 21st, must have been the 26th of the month.--E.
[46] The difference of longitude between Melinda and Calicut is thirty-
four degrees, which at 17-1/2 leagues to the degree, gives only 575
Portuguese leagues, or 680 geographical leagues of twenty to the
degree. Thus miserably erroneous are the estimated distances in old
navigators, who could only compute by the dead reckoning, or the log.
--E.
[47] The course from Melinda to Calicut is about E. N. E. the former being
about three degrees to the S. and the latter almost eleven degrees to
the N. of the line.--E.
[48] This vague account of the extent of Malabar is erroneous or corrupt,
as sixty-one Portuguese leagues would barely reach from Cape Comorin
to Calicut. The extreme length of the western maritime vale of India,
from Cambay to Cape Comorin, exceeds 250 Portuguese leagues.--E.
[49] The proper name of this prince who is said to have thus divided the
kingdom of Malabar, was Shermanoo-Permaloo.--Clarke, I. 395.
[50] This must be erroneous, as the Mahometans reckon from the year of the
Hegira, or flight of Mahomet from Mecca, which commences in 622 of the
Christian era.--E.
[51] This story seems an Arabian tale, perhaps partly founded upon some
real revolution in the government of Malabar. But it would much exceed
the bounds of a note to enter upon disquisitions relative to Indian
history.--E.
[52] Laker is a kind of gum that proceedeth of the ant. This marginal note,
in Lichefild's translation of Castaneda, indicates the animal origin
of lac, which has been elucidated of late by Dr Roxburgh.--E.
[53] From the sequel in the narrative of Castaneda, this Colastrian rajah
seems to have been the sovereign of Cananor.--E.
[54] This word pagoda, applied by the Portuguese, to denote an Indian,
temple, is said to be derived from a Malabar or Indian word,
_Pagabadi_, signifying any idol.--Astley, I. 51.
[55] This is described by Castaneda as a coin equal in value to three
crowns.
[56] By De Faria, this man is named Monzayde.--Astl. I. 30.
[57] The title of kutwal is of Arabic origin, and properly signifies the
governor of a fort or castle, but the office may be different in
different places. In some instances, the kutwal seems to have been the
deputy-governor, sheriff, or judge of a town.--Astl. I. 30.
[58] Such are the expressions used by Lichefild; but I suspect the sense
here ought to have been, That the kutwal required De Gama to land
immediately, that he might go to Calicut, on purpose to be presented
to the zamorin.--E.
[59] In Astley, I. 81. this place is named Kapokats.--E.
[60] Kafr is an Arabic word, signifying an infidel or unbeliever; and is
applied by the Mahometans to all who do not believe the doctrines of
Mahomet, and especially to all who worship images, including the Roman
Catholics. The priests mentioned in the text were obviously bramins.
The origin of the term here used by mistake, was obviously from the
interpretation of Bontaybo, the friendly Moor; and explains the
mistake of De Gama in believing the Malabars to have been Christians.
Bontaybo applied the same significant term of kafr to the image
worshippers of all denominations, without discriminating one species
of idolater from another.--E.
[61] On this part of the text, the author, or the original translator,
makes the following singular marginal reflection:--"The general
deceived, committeth idolatry with the Devil."--E.
[62] Astley, I. 24. a.
[63] Called in Astley _sharafins_.--Astl. I. 36.
[64] De Faria says that this fleet belonged to a pirate named Timoja, of
whom frequent mention will be made hereafter; and that the eight ships
were so linked together, and covered over with boughs of trees, that
they resembled a floating island.--Astl. I. 38. a.
[65] More probably Anche-diva, or Ange-diva.--Astl. I. 38. b.
[66] These vessels seem more probably to have been the squadron of Timoja.
--Astl. I. 38. c.
[67] Frangnes, Franghis, or Feringays, a common name all over the East
for Europeans; assuredly derived from the Francs or French, long known
as the great enemy of the Mahometans, by their exploits in the
crusades.--E.
[68] De Faria says this person was a Jew, and that he made the sign of
the cross from the shore to be taken on board.--Astl. I. 39. b.
[69] Or rather one of the three kings of Collen.--Astl. I. 39.
[70] Since called Cuama.--Astl. I. 39. c.
[71] Magadoxo is in lat. 2° 20' N. and about 45° 40' E. long.--E.
[72] Pate stands on the coast of Zanguebar, on the Rio Grande, one of the
mouths of the river Zebee, in lat. 1° 50' S. and about 41° 20' E. long.
--E.
[73] De Faria says this ship was lost on the shoals called after her name
but the men were saved.--Astl. I. 40. a.
[74] De Faria alleges that Coello was separated by a storm near Cape Verd,
and arrived at Lisbon, thinking De Gama had got home before him.--Astl.
I. 40. b.
[75] De Faria says fifty-five, and that they were all rewarded by the
king.--Astl. I. 40. c.
[76] The translator values this pension at 200l. a-year, perhaps equal in
present value to 2000l.--E.
[77] This does not appear to have been actually done until his return
from India the second time, as will be mentioned hereafter.--E.
[78] According to Astley, but without quoting any particular authority,
De Gama had a grant from the king of the title of Don for himself and
his descendants, and a pension of 3000 ducats: Coello was raised to
the rank of Fidalgo, or gentleman, and had an appointment of 100
ducats yearly.--Astl. I. 40.
SECTION III.
_Voyage of Pedro Alvarez Cabral to India in 1500; being the second made
by the Portuguese to India, and in the course of which Brasil was
Discovered._
The certainty of a navigable communication with India, and the vast
riches that were to be had in that country, being now ascertained, the
king resolved to prosecute the discovery, on purpose to spread the gospel
among the idolaters, and to augment his own revenues and the riches and
prosperity of his subjects. For these purposes, he determined to attempt
the settlement of a factory in Calicut by gentle means; hopeful that they
might be persuaded to a friendly intercourse, and might afterwards listen
to the word of God.
He therefore commanded that a fleet of ten ships and two caravels should
be got ready against next year, to be well laden with all the commodities
which De gama had reported to have current sale in Calicut. There went
others also to Sofala and Quiloa, where also he commanded factories to be
established, both on account of the gold which was to be found there, and
that the ships might have a place to touch and refresh at in their way to
and from India. Over the fleet intended for Calicut, he appointed Pedro
Alvarez Cabral, a gentleman of an honourable house, to be captain-general,
Sancho de Toar being captain of his ship. The names of the other captains,
so far as have come to my knowledge, were Nicholas Coello, Don Luis
Continho, Simon de Myseranda, Simon Leyton, Bartholomew Diaz, who
discovered the Cape of Good Hope, and his brother Diego Diaz, who had
been purser to Vasco do Gama in the former voyage. Of the caravels, Pedro
de Tayde[1] and Vasco de Silviera, were captains. Arias Correa was
appointed supercargo of the whole fleet, and was ordered to remain as
factor in Calicut, having Gonsalo Gil Barboso and Pedro Vas Caninon as
his clerks. Two ships were to remain with the merchandize at Sofala,
where Loriso Hurtado was to be factor. In the whole of this fleet there
embarked 1500 men[2].
The general was instructed, besides settling the factories, that if the
zamorin would not quietly consent or give sufficient lading to the ships,
he should make cruel war upon him for his injurious conduct to Vasco de
Gama. If the zamorin consented to the establishment of a factory and
trade, the general was secretly to request him not to allow any of the
Moors of Mecca to remain or to trade in Calicut, or any other harbour in
his dominions, and to promise that the Portuguese should hereafter supply
all such commodities as used to be brought by the Moors, of better
quality and cheaper than theirs. That he should touch at Melinda, to land
the ambassador who had been brought from thence by De Gama, together with
a present for the king of that place. Along with this fleet, the king
sent five friars of the order of St Francis, of whom Fra Henrique was
vicar, who was afterwards bishop _Siebta_, and who was to remain in the
factory to preach the Catholic faith to the Malabars[3].
The fleet being in full readiness, the king went in procession, on Sunday
the 7th of March 1500, to hear mass at the monastery of Belem,
accompanied by the captain-general, whom he took along with himself
behind the curtain in the royal seat, to do him the more honour. After
mass, Don Diego Ortis, bishop of Viseu, preached a sermon, in which he
gave high praise to Cabral for undertaking the command of this expedition,
as serving not only the king his temporal master, but the eternal GOD his
spiritual Lord, drawing many comparisons in his favour from the Grecian
and Roman histories. Mass being ended, a banner of the royal arms of
Portugal was delivered to the bishop, who solemnly blessed it, and
returned it to the king, who delivered it to Cabral, that it might be
displayed at his main-top. The bishop then, gave a bonnet to the general,
which had been blessed by the pope, and placed a rich jewel with his own
hands on his head, and gave him his blessing. When these ceremonies were
ended, the king accompanied the captain-general to the water side, where
he and the other captains of the fleet took leave of the king, kissing
his hands, the king giving them Gods blessing and his own; after which
all went on board, and the whole fleet saluted the king by discharging
all the ordnance of all the ships: But the wind being foul, the fleet
could not depart that day, and the king returned to Lisbon.
Next day, being the 9th of May 1500, having a fair wind, the fleet
weighed by signal from the general, and set sail at eight in the
morning[4]. "_The whole fleete having wayed, did then begin to cut and
spread their sayles with great pleasure and crie, saieng altogether_, Buen
viage, _that is to say, a luckie and prosperous voyage. After all this,
they beganne all to be joyfull, every man to use his severall office: The
gunners in the midst of the ship, hailing the maine sheets with the
capsteine: The mariners and ship boys, some in the forecastell haling
bollings, braces, and martnets: Others belying the sheets both great and
small, and also serving in trimming the sayles, and others the nettings
and foretop sayles: Other some vering the trusses, and also beleying
brases and toppe sayle sheets, and coyling every sort of ropes. It was
wonderful to see such a number of diversities of offices in so small a
roome, as is the bredth and length of a ship_."
Going on their voyage with a quarter wind, they came in sight of the
Canaries on the 14th of March, and passed St Jago on the 22d. On the 24th
of the same month, the caravel commanded by Vasco de Tayde parted company,
and was never seen afterwards[5]. After waiting two days for the missing
ship, the fleet proceeded on its voyage, and on the 24th of April, came
in sight of land. This was cause of much joy, as it was supposed to be a
country which had not been discovered by De Gama, because it lay to the
west[6] of their course. Cabral immediately sent off the master of his
ship in a small boat to examine the country, who reported that it
appeared pleasant and fertile, with extensive woods and many inhabitants.
The fleet was brought to anchor, and the master sent again on shore to
examine more narrowly into the state of the country and its inhabitants.
His account was that the natives were well proportioned, and of a swarthy
colour, armed with bows and arrows, and all naked. A storm arising at
night, the fleet weighed anchor and stood along; the coast, till they
found a good harbour, in which they all came to anchor, naming it _Puerto
Seguro_, or the Safe Port, as it was quite secure in all weathers. Our
men took two of the natives in an almadia or canoe, who were brought to
the admiral, but no one could understand their language. They had
therefore apparel given them, and were set on shore much pleased. This
encouraged the rest of the natives to mix with our people in a friendly
manner; but finding nothing to detain him here, the general determined to
take in a supply of water, not knowing when he might have another
opportunity. Next day, being in Easter week, a solemn mass was said on
shore under a pavilion, and a sermon was preached by Fra Henrique. During
service, many of the natives gathered around, who seemed very merry,
playing and leaping about, and sounding cornets, horns, and other
instruments. After mass, the natives followed the general to his boat,
singing and making merry. In the afternoon our men were allowed to go on
shore, where they bartered cloth and paper with the natives for parrots
and other beautiful birds, which are very numerous in that country, and
with whose feathers the natives make very shewy hats and caps. Some of
our men went into the country to see the towns or dwellings of the
natives, and reported that the land was very fertile, and full of woods
and waters, with plenty of fruits of various kinds, and much cotton.
As this was the country now so well known by the name of Brasil, I shall
not say any more about it in this place, except that the fleet remained
here for eight days; during which a great fish was thrown ashore by the
sea, greater than any _tonel_, and as broad as two. It was of a round
form, having eyes like those of a hog, and ears like an elephant, but no
teeth; having two vents under its belly, and a tail three quarters of a
yard broad, and as much in length. The skin was like that of a hog, and a
finger in thickness. The general ordered a high stone cross to be erected
at this place, and named his new discovery _La tierra de Santa Cruz_, or
the Land of the Holy Cross. From hence he sent home a caravel, with
letters to the king, giving an account of his voyage hitherto, and that
he had left two exiles[7] in this place, to examine the country; and
particularly to ascertain if it were a continent, as appeared from the
length of coast he had passed. He sent likewise one of the natives, to
shew what kind of people inhabited the land. Considering the great length
of the voyage he had to perform, Cabral did not deem it proper to spend
any more time in examining this new country, but departed from Puerto
Seguro[8] on the 2d of May, steering his course for the Cape of Good Hope,
which was estimated to be 1200 leagues distant, and having a great and
fearful gulf to cross, rendered dangerous by the great winds which
prevail in these seas during most part of the year.
On the 12th of May a great comet appeared in the heavens, coming from the
east, and was visible during ten days and nights, always increasing in
splendour. On Saturday the 23d of May, there arose a great storm from the
north-east, attended with a high sea and heavy rain, which forced the
whole fleet to take in their sails. On its abatement they again spread
their foresails; and falling calm towards night, the ships astern spread
out all their sprit-sails to overtake the rest. On Sunday the 24th the
wind again increased, and all the sails were furled. Between ten and
eleven o'clock of that day a water-spout was seen in the north-west, and
the wind lulled. This deceived the pilots as a sign of good weather,
wherefore they still carried sail: But it was succeeded by a furious
tempest, which came on so suddenly that they had not time to furl their
sails, and four ships were sunk with all their men, one of which was
commanded by Bartholomew Diaz, the discoverer of the Cape of Good Hope.
The other _seven_[9] were half filled with water, and had been all lost
if a part of their sails had not given way to the tempest. Soon
afterwards the storm veered to the south-west, but still continued so
violent that they had to drive all that day and the next under bare poles,
and the fleet much separated. On the third day the wind became more
moderate, coming round to the east and north-east, attended by a heavy
swell, and the waves run higher than had ever been seen before, yet the
fleet joined again to their great joy. This wind and high sea continued
for twenty days, during all which time the ships had to lie to, and were
so tossed that no one thought it possible to escape being swallowed up.
During day, the sea was black as pitch, and at night it appeared like
fire. The general, with Simon de Myranda and Pedro de Tayde, bore up to
windward during this long continued gale; while all the rest submitted to
the wind and went at Gods mercy.
When the storm abated, the general found that, with only two other ships
in company, he had doubled the Cape of Good Hope without having seen it.
On the 16th of July they fell close in with the coast of Africa, in lat.
27°S. but the pilots did not know the coast, and the general would not
allow any one to go on shore. They could see great numbers of people on
the land, yet none came down to the shore to view the ships. Having no
hope of procuring provisions from the natives, the seamen caught great
plenty of fish at this place; after which the general pursued his course
close along shore, where he constantly saw many people, and great numbers
of cattle feeding along the banks of a river which fell into the sea in
that neighbourhood.[10] Proceeding in this manner, the general came to
Sofala, with which the pilots were unacquainted, near which lay two
islands,[11] close by one of which two vessels lay at anchor. These
immediately made for the shore on seeing the Portuguese ships, and being
pursued were taken without resistance. The principal person belonging to
these vessels was a near relation[12] of the king of Melinda, and was
going from Sofala to Melinda with gold. The people were so much afraid on
seeing our ships, that they threw a great part of the gold into the sea,
and most of them escaped on shore. The general was much concerned at his
loss, especially that it should have fallen on the subject and relation
of a prince who was in friendship with the king his master; and after
shewing him every civility, restored the two vessels with all the
remaining gold. The Moor asked Cabral if he had any witches on board, who
could conjure up his gold from the bottom of the sea? Cabral answered,
that the Christians believe in the true God, and do not practice or give
credit to witchcraft.
Learning from this Moor that he had overshot Sofala, and not being
inclined to turn back, the general continued his voyage to Mozambique;
where he arrived on the 20th of July and took in a supply of water, and
procured a pilot to carry him to the island of Quiloa, towards which he
directed his course. In this part of the voyage he saw several fertile
islands, belonging to the king of Quiloa, who is a powerful prince; his
dominions extending from Cape Corientes almost to Mombaza, along nearly
400 leagues of coast, including the two islands near Sofala, that city
itself and several others to Mozambique, many more all the way to Mombaza,
with a great number of islands; from all which he derives large
revenues.[13] Yet he has few soldiers, and lives in no great state. His
constant residence is in an island named Quiloa, near the continent of
Ethiopia, an hundred leagues from Mozambique. This island is full of
gardens and orchards, with plenty of various kinds of fruits, and
excellent water, and the country produces abundance of _miso_[14] and
other grain, and breeds great numbers of small cattle; and the sea affords
great plenty of excellent fish. The city of Quiloa is in lat. 9°25'S. and
long. 40°20'E. handsomely built of stone and lime, and pleasantly situated
between fine gardens and the sea, having abundance of provisions from its
own island and from other places on the continent. The king and the
inhabitants of the city are Moors of a fair colour using the Arabic
language, but the original natives of the country are Negroes. The Moors
of Quiloa are richly dressed, especially the women, who wear many golden
ornaments. They are great merchants, enjoying the principal trade in gold
at Sofala, whence it is distributed over Arabia Felix, and other countries;
and many merchants resort thither from other places. Hence there are
always many ships in this port, which are all hauled upon the beach when
not in use. These ships[15] have no nails, but are sewed together by rope
made of _cairo_, and have their bottoms payed with wild frankincense, as
the country produces no pitch. The winter here begins in April and ends in
May.
On arriving at Quiloa, and receiving a safe-conduct for that purpose, the
general sent Alonso Hurtado, attended by seven of the principal officers,
to wait upon the king, signifying that Cabral had come here with the
fleet of the king of Portugal to settle a trade in the city, and had
great store of merchandize fit for that purpose; and to say that he was
desirous to confer with his highness on this subject, but had been
forbidden by the king his master to go on shore. The king agreed to give
Cabral an audience afloat; and, on the following day Cabral waited for
the king in his boat, which was covered over with flags, and attended by
all the other captains in their boats; as now Sancho de Toar and other
two ships had joined company again. The king came in an almadia,
accompanied by many principal Moors in other boats, all decked with flags,
and with many trumpets, cornets, and sackbuts, making a great noise. On
the arrival of the king, the whole Portuguese ordnance was fired off, by
which the king and his train were much alarmed, not having been
accustomed to such a salute. After mutual civilities, the letter from the
king of Portugal was read, proposing the settlement of trade between the
two nations, to which the king of Quiloa assented, and agreed that Alonso
Hurtado should wait upon him next day with an account of the kinds of
merchandize the Portuguese had to dispose of, for which he promised to
give gold in exchange. But when Hurtado went next day on shore, the king
made many excuses for not performing his promise, pretending to have no
need of the commodities, and believing that the general came to conquer
his country. The true reason was because he was a Moor and we were
Christians, and he was unwilling to have any trade or intercourse with us.
After this the general remained three or four days, to see if the king
would change his mind; but he continued inflexible, and strengthened
himself with armed men, as jealous of being attacked.
Finding that nothing could be done here, the general went on his voyage,
and arrived at Melinda on the 2d of August. At this port he found three
ships at anchor belonging to Moorish merchants of Cambaya; but, though
laden with great riches, he would not meddle with them, out of respect
for the king of Melinda. On coming to anchor the general saluted the king
with all his ordnance; on which the king sent a complimentary message of
welcome, with a present of many sheep, hens, and ducks, and great
quantities of fruits. The general sent a message in return, intimating
that he had come here by orders of the king of Portugal, to know if his
highness had any service which the fleet could perform for him, and to
deliver a letter and a rich present from the king of Portugal, which he
would send whenever his highness pleased to give his commands. The king
was much pleased with this message, and detained the messenger all night,
most part of which he spent in making inquiries respecting the kingdom of
Portugal. As soon as it was day, the king sent two principal Moors to
wait upon the general, declaring his joy at his arrival, and desiring, if
he had need of any thing in the country, to command all there as his own.
The general then sent Aries Correa, the factor-general of the fleet, on
shore to deliver the letter and presents, accompanied by most of the
principal officers, and having all the trumpeters of the fleet sounding
before him. The present consisted of the rich caparison of a riding-horse,
of the most splendid and shewy fashion. The king sent the nobles of his
court to receive Correa in great state, and several women who had censers
or perfuming pans which filled the air with a delightful odour. The king
received Correa in his palace, which was very near the water side,
sitting in his chair of state, and accompanied by many noblemen and
gentlemen. The letter, which was written hi Portuguese on one side and
Arabic on the other, being read, and the present laid before the king, he
and his nobles all in one voice gave thanks to God and Mahomet for
granting them the friendship of so great a prince. During the three days
which the fleet continued here, Correa remained on shore at the kings
particular request, in which he constantly employed himself in inquiries
concerning the customs of the king of Portugal and the conduct of his
government.
The king of Melinda was very anxious to have Cabral to come on shore to
the palace, but he excused himself as having been ordered by his master
not to land at any port, with which the king was satisfied, yet desired
to have an interview on the water. On this occasion, though the palace
was very near the sea, he went on horseback to the shore, having his
horse decorated with the rich caparisons sent him by the king of Portugal,
which were obliged to be put on by one of our men as none of the natives
knew their use. On coming to the shore, certain principal natives waited
at the foot of the stair, having a live sheep, which they opened alive,
taking out the bowels, and the king rode over the carcase of the sheep.
_This is a kind of ceremony that the witches there do use_.[16] After
this he went to the water side, with all his train on foot, saying in a
loud voice certain words of incantation. The interview with the general
took place on the water in great ceremony, and the king gave him a pilot
to carry the fleet to Calicut. Cabral left two banished men at Melinda to
inform themselves of all the circumstances of the country to the best of
their abilities. One of these, called _Machado_, when he had learned the
Arabic language, went afterwards by land to the straits of the Red Sea,
and from thence by Cambaya to _Balagarte_, and settled with the _sabayo_
or lord of Goa, passing always for a Moor. This man was afterwards very
serviceable to Albuquerque, as will be seen hereafter.
Leaving Melinda on the 7th of August, he came to Ansandina or Anche-diva,
on the 20th of that month, where he waited some days for the fleet of
Mecca, which he meant to have attacked. While there, the whole of the
crews confessed and received the sacrament. No ships appearing, the fleet
left Anchediva and sailed for Calicut, coming to anchor within a league
of that place on the 13th of September. Several almadias came off
immediately to sell victuals: And some of the principal nayres, with a
Guzurat merchant, brought a message from the zamorin,[17] declaring his
satisfaction at the arrival of the general at his city, in which every
thing he might need was at his command. The general made a polite answer
to the king, with thanks for his civility, and gave orders to bring the
fleet nearer to the city, in doing which all the ordnance was fired as a
salute, to the great astonishment of the natives, the idolaters among
them saying that it was impossible to resist us. Next day one Gaspar[18]
was sent on shore to the zamorin, desiring to have a safe-conduct for a
deputation from the general to wait on his highness; and along with
Gaspar the four Malabars who had been carried away from Calicut by Don
Vasco de la Gama were sent on shore. These men were all finely dressed in
Portuguese habits, and the whole inhabitants of the city came out to see
them, rejoiced to find they had been well treated. Though the zamorin was
well pleased with the safe return of his subjects, he refused allowing
them to come into his presence as they were only fishermen, or of a low
cast; but he sent for Gaspar, whom he received with civility, and whom he
assured that our people might come on shore in perfect safety. On
receiving this intelligence, Cabral sent Alonso Hurtado to the zamorin,
intimating that the Portuguese fleet had come on purpose to settle trade
and friendship, and that the general wished for an audience in which to
arrange these matters with his highness. But had orders from the king his
master not to go on shore without sufficient pledges for his security;
among whom he demanded the kutwal of Calicut and Araxamenoca one of the
chiefs of the nayres.[19] On this occasion Hurtado was accompanied by a
person who could speak the language, to act as his interpreter.
The zamorin was unwilling to send the hostages required, alleging that
they were old and sickly, and offered to send others who were better able
to endure the hardships of living on board. Yet he afterwards, at the
instigation of the Moors, was against sending any hostages; as they made
him believe that the general shewed little confidence in his promise,
which was derogatory to his honour and dignity. This negociation lasted
three days, as Hurtado insisted on this as a necessary preliminary. At
length, desirous of having trade settled with us, owing to the advantages
which would accrue to his revenue, the zamorin agreed to give the
hostages required. On which, leaving the command of the fleet in his
absence to Sancho de Toar, Cabral directed that the hostages should be
well treated, but on no account to deliver them to any one even although
demanded in his name. On the 28th of December, Cabral went on shore
magnificently dressed and attended by thirty of his principal officers
and others, the kings servants, in as much state as if he had been king
of Portugal; carrying with him rich furniture for his apartments, with a
cupboard of plate containing many rich pieces of gilt silver. He was met
by many principal nayres, sent by the zamorin to wait upon him, and
attended by a numerous train, among whom were many persons sounding
trumpets sackbuts and other musical instruments. The zamorin waited for
him in a gallery close by the shore, which had been erected on purpose;
and while the general went towards the shore, accompanied by all the
boats of the fleet, dressed out with flags and streamers, the hostages
were carried on board his ship, where they were loath to enter till they
should see the general on shore, lest he might return and detain them;
but were at last reassured of their safety by Aries Correa. On landing,
Cabral was received in great state by several _caymals, pinakals_, and
other principal nayres; by whose directions he was placed in an _andor_
or chair, in which he was carried to the _serame_ or hall of audience,
where the king waited his arrival.
The serame or gallery, was all hung round with rich carpets, called
_alcatifas_; and at the farther end the zamorin sat in an alcove or
recess resembling a small chapel, with a canopy of unshorn crimson velvet
over his head, and having twenty silk cushions under him and about him.
The zamorin was almost naked, having only a piece of white cotton round
his waist, wrought with gold. On his head he wore a cap of cloth of gold
resembling a helmet. In his ears he had rich jewels of diamonds,
sapphires, and pearls, two of the latter being as large as walnuts. His
arms, from the elbows to the wrists, were covered with golden bracelets,
set with numberless precious stones of great value; and his legs, from
the knees to the ankles, were similarly adorned. His fingers and toes had
numerous rings, and on one of his great toes he wore a ruby of great size
and wonderful brilliancy. One of his diamonds was bigger than a large
bean. All these were greatly surpassed by his girdle of gold and jewels,
which was altogether inestimable, and was so brilliant that it dazzled
the eyes of the beholders. Beside the zamorin was a rich throne or state
chair, all of gold and jewels; and his _andor_, in which he had been
carried from the palace was of similar richness, and stood near him. He
was attended by twenty trumpeters, seventeen of whom had silver trumpets,
and three of them gold, all the mouth-pieces being finely wrought and set
with jewels. Although in full day, the hall was lighted by many silver
lamps, in the fashion of the Moors. Close by the king there stood a
spitting basin of gold, and several silver perfuming-pans, which produced
an excellent odour. Six paces from the king, he was attended on by his
two brothers, who were the nearest heirs to the kingdom; and a little
farther off were many noblemen, all standing.
On entering the hall, and seeing the splendid state of the zamorin,
Cabral would have kissed his hand, as is the custom of Europe; but was
informed that this was not customary among them, and therefore sat down
in a chair near the king, which was appointed for him as an especial
honour. He then delivered his letter of credit from the king of Portugal,
written in Arabic, and then said, that the king his master, willing to
cultivate trade and friendship with the zamorin and his subjects, had
given him orders to require permission to establish a factory or house of
trade in Calicut, which should always be supplied with every kind of
merchandize that was in demand; and requested the zamorin to supply a
sufficient loading of spices for the ships under his command, which he
was ready to pay for, either by means of the commodities he had on board,
or in ready money. The zamorin seemed or affected to be pleased with the
embassy, and said that the king of Portugal was welcome to every thing in
his city of which he was in need. At this time the present from the king
of Portugal to the zamorin was brought forwards; which, among other
things, contained, a richly wrought basin and ewer of silver gilt; a gilt
silver flaggon and cover of similar workmanship; two silver maces; four
cushions, two of which were cloth of gold, and the other two of unshorn
crimson velvet; a state canopy of cloth of gold, bound and fringed with
gold; a carpet of rich crimson velvet; two very rich arras hangings, one
ornamented with human figures, and the other with representations of
trees and flowers. The zamorin was much satisfied with this present, and
said the general might either retire to his lodgings for rest and
refreshment, or might return to his ships as he thought best; but, as the
hostages were men of high cast and could not endure the sea, who could
neither eat or drink while on board consistent with their customs, it
became necessary that they should come on shore. Wherefore, if the
general would return to his ship and send these men on shore, and
inclined to come back next day to conclude all matters relative to the
trade of Calicut, the same hostages should be again sent on board. As the
general placed confidence in these assurances of the zamorin, he went on
board, leaving Hurtado and other seven of his people in charge of his
valuables that were left on shore. When at the water side and ready to
embark, a servant of one of the hostages, who was dispatched by the
comptroller of the zamorins household, went before in an almadia or small
pinnace, and gave notice to the hostages that the general was coming on
board. On which they leapt into the sea, meaning to escape to land in the
almadia with the servant: But Aries Correa went immediately with some of
the Portuguese mariners in a boat, and retook two of the hostages, with
three or four of the Malabars belonging to the almadia: The rest of the
hostages, among whom was the kutwal, got to the city.
When Cabral came on board and learnt what had happened, he ordered the
two remaining hostages to be secured below deck, and sent a complaint to
the zamorin against the conduct of the hostages, laying all the blame on
the comptroller. He desired the messenger to inform the zamorin of the
situation of the two remaining hostages, and to say that they should be
liberated whenever the Portuguese and the goods on shore were sent back
to the ships. Next day the zamorin came to the shore accompanied by 12,
000 men, and sent off the Portuguese people and their commodities to the
ships in thirty almadias, with orders to bring back the hostages. But
none of the Malabars in the almadias dared to approach the ships, being
afraid of the Portuguese, and returned therefore to the land without
delivering our people and commodities. Next day, the general sent some of
his own boats to land the pledges, but at some distance from the almadias;
on which occasion Araxamenoca, one of the hostages, leapt into the sea
with an intention to escape, but was retaken; and while our people were
busied in securing him, the other hostage made his escape. The general
was astonished at the want of truth and honour in these people, and gave
orders to keep Araxamenoca in strict custody; but finding at the end of
three days that the zamorin did not send for him, and that during all
this period he refused all sustenance, Cabral took compassion on him and
sent him to the zamorin, requesting that two of our men who remained on
shore might be sent on board, which was complied with.
After waiting three days without any message from the zamorin, the
general sent one Francisco Correa to inquire if he inclined to confirm
the agreement between them, in which case he would send Aries Correa on
shore to treat with his highness, for whose safety he required hostages.
The zamorin answered that he was perfectly willing to have the trade
established, and that the general might send Aries Correa or any other
person on shore for that purpose, and transmitted two grandsons of a rich
merchant of Guzerate as hostages. Aries Correa went accordingly on shore,
and was accommodated by the orders of the zamorin with a convenient house
for himself and his goods, which belonged to the Guzerate merchant, who
was likewise commanded to assist Correa in regard to the prices of his
merchandize and all other things relating to the trade and customs of the
place. But this man being a friend to the Moors of Mecca, thwarted him in
all things instead of giving him assistance. The Moors were determined
enemies to our people, both for being Christians, and lest their credit
and advantageous traffic in Calicut might suffer by the establishment of
our trade in that port. Wherefore, by means of their confederacy with the
Guzerate merchant, they took our goods at any price they pleased, and
intimidated the Malabars from trading with us. The Moors concluded that
the establishment of our factory would lower the price of such
commodities as they had to sell, and would inhance the value of the
spiceries, drugs, and jewels which they took in exchange. On this account
they thwarted Correa in all his transactions, offering higher prices than
ordinary for every article, by which he was constrained to buy every
thing at a very dear rate. If at any time he wished an audience of the
zamorin, the Moors always contrived to be present, that some of them
might speak against him. In this conduct they were assisted by
_Samicide_[20], a Moor, who was admiral of Calicut; who likewise hindered
any of our people of the factory from going on board the fleet, and
detained any of our boats that approached the shore, pretending to do this
by command of the zamorin.
On learning this sinister conduct of the Moorish admiral of Calicut, and
suspecting some intended treachery, the general gave orders to the fleet
to weigh their anchors, and to remove out of the harbour, lest they might
be attacked by the zamorins fleet, and that he might take counsel with
the other captains for the safety of the expedition. On learning this,
the zamorin inquired the reason from Correa, who urged the injurious
behaviour of the Moors, and told him all that they had done. The zamorin
immediately gave orders that the Moors should discontinue their villanous
conduct towards us, and even removed the Guzerate merchant from our
factory, appointing one _Cosebequin_[21] in his place, who, though a Moor,
was a very honest man and behaved to us in a friendly manner. This man
was of great credit in Calicut, being the head of all the native Moors of
that country, who are always at variance with the Moors of Cairo and of
the Red Sea, of whom the admiral Samicide was the chief. The Zamorin gave
farther orders, that our factory should be removed to a house close to
the shore which belonged to Cosebequin, that our merchants might have
greater freedom to buy and sell, without any interruption from the Moors.
For the greater security, a deed of gift was made of this house by the
zamorin to the king of Portugal and his successors for ever, a copy of
which, signed and sealed by the zamorin, was enclosed in a casket of gold
that it might be conveyed to Portugal; and permission was given to
display a flag of the royal arms of Portugal from the top of the
factory[22]. On receiving intelligence of these favourable measures, Cabral
brought back the fleet into the harbour of Calicut, and sent his
compliments of thanks to the zamorin for his gracious and favourable
dispositions. After this, our factory had tolerably good fortune in
conducting its trade by the assistance of Cosebequin: and the natives,
finding our factory favoured by the zamorin, behaved so very civilly to
our people that they could go about wherever they pleased, with as much
freedom and safety as in Lisbon.
During the subsistence of this friendly intercourse, a large Moorish ship
was descried from Calicut on its voyage from Cochin for Cambaya; and the
zamorin requested our general to make prize of the ship, alleging that it
contained a peculiarly fine elephant which he wished to possess, and
which had been refused to him although he had offered more than its value.
The general answered that he would do this willingly to gratify his
highness; but, as he was informed the ship was large and well manned,
both with mariners and soldiers, it could not be expected to surrender
without resistance, in which some men might be slain on both sides, and
it was therefore necessary he should have the sanction of his highness to
kill these people in case of resistance, which was accordingly granted.
Upon which the general sent Pedro de Tayde in his caravel, accompanied by
a valiant young gentleman named Duarte, or Edward Pacheco, and by sixty
fighting men, with orders to take this ship. Along with them the zamorin
sent certain Moors, that they might witness the manner of fighting used
by the Portuguese. The caravel gave chase to the Moorish ship till night,
and then lost sight of her; but in sailing along shore by moon-light,
they saw her riding at anchor, ready for defence, judging her to be about
600 tons burthen, and to contain 300 fighting men. Pacheco, according to
his orders, did not think proper to lay the Moorish ship on board, but
commanded his ship to be brought to, intending to sink the Moorish ship
by means of his ordnance, in case of necessity. The Moors made light of
our small force, which they greeted with loud cries and the sound of
musical instruments, after which they played their ordnance against our
caravel. They were bravely answered by our men, and one of our balls
struck them between wind and water, so that the Moorish ship took in much
water; and many of their men being killed and wounded by our shot, they
bore away for the bay of Cananor, which was very near, and came there to
anchor beside other four Moorish ships. Pacheco followed them and
continued to batter them with his guns, and had assuredly taken them had
not certain _paroas_ belonging to the Moors come from the port of Cananor
to their assistance. The night growing very dark, Pacheco quitted the bay
lest his caravel might be set on fire by the Moors, and came to anchor
close to an island at a short distance, having had nine of his men
wounded by arrows during the engagement.
Next morning Pacheco again attacked the Moorish ship, which at last
yielded, to the great displeasure of the natives of Cananor, who had
flocked to the seaside intending to have succoured the Moors; but, on
Pacheco sending a few shots among them, they all dispersed. Pacheco came
next day to Calicut with his prize, where the zamorin came down to the
water side to see the Moorish ship, giving great praise to our people for
their prowess, being much astonished that so great a ship should be taken
by one so much inferior in size and number of men. The general commanded
this ship to be delivered to the zamorin, together with the seven
elephants that were on board, which were worth in Calicut 30,000 crowns.
He also sent a message to the zamorin, saying that he need not be
astonished at this action as he would perform much greater actions to
serve his highness. The zamorin returned thanks for what had been done,
and desired the brave men who had performed this gallant action to be
sent him, that he might do them honour and reward them as they deserved;
and he bestowed large presents upon Pacheco in particular. Some affirm
that the performance of this gallant feat by so small a number of our men
against such great odds, raised fear and jealousy of the Portuguese in
the mind of the zamorin, and made him anxious to get them away from his
country; for which cause he gave his consent to the treachery which was
used against them, as I mean to shew in the sequel[23].
The Moors of Calicut were more terrified than ever at the Portuguese in
consequence of the capture of this ship, and were much offended by the
favour bestowed by the zamorin upon our men for their gallantry on this
occasion. They believed that all this was done, out of, revenge against
themselves, for the injuries they had done us, and was intended to induce
them to retire from Calicut; especially as our people brought there as
great store of merchandize as they did, and bought as many spices. Taking
all this into consideration, they procured an audience of the zamorin, to
whom one of their number made the following oration in the name of all
the Moors.
_"Emparather[24]_ of all the Malabars, as great as the mightiest
sovereign of the Indies, and most powerful among the princes of the earth.
We are astonished that you should debase yourself by receiving into your
country these enemies of your law and strangers to the customs of your
kingdom, who seem pirates rather than merchants. We should not wonder at
your so doing were your city in want of the commodities they bring, or
could not otherwise dispose of the spiceries they purchase: But we, whom
you have long known and whose fidelity you are well assured of by
experience, have always done both to the great increase of your revenue.
You appear to forget all this, by receiving those whom you do not know
into your favour, and employing them to revenge your injuries, as if your
own numerous and faithful subjects were incompetent for the purpose. In
this you dishonour yourself, and embolden these strangers to hold your
power in contempt, and to act as we know they will hereafter, by robbing
and plundering all merchant ships that frequent your port, to the ruin of
your country, and who will at length take possession of your city. This
is the true intent of their coming into these seas, and not to trade for
spices as they pretend. Their country is almost 5000 leagues from hence,
and the voyage out and home is attended by many dangers through unknown
and stormy seas, besides the great cost of their large ships with so many
men and guns; Hence at whatever prices they may dispose of their spices
in Portugal, it is obvious such a trade must be carried on with great
loss; which is a manifest proof that they are pirates, and not merchants,
who come here to rob, and to take your city. The house you have given
them for a factory, they will convert into a fort, from whence they will
make war on you when you least expect it. All this we say more from the
good will we owe you, than for any profit; for, if you do not listen to
our advice, there are other cities in Malabar to which we will remove,
and to which the spices will be conveyed for us."
To this harangue the zamorin gave a favourable answer, saying that he
would give attention to all they had said, of which indeed he already had
some suspicions. That he had employed the Portuguese to seize the ship to
try their courage, and had allowed them to load their ships, that the
money they had brought to purchase goods might remain in the country; and
finally, that he would not forsake them in favour of the strangers. The
Moors were by no means satisfied with all this, because the zamorin did
not order us to depart from Calicut, and did not stop our trade, which
was their chief purpose. Though disappointed in these views, they
continued to intermiddle in our affairs, particularly by buying up the
spices and sending them elsewhere, in hope of irritating our people, and
bringing on a quarrel, that they might have a pretext to attack us. This
they were much inclined to bring about, as, being greatly more numerous
than our men, they hoped the zamorin would take part with them against us.
They likewise used all possible means to draw over the common people of
Calicut to their side, and to excite them to enmity, against us, by
making them believe that our people had injured them.
Through those devices, our factor was unable to procure more spices than
sufficed to load two ships in the course of three months, from which the
general was convinced that the friendly assurances of the zamorin was
little to be depended on; and if he had not been afraid of not being able
to procure a sufficient supply elsewhere, he would have gone to another
port: But, having already consumed a long time and been at heavy charges,
he determined to remain at Calicut, and sent a message to the zamorin,
complaining of the delays, which ill accorded with the promises of his
highness, that the whole fleet should be loaded in twenty days, whereas
three months were now elapsed and the loading of two ships only was
procured. He urged the zamorins promise that the Portuguese ships were to
be first loaded; whereas he had assured information that the Moors had
bought up great quantities of spices at lower prices, and sent them to
other places, and begged the zamorin to consider that it was now time for
the ships to begin their voyage to Portugal, and that he anxiously wished
for dispatch. On receiving this message, the zamorin pretended to be much
surprised that our ships were still unprovided with a loading, and could
not believe that the Moors had secretly bought up and removed the spices,
contrary to his orders; and even gave permission to the general to take
those ships belonging to the Moors which were laden with spices, paying
the same prices for the spices which had been given by the Moors. This
intelligence gave much satisfaction to the Moors, as a favourable
opportunity for drawing on hostilities with the Portuguese; and,
accordingly, one of the principal Moorish merchants began immediately to
load his ship: openly with all kinds of drugs and spices, and suborned
several Moors and Indians, who pretended to be the friends of our factor,
to insinuate that he would never be able to find a sufficient loading for
our fleet, if he did not seize that ship. Correa listened to this
insidious advice, which he communicated to the general, urging him to
take that Moorish ship, as he had license from the zamorin to that effect.
The general was exceedingly unwilling to proceed to this extremity,
afraid of the influence of the Moors with the zamorin, and of producing
hostilities with the natives. But Correa remonstrated against delay,
protesting that the general should be responsible for all losses that
might accrue to the king of Portugal through his neglect. Over-persuaded
by this urgency of the factor, the general sent all the boats of the
squadron on the 17th of December to take possession of the Moorish ship.
When this intelligence was received on shore, the Moors thought this a
favourable opportunity of destroying our people, and immediately raised a
great outcry against the Portuguese, incensing the people of the city to
join with them in complaining to the zamorin; to whom they went in a
tumultuous manner, representing that we had bought and shipped a much
larger quantity of drugs and spices than the value of all our merchandize,
and not contented with this, were for taking all like thieves and pirates;
they blamed the zamorin for permitting us to trade in the city, and
requested his license to revenge themselves upon us for the loss of their
vessel. The faithless and inconstant king save them the license they
required; on which they immediately armed themselves, and ran furiously
to our factory, which was surrounded by a wall eight or ten feet high,
and contained at that time seventy Portuguese, among whom was Fra
Henriques and his friars. Of our people in the factory, only eight were
armed with crossbows, all the rest being only armed with swords, with
nothing to defend them but their cloaks. On hearing the tumult, our
people went to the gate of the factory, and seeing only a few assailants,
they thought to defend themselves with their swords against a mischievous
rabble, but the numbers of the Moors soon increased, and galled our
people so severely with their spears and arrows, that they were forced to
shut the gates, after killing seven of the enemy, hoping to be able to
defend themselves by means of the wall. In this conflict four of our men
were slain, and several wounded, and all the remainder mounted the wall
to defend it by means of the crossbows, judging that the assailants were
at least four thousand men, among whom were several nayres.
Cores now found himself unable to defend the factory against so great a
force, and therefore hoisted a flag as signal to the fleet. The general
was at this time sick in bed, having been just blooded, and was not
therefore able to go in person to relieve the people in the factory; but
immediately sent all the boats of the fleet, well manned, under the
command of Sancho de Toar. But he was afraid to venture on land with so
small a force against so great a multitude, or even to approach too near
the shore, lest the enemies might assail him in their almadias and tonis.
He lay off, therefore, at a considerable distance, where he remained a
spectator of the valiant defence made by our people at the factory,
whence they killed great numbers of the assailants. But their enemies
always increased in numbers, and they at length brought up certain
engines to beat down part of the wall, in which they at length succeeded.
On this, our men issued out by a door which led towards the sea side, in
hopes of being able to fight their way to the boats, in which attempt
Corea was slain, and fifty more of our men were either killed or made
prisoners, twenty only escaping who swam to the boats, most of whom were
much wounded. Among these were Fra Henriques, and Antonio, the son of
Aries Corea, then only eleven years old; who hath since done many noble
feats of arms in the Indies and other places, as I shall afterwards
declare in the _Fourth_ Book of this history.
The general was much concerned at this event, not only for the loss of
his men, but on seeing how little confidence could be reposed on the
promises of the zamorin after all the presents he had received, and the
services which had been performed for him. He had now spent three months
at Calicut, during which he had only loaded two of his ships, and knew
not how to procure loading for the rest; especially as he could not
expect a favourable reception at Cochin on account of having captured the
ship with the elephant as before related. Considering the treason which
had been practised on our men, the general determined upon taking a
signal revenge, if the zamorin did not make an ample excuse for what had
taken place, and make a full reparation by immediately providing the rest
of the ships with lading. The zamorin, however, had no such intentions,
being much pleased with what the Moors had done, and even ordered all the
goods in our factory to be seized, to the value of 4000 ducats. He
likewise ordered all of our people who had been taken on shore to be made
captives, four of whom died of their wounds. Seeing that no message or
excuse was sent by the zamorin all that day, the general held a council
with his officers as to the proper steps to be taken on the present
emergency; when it was determined to take immediate and ample revenge,
without giving time to the zamorin to arm his fleet. On this, orders were
issued to take possession of ten large ships which lay in the road or
harbour of Calicut, which was done after some resistance, many of their
crews being killed or drowned, and others made prisoners who were
reserved to serve as mariners on board our fleet. Some spices and other
merchandize were taken in these ships, and three elephants, which were
killed and salted as provisions for the voyage; and it appeared that 600
Moors were slain in defending these ships. After every thing of value was
taken from the Moorish ships, they were all burnt in sight of the city.
Many of the Moors embarked in their almadias to attempt succouring their
ships, but our men soon put them to flight by means of their ordnance.
The zamorin and the whole city of Calicut were much mortified to see so
many ships destroyed, and them unable to help, but their astonishment and
terror were much increased by the events of the ensuing day. During the
night, the general ordered all the ships of the fleet to be towed as near
as possible to the shore by means of the boats, and spread out at some
distance from each other, that they might be able to reach the city with
their ordnance; which, as soon as day broke, was directed to play upon
the city in every direction, doing vast damage among the houses. The
natives brought down to the shore such small pieces of ordnance as they
possessed, which they fired off against us, but without being able to do
us any injury; whereas not a shot of ours missed taking effect, either
among the multitude of our enemies which flocked to the shore, or on the
buildings of the city, both the houses of the inhabitants and the temples
of their deities receiving incredible damage. So great was the
consternation, that the zamorin fled from his palace, and one of his
chief nayres was killed by a ball close beside him. Part even of the
palace was destroyed by the cannonade. Towards afternoon two ships were
seen approaching the harbour, which immediately changed their course on
seeing how our fleet was employed; on which the general ceased firing
against Calicut, and made all sail after these two ships to Pandarane,
where they took shelter among other seven ships lying at anchor close to
the shore and filled with Moors. Finding that our fleet could not get
near enough to attack them, owing to shallow water, and considering that
it was now late in the season for his voyage back to Lisbon, the general
resolved to be contented with the revenge he had already taken upon
Calicut, and made sail for Cochin, where he was informed there was more
pepper to be had than even at Calicut, and where he hoped to enter into a
treaty with the rajah of that place.'
On his way towards Cochin, Cabral took two ships belonging to the Moors,
which he set on fire, after taking out of them some rice which they had
on board. On the 20th of December the fleet arrived at Cochin, which is
nineteen leagues to the south of Calicut, and is in nine degrees towards
the north[25]. Cochin is in the province of Malabar, on a river close to
the sea, and is almost an island, so that it is very strong and difficult
of access, having a large and safe harbour. The land in its neighbourhood
is low and intersected by branches of the river into many islands. The
city itself is built much after the same manner with Calicut, and is
inhabited by idolaters, with a good many Moorish strangers, who come
hither to trade from many countries, two of whom were so rich as to have
each fifty ships employed. This country does not abound in provisions,
but produces large store of pepper, even Calicut being mostly supplied
from hence: But as Calicut is greatly more resorted to by merchants, it
is therefore much richer than Cochin. The king is an idolater, of the
same manners and customs with him of Calicut; but his country being small
he is very poor, and has not even the right to coin money, being in many
respects subordinate to the zamorin; who, on his accession to the throne
always goes to Cochin, and takes possession of that kingdom, either
retaining it in his own hands, or restoring the rajah as he may think
proper. The rajah of Cochin, consequently, is bound to assist the zamorin
in all his wars, and must always be of the same religion with his
paramount.
Having come to anchor in the harbour of Cochin, the general sent one
Michael Jogue[26] on shore with a message to the rajah, as he feared to
send Caspar on shore, lest he might run away. This person, though an
idolater and a stranger, had come aboard our fleet with the intention of
becoming a Christian, and of going into Portugal, and our general had him
baptised by the name of Michael. He was ordered to give the rajah of
Cochin an account of all that had happened at Calicut, and that Cabral
had brought great store of merchandize to barter for the commodities of
Cochin; or if the rajah were not satisfied with these, he was willing to
give ready money for what he wanted; requesting to be furnished with
loading for four of his ships in either way, as most agreeable to the
rajah. To this message the rajah[27] made answer, that he was exceedingly
glad of the arrival of the Portuguese, of whose power and valour he had
already heard, for which he esteemed them highly, and that they were
welcome to purchase what spices his country afforded, either in barter
for their goods, or for money, as they thought proper. He added, that the
general might freely send any agents he pleased on shore to make
purchases and sales, and sent two principal nayres as hostages for their
safety; conditioning only, that they might be changed daily for others,
because any of that cast who chanced to eat even once on shipboard could
never appear again in the rajahs presence. Cabral was well pleased with
this promising beginning, and immediately appointed Gonzalo Gil Barbosa
as factor, who had been assistant to Aries Correa, giving him Laurenço
Morena as clerk, and Madera de Alcusia as interpreter, with four of the
banished men as servants.
On receiving notice of the landing of Barbosa, the rajah sent the
register[28] of the city to meet him, accompanied by many of the nayres,
or principal men of the court, who brought him to visit the rajah, who
was much inferior in dress and appearance of state to the zamorin, even
the hall of audience having only bare walls, seated around like a theatre,
in which the rajah sat with very few attendants. Barbosa presented to the
rajah, in name of our general, a basin of silver filled with saffron, a
large silver ewer filled with rose water, and some branches of coral,
which the rajah received with much satisfaction, desiring his thanks to
be returned to the general; and after some conversation with the factor,
and interpreter, he gave orders for them to be properly lodged in the
city. The general gave especial orders that no more than the seven
persons already mentioned should remain on shore, thinking it imprudent
to risk a greater number, in case of experiencing a similar misfortune
with what had lately happened at Calicut. But there was here no cause for
distrust, as the rajah of Cochin was a person of truth and honour, as
appeared by his good usage of our men, the quick dispatch that was used
in loading our ships with spices, and the orders he gave to his people to
afford every assistance, which they did with much alacrity and zeal: so
that it seemed ordained of God, that the trade should be transferred from
Calicut to Cochin, for the advancement of the Catholic faith in the
Indies, and the enrichment of the crown of Portugal[29].
After the ships were laden, two Indians came to wait upon the general,
who said that they were brothers, and Christians, born in Cranganore near
Cochin, who were desirous of going to Portugal, and thence to visit the
Pope at Rome, and the holy sepulchre at Jerusalem[30]. Being asked by the
general what kind of a city Cranganore was, whether it was entirely
inhabited by Christians, and whether these Christians followed the order
of the Greek or Roman church, one of them gave the following answers.
Cranganore is a large city in the province of Malabar on the mainland,
standing near the mouth of a river, by which likewise it is encompassed,
inhabited both by idolaters and Christians, and by some Jews who are held
in small esteem. It is much frequented by strangers, among whom are
merchants from Syria, Egypt, Persia, and Arabia, who come thither to
purchase pepper, a great deal of which commodity is gathered in its
territories. It has a king of its own, to whom all the Christian
inhabitants pay a certain tribute, and have a quarter of their own in the
city, where they have a church resembling ours, in which there were
crosses, but no images of the saints, and no bells, being summoned to
prayers by the priests as in the Greek church. These Christians hail
their popes, with twelve cardinals, two patriarchs, and many bishops and
archbishops, all of whom reside in Armenia, to which country their
bishops always went for consecration. He had been there himself along
with a bishop, where he was ordained a priest. That this rule was
observed by all the clergy of the Indies and of Cathay, who have to go to
the pope or Catholicos of Armenia for consecration. Of their two
patriarchs, one resides in the Indies, and the other in Cathay[31], their
bishops residing in different cities as it may seem convenient. Their
tonsure is made in form of a cross.
The cause of their having a pope is said to have been on the following
account: 'When St Peter was residing at Antioch, there happened a great
schism, occasioned by Simon Magus, on which Peter was called to Rome to
assist the Christians in overthrowing that heresy; and, that he might not
leave the eastern church without a shepherd, he appointed a vicar to
govern at Antioch, who should become pope after the death of Peter, and
should always assist the pope of Armenia. But, after the Moors entered
into Syria and Asia Minor, as Armenia remained always in the Christian
faith, they came to be governed by twelve cardinals. Marco Polo, in
writing concerning Armenia, mentions this pope or Catholicos, and says
there are two sects of Christians, the Nestorians and Jacobites, their
pope being named Jacobus, whom this Joseph named their Catholicos. The
priests of Cranganore are not shaven in the same manner with ours, but
shave the whole head, leaving a few hairs on the crown and they have both
deacons and subdeacons. In consecrating the elements, they use leavened
bread and wine made of raisins, having no other in the country. Their
children are not baptized till they are eleven days old, unless they
happen to be sickly. They confess as we do, and bury their dead after a
similar manner. They do not use the holy oil to the dying, but only bless
them; and when any one dies, they gather a large company and feast for
eight days, after which the obsequies are celebrated. If any person dies
without making a testament, their lands and goods go to the nearest heir;
but the widow is entitled to her dower if she remain a year unmarried. On
going into church they use holy water. They hold the writings of the four
Evangelists in great veneration. They fast during Lent and Advent with
much solemnity, and on Easter Eve they neither eat nor drink the whole
day. They have regularly sermons on the night of Holy Friday, and they
observe the day of the Resurrection with great devotion. Likewise the two
following days, and the ensuing Sunday, are particularly kept holy,
because on that day St Thomas thrust his hand into the side of our
Saviour. Ascension Day, Trinity Sunday, the Assumption and Nativity of
the Blessed Virgin, Candlemas Day, Christmas Day, all the days of the
apostles, and all the Sundays throughout the year, are kept with much
devotion. They sanctify in a particular manner the first day of July
every year in honour of St Thomas, but they could give no reason why this
was done. They have also native friars and nuns, who live with much
regularity. Their priests also live chastely, as those who do otherwise
are debarred from executing their functions. They allow of no divorce
between married people, who must live together till death. They receive
the sacrament regularly three times in every year. They have among them
certain learned men, or great doctors, who keep schools, in which they
teach the Scriptures, and likewise some excellent interpretations which
were left in old times by their ancient doctors. Their dress is similar
to that of the Moors. Their day consists of forty hours; and, having no
clocks, they judge of the time of the day by the sun, and in the night by
the motion of the stars[32]. The general was very glad to receive this
Joseph and his brother, and gave orders to provide them with a good cabin
in his ship.
While Cabral remained at Cochin, he received messages from the kings of
Cananor and Coulan, both considerable princes in the province of Malabar,
requesting him to come to their ports, where he should be supplied
cheaper than at Cochin, and giving him many offers of friendship. He made
answer, with his hearty thanks, that he could not now visit their ports,
having already begun to take in his loadings bet that he should certainly
visit them on his return to India. Immediately after the Portuguese ships
were laden, a fleet of twenty-five great ships, and other small vessels
was descried in the offing; and notice was sent by the rajah of Cochin to
our general, that this fleet contained fifteen thousand fighting men, and
had been fitted out on purpose to make him and all his people prisoners.
At the same time the rajah offered to send men to his assistance, if he
stood in need; but the general answered he had no need of any such aid at
the present, as he trusted, with God's blessing, to convince his enemies
they were ill advised in seeking now to attack him, having already given
them a trial of his strength; alluding to what he had already done to
them at Calicut. The enemy continued to hover off at sea, but did not
venture to come nearer than a league, though they seemed in fighting
order. Seeing this shyness, the general weighed anchor, and went out with
all his fleet against them, having on board the two nayres who were
hostages for the factory on shore, but his intentions were to have
returned with them to Cochin. Soon after leaving the harbour, a great
storm arose with a foul wind, so that he was forced to come to anchor
without attaining to the enemy. Next morning, being the 10th January 1501,
the wind came fair, and being desirous to attack the fleet of Calicut,
the general made sail towards them; but missing the ship commanded by
Sancho de Toar, who had parted from the fleet in the night, and that
being the largest and best manned ship of the fleet, he deemed it prudent
to avoid fighting with so large a force, especially as many of his men
were sick. The wind, likewise, was now quite fair for beginning his
voyage home, and was quite contrary for going back to Cochin to land the
hostages. He determined, therefore, to commence his voyage, and stood out
to sea; the enemy following him during the whole of that day, but
returned towards Calicut when night drew on. Cabral now turned his
attention to the forlorn nayres, who had been five days on board without
eating, and by dint of much and kind entreaty, he at length prevailed on
them to take food.
On the 15th of January, the fleet came in sight of Cananore, which lies
on the coast of Malabar, thirty-one leagues north of Cochin. This is a
large city with a fine bay, the houses being built of earth, and covered
with flat stones or slates, and it contains many Moors who trade thither
for many kinds of goods. The neighbourhood produces hardly any more
pepper than is necessary for its own consumpt; but has plenty of ginger,
cardamoms, tamarinds, mirabolans, cassia-fistula[33], and other drugs. In
several pools of water near this city there are many very large
alligators[34], similar to the crocodiles of the Nile, which devour men
when they come in their way. They have very large heads with two rows of
teeth, and their breath smells like musk, their bodies being covered all
over with hard scales like shells. In the bushes near this city there are
many large and very venomous serpents, which destroy men by means of
their breath. There are bats likewise as large as kites, which have heads
like a fox and similar teeth, and the natives often eat these animals.
The city of Cananore abounds in fish, flesh, and fruits, but has to
import rice from other places. The king or rajah is a bramin, being one
of the three kings of Malabar, but is not so rich and powerful as the
zamorin, or even as the rajah of Coulan. The general came to anchor at
this port, both because he had been invited by the rajah, and because he
wished to take on board some cinnamon, of which commodity he had not as
yet any on board. He accordingly purchased 400 quintals, and might have
had more if he would, but refused it; on which the people of the place
concluded that he had no more money. On this coming to the knowledge of
the rajah, he sent him word that he would trust him with any quantity he
had a mind for of that or any other commodity, till his return from
Portugal, or the arrival of any other in his stead. The rajah was induced
to make this offer, from his knowledge of the just dealings of the
Portuguese, and their faithful performance of their promises. The general
sent his hearty thanks to the rajah for his liberality, promising to
inform the king his master of his good will, and assuring his highness
that he might depend on his constant friendship.
Cabral now took on board an ambassador from the rajah of Cananore for the
king of Portugal, who was sent to conclude a treaty of amity between them.
Departing from Cananore, and standing across the gulf, he took a great
ship richly laden on the last of January: But on learning that it
belonged to the king of Cambaya, he permitted it to proceed on its voyage
uninjured; sending word to that sovereign, that the Portuguese did not
come to the Indies to make war on any one, excepting indeed with the
zamorin of Calicut, who had scandalously broken the peace which had been
made between them. He therefore only took a pilot out of this ship, to
conduct him through the gulf between India and Africa. While continuing
their voyage, and approaching the African shore, a great storm arose on
the 12th of February, by which in the night the ship of Sancho de Toar
was driven on shore, and taking fire was entirely burnt, the men only
being saved. As the tempest still continued, they were unable to stop at
Melinda, or any other place till they came to Mozambique, where they cast
anchor, in order to take in water and to refit their ships, the seams of
which were all open. From this place, the general dispatched Sancho de
Toar to discover Sofala, with orders to make the best of his way from
that place to Portugal, with an account of its productions.
The ships being refitted, Cabral resumed the voyage to the Cape of Good
Hope, near which they again experienced a violent storm, in which one of
the ships was separated from the fleet, after firing signals of distress,
and was never seen again during the voyage. At length, after many great
storms and dangers, which it were tedious to recount, Cabral doubled the
Cape on Whitsunday the 22d of May; whence continuing his voyage with a
fair wind, he came to anchor at Cape Verd, where he found Diego Diaz, who
had separated from the fleet on the outward bound voyage. Diaz had been
driven into the Red Sea, where he wintered and lost his boat, and as most
of his men died from sickness, his pilot could not venture to carry him
to India. He endeavoured therefore to find his way back to Portugal; but
after leaving the Red Sea, his men were so consumed with hunger, thirst,
and sickness, that only seven of his crew remained. After remaining some
time at Cape Verd waiting in vain for the missing ships, Cabral proceeded
on his voyage, and arrived safe at Lisbon on the last day of July, in the
year 1501. Soon after his arrival, the ship which had separated in a
storm off the Cape of Good Hope, came in; and shortly after that, Sancho
de Toar arrived from Sofala. He described Sofala as a small island
close on the continent of Africa, inhabited by a black people called
Caffres; and reported that much gold is brought to this place from
certain mines on the adjacent continent; on which account Sofala is much
frequented by Moors from India, who barter merchandize of small value for
gold. He brought along with him to Lisbon a Moor whom he had received as
an hostage or pledge for the safety of one of his own men, whom he had
left there to acquire a knowledge of the country and its language; and
from this Moor they got ample information respecting the people and trade
of those parts of Africa, which I shall afterwards communicate. Including
this last ship, there returned six to Portugal out of the twelve which
had sailed on the voyage for India, the other six having been lost.
[1] It will appear in the sequel that there was another captain named
Vasco de Tayde.--E.
[2] Astley says only 1200,--Astl. I. 40.
[3] According to Astley, there were eight Franciscan friars besides the
vicar, eight chaplains, and a chaplin-major; and that their orders
were to begin with preaching, and in case that failed, to enforce the
gospel by the sword. In other words, to establish the accursed
tribunal of the inquisition in India, to the eternal disgrace of
Portugal, and of the pretended followers of the ever-blessed Prince of
Peace.--E.
[4] The remainder of this paragraph is given in the precise words and
orthography of the original translator, Nicholas Lichfild, as a
curious specimen of the nautical language of Britain in 1582.--E.
[5] According to De Faria, this vessel parted in a storm near Cape Verd,
and returned to Portugal.--Astl. I. 41. a.
[6] By some unaccountable mistake, the translation of Castaneda by
Lichefild says to the _east_.--E.
[7] It appears that Cabral had twenty malefactors on board for such
purposes, who had received pardon on condition of submitting to be
landed on occasions of danger.--E.
[8] Puerto Seguro is in lat. 16°S. and about long. 39° 40'W. This country
of Brasil derived its name from the dye-wood so called.--E.
[9] Originally, according to Castaneda, there were only ten ships and two
caravels: Both the caravels have been already accounted for as having
left the fleet; and after the loss of four ships, six only ought to
have remained. Astley makes the whole fleet originally to have
consisted of thirteen vessels, which will allow of seven now remaining.
--E.
[10] This part of the voyage is very indistinctly described. From the lat.
of 27°S. where Cabral is said to have fallen in with the eastern coast
of Africa, to Sofala, in lat. 19°S. the coast stretches out nearly
five degrees to the east, to Capes Corientes and St Sebastian, with
many rivers, the great bays of Delogoa and Asnea, and the islands of
Bocica or Bozarnio, all of which must have been seen by Cabral during
the slow navigation close along shore, but all of which are omitted in
the text.--E.
[11] Named Inhazato. Sofala is in lat. 13°S. and almost 36°E. from
Greenwich.--E.
[12] According to De Faria, this person was uncle to the king of Melinda,
and was named Sheikh Foteyma.--Astl. I. 41. b.
[13] In modern maps this extensive line of coast is divided into the
following separate territories, Inhambane, Sabia, Sofala, Mocaranga,
Mozambico, and Querimba; which will be illustrated in future portions
of this work.--E.
[14] This word _miso_ is probably an error of the press for mylyo, by
which the African grain named millet is distinguished in other parts
of Castaneda. The _small cattle_ of the text are probably meant for
sheep, as they are frequently thus contradistinguished in other parts
of the original from _great cattle_, not here mentioned.--E.
[15] These vessels were probably precisely similar to the Arab _dows_ of
the Red Sea and Persian Gulf, which will be afterwards more
particularly described.--E.
[16] Thus the translation of Castaneda by Lichefild. It was more probably
a superstitious ceremony to guard against witches.--E.
[17] In an account of this voyage by a Portuguese pilot, inserted in the
collection of Ramusio, the name of the reigning zamorin is said to
have been Gnaffer. Ramus. I. 125.
[18] Probably the person who was carried prisoner from Anchediva by De
Gama, in the former voyage.--E.
[19] According to De Faria, the hostages demanded on this occasion were
six principal men of the Bramin cast, whose names were brought from
Portugal by Cabral, by the advice of Bontaybo or Moncayde, the Moor
who went off with De Gama.--Astl. I. 43. b.
[20] Named by De Faria, Coje Cimireci.--Astl. I. 44, a.
[21] Called Coje Bequi by De Faria; or rather Khojah Beki, or Beghi: But
most of the foreign names are so corruptly given that it is difficult
to rectify them.--Astl. I. 44. b.
[22] According to De Faria, this house was granted not without great
difficulty, and was taken possession of by Correa with sixty men.--
Astl. I. 45.
[23] According to De Faria, this event was occasioned by the Moorish
admiral of Calicut, without the knowledge of the zamorin, who
instigated Cabral to the attempt in hope of injuring the Portuguese,
and sent information to the Moors to be on their guard. He adds that
Cabral, having discovered the fraud, restored the ship and cargo to
the owners, whom he satisfied for their damages, in order to gain the
favour of the rajah of Cochin.--Astl. I. 45.
[24] Perhaps meant by Lichefild instead of emperor; or it may be some
native term of dignity.--E.
[25] The latitude of Cochin is almost 10º N. while Calient is about 11º
10'.--E
[26] This Michael Jougue or Joghi, is said to have been a bramin, or
Malabar priest; one of these devotees who wander about the country,
girt with chains and daubed with filth. Those wanderers, if
idolaters, are named Jogues; and Calandars if Mahometans.--Astl. I. 47.
a.
[27] The rajah who then reigned at Cochin is named Triumpara, or
Trimumpara, by De Faria, De Barros, and other early writers.--Astl. I.
47. b.
[28] In other parts of Castaneda, this officer is called the kutwal--E.
[29] According to De Barros, the rajah of Cochin was offended by the
conduct of the zamorin, on several accounts, and among the rest for
monopolising the trade on the Malabar coast.--Astl. I. 43. a. We may
easily conceive that one strong ground of favour to the Portuguese at
Cochin, was in hopes by their means to throw off the yoke of the
zamorin.--E.
[30] One of these Christians died during the voyage, but the other, named
Joseph, arrived in Portugal. This is the _Josephus Indus_, or Joseph
the Indian, under whose name there is a short voyage in Grynæus: which
properly speaking is only an account of Cranganore and its inhabitants,
particularly the Christians and their ceremonies, with some account of
Calient, Kambaya, Guzerat, Ormuz, and Narsinga, very short and
unsatisfactory.--Astl. I. 48. b.
[31] Called Caitaio in the original, but obviously Cathay, or Northern
China, in which we have formerly seen that there were Nestorian
Christians.--E.
[32] In Lichefilds translation, the account of the day of these Indian
Christians runs thus, which we do not pretend to understand: "They
have their day, which they do call _Intercalor_, which is of _forty_
hours."
This account of the Christians found in India by the Portuguese, is
exceedingly imperfect and unsatisfactory; but it would lead to a most
inconvenient length to attempt supplying the deficiency. Those of our
readers who are disposed to study this interesting subject, will find
it discussed at some length in Mosheim, and there is a good abstract
relative to these Oriental sects given by Gibbon, in the Decline and
Fall of the Roman Empire.--E.
[33] Named Canyfistola in Lichefilds translation.
[34] Lagartos in the original.
* * * * *
Note.--In the Novus Orbus of Simon Grynaeus, p. 202-211, there is an
article entitled, _Short Account of India, by Joseph, an Indian Christian,
who accompanied Cabral[A] to Lisbon in 1501_. We were inclined to have
inserted this account at this part of our collection as an ancient and
original document: But, on an attentive perusal, it is so jejune,
contused, and uninstructive as not to merit attention. It evidently
appears to have been penned by some person in Cabral's ship during the
voyage home, from repeated conferences with Joseph: But, as the writer of
this article informs us himself, many particulars were unknown to Joseph,
because he had little intercourse with the idolaters, or because the
reporter could not understand the answers which Joseph made to his
inquiries.--E.
[A] In Grynaeus, Pedro Alvarez de Cabral, is named Peter Aliares.--E.
SECTION IV.
_Voyage of John de Nueva, being the third made by the Portuguese to India_.
Is the same year 1501, supposing all differences to have been settled
amicably at Calicut by Cabral, and that a regular trade was established
both there and at Sofala and Quiloa, the king of Portugal dispatched
three ships and a caravel from Lisbon, under the command of John de Neuva,
a native of Galicia in Spain, who was accounted a valiant gentleman;
having under his orders, Francisco de Navoys, Diego Barboso, and Hernando
de la Pyna, as captains of three of the ships. Two ships of this fleet
were destined to carry merchandize to Sofala[1], and the other two to
Calicut, and all the four contained only eighty men[2]. The instructions
given to Nueva were, that he was to touch at the island of St Blas, where
he was to wait ten days if any of his ships had separated. He was then to
proceed for Sofala, where, if a factory were settled he was to deliver
the goods destined for that place before going to India. If a factory
were not already settled there, he was to do every thing in his power for
that purpose, leaving Alvaro de Braga there as factor, with the
merchandize embarked in the caravel for that market. From Sofala, he was
to proceed to Quiloa; and thence directly to Calicut. He was farther
directed, in case of meeting with Cabral, to obey him as general, and
desire him to settle a factory at Sofala, if his own attempt should fail.
Nueva left Lisbon on this voyage in March, four months before the return
of Cabral, and arrived in safety at the isle of St Blas; where he found a
letter in an old shoe suspended from the branch of a tree, written by
Pedro de Tayde[3], informing him that the fleet of Cabral had passed this
island on its way back to Portugal, and giving an account of what had
happened at Calicut, of the good treatment the fleet had received at
Cochin, where some of our men remained, and of the friendly disposition
of the king of Cananor[4]. On consulting with the other captains, it was
judged improper to leave the caravel at Sofala, in these circumstances,
as their whole force did not exceed eighty men; wherefore they proceeded
directly for Quiloa, where they found one of the exiles who had been left
there by Cabral, from whom they received a particular account of all that
had happened at Calicut, and of the loss of several of his ships, all of
which he had learnt from some Moors. From Quiloa Nueva sailed on to
Melinda, where the king confirmed the intelligence he had received from
the exile at Quiloa[5]. Thus fully instructed in the state of matters,
Nueva deemed it prudent to keep all the ships of his small squadron, and
sailed across from Melinda to Anchediva, where he came to anchor in
November, intending to take in a supply of water at that place. While
here, seven large ships belonging to Cambaya, which were bound for the
Red Sea, appeared off the anchoring ground, and seemed at first disposed
to attack our ships; but being afraid of the Portuguese ordnance, they
continued their voyage. From Anchediva Nueva proceeded for Cananor, where
he had an audience of the rajah, from whom he received particular notice
of all that had happened in Calicut to Cabral, and of the offer which the
rajah had made to load all his ships at Cananor. The rajah assured him of
his earnest desire of doing every thing in his power to serve the king of
Portugal, and pressed him to take in his loading at that port; but Nueva
declined this offer for the present, until he had consulted with the
factor at Cochin, for which port he took his departure from Cananor. On
his way between Cananor and Cochin, Nueva took a ship belonging to some
of the Moorish merchants at Calicut, after a vigorous resistance, and set
it on fire.
On his arrival at Cochin, the factor who had been left there by Cabral
came on board with the rest of his company, and acquainted him that the
rajah was greatly offended with Cabral for leaving the port without
seeing him, and for carrying away the hostages; yet had always kindly
entertained and the other members, of the factory, lodging them every
night in the palace for security, and always sending a guard of nayres
along with any of them who had occasion to go out during the day, on
purpose to defend them from the Moors who sought their destruction, and
who had one night set fire to the house in which they lodged before their
removal to the palace. He also informed Nueva that the Moors had
persuaded the native merchants to depreciate the price of the Portuguese
merchandize, and not to take these in exchange for pepper, so that unless
he had brought money for his purchases he would have little chance of
procuring a loading. On this intelligence, and considering that he had
not brought money, Nueva immediately returned from Cochin to Cananor,
expecting to procure his loading at that port, in consequence of the
friendly dispositions of the rajah towards the king of Portugal[6]. On
his return to Cananor, he found that money was as necessary there for his
purchases as at Cochin: But, when the rajah, was informed of his
difficulties from want of money, he became his security to the native
merchants for 1000 quintals or hundred weights of pepper, 450 quintals of
cinnamon, and fifty quintals of ginger, besides some bales of linen
cloth[7]. By this generous conduct of the rajah, Nueva procured a loading
for his ships, and left his European merchandize for sale at Cananor under
the management of a factor and two clerks.
On the 15th December, while waiting for a fair wind to begin his homeward
voyage, the rajah sent notice to Nueva that eighty _paraws_ were seen to
the northward, which were past mount _Dely_, and that these vessels were
from Calicut, sent expressly to attack the Portuguese ships; and the
rajah advised him to land his men and ordnance for greater security: But
the general was not of this mind, and sent word to the rajah that he
hoped, with the assistance of God, to be able to defend himself. Next day,
being the 16th of December, before dawn, about an hundred ships and
paraws full of Moors came into the bay, sent on purpose by the zamorin,
who was in hopes to have taken all our ships and men. As soon as Nueva
perceived this numerous armament, he hoisted anchor and removed his
squadron to the middle of the bay, where he ordered all his ships to pour
in their shot against the enemy without intermission. Doubtless, but for
this, the enemy would have boarded his ships, and they were so numerous
it would have been impossible for him to have escaped; but as the Moors
had no ordnance, they could do our people no harm from a distance, and
many of their ships and paraws were sunk, with the loss of a vast number
of men, while they did not dare to approach for the purpose of boarding,
and not a single person was killed or hurt on our side. The enemy towards
evening hung out a flag for a parley; but as Nueva feared this might be
intended as a lure, he continued firing, lest they might suppose he
stopped from weariness or fear. But the Moors were really desirous of
peace, owing to the prodigious loss they had sustained, and their
inability to escape from the bay for want of a fair wind. At length, most
of his ordnance being burst or rendered unserviceable by the
long-continued firing, and seeing that the Moors still kept up their flag
of truce, Nueva ceased firing and answered them by another flag[8].
Immediately on this, a Moor came to Neuva in a small boat, to demand a
cessation of hostilities till next day. This was granted, on condition
that they should quit the bay and put out to sea, which they did
accordingly. Although the wind was very unfavourable, Nueva stood out to
sea likewise, which the enemy could hardly do, as their ships and paraws
can only make sail with a fair wind. Notwithstanding all that had happened,
Nueva was constrained to come to anchor close to the fleet of the enemy,
and gave orders to keep strict watch during the night. At one time they
were heard rowing towards our fleet, and it was supposed they intended
setting our ships on fire; on which Neuva ordered to veer out more cable,
to get farther off. Perceiving that the boats of the enemy continued to
follow, he commanded a gun to be fired at them, on which they made off;
and the wind coming off shore and somewhat fair, they made sail for
Calicut.
Nueva, after returning thanks to God for deliverance from his enemies,
took his leave of the rajah of Cananor, and departed for Portugal, where
he arrived in safety with all his ships[9].
After the departure of Nueva from Cananor, one of his men named Gonsalo
Pixoto, who had been made prisoner and carried to Calicut, came to
Cananor with a message from the zamorin to Nueva, making excuses for all
that had been done there to Cabral, and for the attempt against his own
fleet at Cananor, and offering, if he would come to Calicut, to give him
a full loading of spices, and sufficient hostages both for his safety and
the performance of his promise.
[1] It afterwards appears that one vessel only was destined for this
particular trade: Perhaps the second was meant for Quiloa.--E.
[2] According to Astley, I. 49. the crews of these four vessels consisted
in all of 400 men.--E.
[3] Called de Atayde by Astley.--E.
[4] According to Astley, I. 49. Nueva discovered in this outward voyage
the Island of Conception, in lat. 8° S. But this circumstance does not
occur in Castaneda.--E.
[5] Before arriving at Melinda, Nueva gave chase to two large ships
belonging to the Moors, one of which he took and burnt, but the other
escaped.--Astl. I. 49.
[6] According to De Faria, Nueva took in a part of his loading; at Cochin,
with a view perhaps to preserve the credit of the Portuguese nation at
that place.--Astl. I. 50. a.
[7] In the original this linen cloth is said to have been made of
_algadon_, a word left untranslated by Lichefild, probably _al-cotton_,
or some such Arabic word for cotton: The linen cloth, therefore, was
some kind of calico or muslin.--E.
[8] According to De Faria, five great ships and nine paraws were sunk in
this action. De Barros says ten merchant ships and nine paraws.--Astl.
I. 50. c.
[9] On this part of the voyage, Astley remarks, on the authority of De
Faria, that Nueva touched at the island of St Helena, which he found
destitute of inhabitants; though it was found peopled by De Gama in
his first voyage, only four years before. What is called the island of
St Helena in De Gamas first voyage, is obviously one of the head-lands
of St Elens bay on the western coast of Africa. The island of St
Helena is at a vast distance from the land, in the middle of the
Atlantic ocean.--E.
SECTION V.
_The Second Voyage of De Gama to India in 1502; being the Fourth made by
the Portuguese to the East Indies_.
As the king of Portugal felt it incumbent upon him to revenge the
injurious and treacherous conduct of the zamorin, he gave orders to
prepare a powerful fleet for that purpose; the command of which was at
first confided to Pedro Alvares de Cabral, but, for certain just
considerations was taken from him and bestowed on Don Vasco de la Gama.
Every thing being ready, De Gama sailed from Lisbon on the 3d of March
1502, having the command of thirteen great ships and two caravels[1]. The
captains of this fleet were, Pedro Alonso de Aguilar, Philip de Castro,
Don Lewis Cotinho, Franco De Conya, Pedro de Tayde, Vasco Carvallo,
Vincente Sodre, Blas Sodre, the two Sodres being cousins-german to the
captain-general, Gil Hernand, cousin to Laurenço de la Mina, Juan Lopes
Perestrello, Rodrigo de Castaneda, and Rodrigo de Abreo; and of the two
caravels Pedro Raphael and Diego Perez were commanders. In this powerful
squadron they carried out the materials of a third caravel, which was
directed to be put together at Mozambique, and of which Hernand Rodrigues
Badarsas was appointed to be commander. Besides this first fleet of
seventeen sail, a smaller squadron of five ships remained in preparation
at Lisbon, which sailed on the 5th of May under the command of Stephen de
la Gama[2].
When De Gama had doubled the Cape of Good Hope, and was arrived at _the
farther end of the currents_[3], he went himself with four of the
smallest vessels to Sofala, sending on the remainder of the fleet to wait
his arrival at Mozambique. This visit to Sofala was in consequence of
orders from the king, to examine the situation of the city and to
endeavour to find a proper situation for a fort, that the Portuguese
might monopolize the trade in gold at that place. He remained there
twenty-five days, during which he settled a treaty of amity with the king,
and had leave to establish a factory; after which mutual presents were
interchanged, and De Gama departed for Mozambique. In going out of the
river from Sofala, one of the ships was lost, but all the men were saved.
At Mozambique he made friendship with the king, who had proved so
unfriendly in the first voyage, and even obtained leave to settle a
factor with several assistants, who were left on purpose to provide
victuals for such ships as might touch here on the voyage to or from
India. Here likewise the caravel destined for that purpose was set up and
provided with ordnance and a sufficient crew, and was left for the
protection of the factory. On leaving Mozambique, De Gama sailed for
Quiloa, having orders to reduce the king of that place to become
tributary, as a punishment for his unfriendly conduct towards Cabral. On
his arrival in that port, Ibrahim the king came on board to visit the
admiral, afraid of being called to account for the injuries he had done
to Cabral. De Gama, knowing that he was not to be trusted, threatened to
make him a prisoner under the hatches, if he did not immediately agree to
pay tribute to the king of Portugal[4]. The king from fear engaged to pay
2000 miticals of gold yearly, and gave one Mehemed Aleones, a principal
man among the Moors whom he hated, as an hostage for the payment. The
reason of his dislike to Mehemed was this: Ibrahim was himself an usurper,
having seized the government in prejudice to the right heir, and was
afraid that Mehemed intended to dethrone him. When the king found himself
at liberty, in consequence of this arrangement, he refused to send the
promised tribute, in hope that De Gama might put the hostage to death, by
which means he might get rid of his enemy: But the Moor, on finding the
tribute did not come, was fain to pay the same himself, by which means he
procured his own liberty. While at Quiloa, the fleet was joined by the
squadron of five ships under Stephen de Gama.
Leaving Quiloa, De Gama proceeded with the whole fleet for Melinda, where
he took in water and visited the king[5]. Going from thence for India,
and being arrived off Mount Dely, to the north of Cananor, he met a ship
belonging to the Moors of Mecca, and bound for Calicut, which was taken
by our men after a stout resistance[6]. When the ship surrendered, De
Gama went on board and commanded the owners and all the principal Moors
to come before him, whom he ordered to produce all their goods on pain of
being thrown overboard. They answered that they had nothing to produce,
as all their goods were in Calicut; on which De Gama ordered one of them
to be bound hand and foot and thrown into the sea. The rest were
intimidated by this procedure, and immediately delivered up every thing
belonging to them, which was very valuable; all of which was committed to
the charge of Diego Hernando Correa, the factor appointed for conducting
the trade at Cochin, by whose directions they were transported into one
of the Portuguese ships. De Gama ordered all the children belonging to
the Moors to be taken on board one of his own ships, and vowed to make
them all friars in the church of our Lady at Belem, which he afterwards
did[7]. All the ordinary merchandize belonging to the Moors was divided
among his own men; and when all the goods were removed, he ordered
Stephen de la Gama to confine the Moors under the hatches, and to set the
ship on fire, to revenge the death of the Portuguese who were slain in
the factory at Calicut. Soon after this was done, the Moors broke open
the hatches, and quenched the fire; on which the admiral ordered Stephen
de Gama to lay them, aboard. The Moors rendered desperate by this inhuman
treatment, defended themselves to the utmost, and even threw firebrands
into our ship to set it on fire. Night coming on, Stephen had to desist,
but was ordered to watch the Moorish ship carefully that it might not
escape during the dark, and the Moors all night long were heard calling
on Mahomet to deliver them out of the hands of the Christians. When day
appeared, the admiral again ordered Stephen de la Gama to set the ship on
fire, which he did accordingly, after forcing the Moors to retreat into
the poop. Some of the Moors leapt into the sea with hatchets in their
hands, and endeavoured to swim to our boats; but all of these were slain
in the water by our people, and those that remained in the ship were all
drowned, as the vessel sunk. Of 300 Moors, of whom thirty were women, not
one escaped alive; and some of our men were hurt.
De Gama came soon afterwards to Cananor, where he sent on shore the
ambassadors, and gave them a message for the king, informing him of his
arrival, and craving an audience. Upon this the rajah ordered a platform
of timber to be constructed, which projected a considerable way into the
water, covered over with carpets and other rich cloths, and having a
wooden house or pavilion at the end next the land, which was likewise
covered like the bridge, and was meant for the place of meeting between
the rajah and the admiral. The rajah came first to the pavilion, attended
by 10,000 nayres, and with many trumpets and other instruments playing
before him; and a number of the principal nayres were arranged on the
bridge or platform, to receive the admiral in an honourable manner. The
admiral came in his boat, attended by all: the boats of the fleet decked
out with flags and streamers, carrying certain ordnance in their prows,
and having many drums and trumpets making a very martial appearance. The
admiral disembarked at the outer end of the platform, under: a general
salute from the ordnance of the boats, and was accompanied by all his
captains and a number of men well armed. There were carried before him
two great basins of silver gilt, filled with branches of coral and other
fine things that are esteemed valuable in India. The admiral was received
at the head of the platform by the nayres placed there on purpose, and
was conducted to the rajah, who waited; for him at the door of the
pavilion, and welcomed him with an embrace. They then walked together
into the pavilion, in which two chairs were placed out of compliment to
the admiral, on one of which the rajah sat down, though contrary to his
usual custom, and desired the admiral to be seated on the other. At this
interview a treaty of friendship and commerce was settled, and a factory
allowed to be established at Cananor. In consequence of this, the admiral
gave orders for some of the ships to load here, while others were to do
the same at Cochin[8].