Our people plied their ordnance and small arms so incessantly that the

air was quite darkened with smoke, and as the boats of the enemy were

very numerous and without order, they hindered each other, and our fire

did prodigious execution among them, several of their paraws being torn

to pieces and great numbers of their men killed and wounded, without any

hurt on our side. The twenty-five paraws[3] which were chained together

were now brought forwards, and gave much annoyance to our men, who were

now likewise much fatigued, as the battle had continued a long time. The

captain-general gave orders to fire off a _saker_,[4] which had not been,

hitherto used during the battle. By the time this had been twice fired,

it did such terrible execution among the thick of the enemy as to sink

four of their paraws, and all the others made the best of their way out

of the battle, eighteen of the paraws being sunk in all, and vast numbers

of the enemy slain and wounded. On the defeat of this squadron, which was

commanded by Prince Naubea Daring, Elankol, the lord of Repelim, who was

vice-admiral, came forward with a fresh squadron, and gave a proud onset,

commanding his paraws to lay the caravel on board; but the Malabars had

not resolution to put this order into execution, and held off at some

distance. The zamorin also approached with the land army, doing his

utmost to force the passage of the ford; but all their efforts were in

vain, although this second battle was more fiercely urged than the first.

Though the battle continued from daybreak to almost sunset, the enemy

were able to make no impression, and were known to have lost 350 men

slain outright, besides others, which were above 1000.[5] Some of our men

were wounded, but none slain; for the balls of the enemy, though of cast

iron, had no more effect than as many stones thrown by hand. Yet our

barricades of defence were all torn to pieces, and one of our boats was

very much damaged, which was entirely repaired during the night.

The rajahs and other chiefs who were allied with the zamorin, lost all

hope of ever being able to get the victory over the Portuguese, and were

sorry for having joined in the war so greatly to their own dishonour.

Being afraid the captain-general might burn and destroy their towns and

houses, which were all situated on the banks of rivers, they were anxious

to leave the army of the zamorin, and to give over making war on the

Portuguese. Some among them withdrew privately from the camp of the

zamorin to the island of Vaipi with all their men, and reconciled

themselves with the rajah of Cochin: These were _Maraguta, Muta_ Caymal,

his brother and cousins. The zamorin was exceedingly mortified by the

discomfiture of his people, and severely reprimanded his chiefs for their

pusillanimous conduct, in allowing themselves to be defeated by such a

handful of men. The two Italian deserters, while they acknowledged the

valour of the Portuguese in the late action, represented that it would be

impossible for them to continue to bear up long against such vast odds

without reinforcements, and recommended the frequent reiteration of

assaults, under which they must necessarily be at last overthrown. All

those rajahs and chiefs who were for continuing the war, joined in

opinion with the Italians. The zamorin made a speech, in which he

recapitulated the defeats they had sustained and the defection of some of

his allies, who had entered into treaty with the rajah of Cochin. He

stated how short a period of the summer now remained for continuing the

operations of the war, which must soon be laid aside during the storms

and rain of the winter season, when it was impossible to keep the field;

and that, on the conclusion of winter, a new fleet would come from

Portugal with powerful reinforcements to the enemy, who would then be

able to carry the war as formerly into his dominions, to their utter loss

and destruction. He concluded by giving his opinion that it was necessary

for him to make peace with the Christians. Naubea Daring, the prince of

Calicut, made a long speech, in which he defended the Portuguese against

the imputation thrown upon them by the Moors of their being thieves and

pirates. He recapitulated all their conduct since their first arrival in

India, showing that they had always conducted themselves with good faith,

whereas they had been forced into war against Calicut by treachery and

oppression. He concluded by strongly recommending to negotiate peace with

the Christians, as otherwise the city and trade of Calicut would be

utterly destroyed, to the irreparable injury of the zamorins revenue,

which was of more importance to him than the friendship of the Moors,

whose only object was their own profit. The zamorin was greatly moved by

this discourse, and recommended to the other chiefs that they should

concur with the prince, in procuring the establishment of peace. This

opinion was by no means relished by Elankol, the lord of Repelim, who had

confederated with the Moors to urge a continuance of the war, and

endeavoured to impress upon the zamorin that his reputation would be

destroyed by proposing peace at this time, which would be imputed to him

as an act of cowardice. The principal Moors, likewise, who were present

in the council used all their art and influence to induce the zamorin to

persevere; and it was at length determined to continue the war.

One _Cogeal_, a Moor of Repelim who had been a great traveller, and had

seen many warlike devices, proposed a new invention for attacking the

caravels at the ford, which was considered to be perfectly irresistible.

Cogeal directed a floating castle to be built of timber on two boats or

lighters, which were firmly secured by two beams at their heads and

sterns. Over this the castle or square tower was strongly built of beams

joined together by bars of iron and large nails, carried up to the height

of a lance or spear, and so large that it was able to contain forty men

with several pieces of ordnance. It was proposed that this castle should

be brought Up to grapple with the caravels, by which the Portuguese might

be attacked on equal terms. On seeing this machine, the zamorin liberally

rewarded Cogeal for his ingenuity, and gave orders to have other seven

constructed of the same kind. By means of his spies, Pacheco got notice

of the construction of these floating castles, and likewise that the

enemy were preparing certain fireworks to set the caravels on fire[6]. To

keep off the fireships and floating castles, he constructed a species of

rafts, made of masts or spars eight fathoms long, and bound together with

iron bolts and hoops. Several of these, which were likewise eight fathoms

broad, were moored with anchors and cables, at the distance of a stones

throw from the caravels. Likewise, to prevent the caravels from being

overlooked by the floating castles, one Peter Raphael built certain

turrets on the decks of the caravels of spars set upright, in each of

which seven or eight men had room to handle their arms. At this time the

rajah of Cochin visited Pacheco, whom he earnestly exhorted to provide

well for defence against the zamorin; as he was well assured his own

subjects would desert him, if Pacheco were defeated. Pacheco upbraided

Trimumpara for his tears, desiring him to call in mind the victories

which the Portuguese had already gained over the enemy; and requested of

him to return to his capital showing himself confident among his people,

and to rest assured that he and the Portuguese would keep the pass

against every force the zamorin might bring against it.

In expectation of an immediate attack, Lorenco Moreno returned to the

caravels with as many of his people as could be spared from the factory.

Pacheco made all his people take rest early in the night, that they might

be able for the expected fatigues of the ensuing day, on which he had

intelligence that the grand attack was to be made. About midnight, his

small force was summoned under arms; when, after confession and

absolution, he made a speech to his men, exhorting them to behave

themselves manfully in the approaching conflict. They all answered, that

they were resolved to conquer or die. About two in the morning, some of

the most advanced vessels belonging to the Calicut fleet began to fire

off their ordnance, as they approached towards the pass. The zamorin was

himself along with the land army, which exceeded 30,000 men, accompanied

with many field pieces. Elankol, the lord of Repelim, who commanded the

vanguard, advanced to the point of _Arraul_, which in some measure

commanded the ford, at which place he began to throw up some ramparts or

defences of earth. Pacheco landed secretly at the point with a detachment

of his troops, on purpose to prevent the enemy from throwing up

entrenchments, and a sharp skirmish ensued, in which many of the enemy

were slain. On the appearance of day, Pacheco retired to his boats,

though with no small difficulty, owing to the vast numbers of the enemy

who thronged around; yet got off with all his people unhurt, having

effectually hindered the proposed intrenchments.

The land army of the enemy now brought their ordnance to the point, where

they began a furious cannonade upon; the caravels, yet without doing us

any harm, as our people were all effectually secured by means of high

wooden defences on the gunwales of their vessels; whereas every shot of

ours made prodigious havoc among the enemy, who were quite unsheltered.

The zamorin sent orders to his fleet to come on with all expedition, to

deliver him and his men from this imminent danger. The Calicut fleet now

approached in most formidable order, having several fire rafts in front,

intended for setting our caravels on fire. After them came 110 paraws,

full of men, and every one of them having ordnance, many of these being

fastened together by means of chains. After these came 100 _catures_ and

eighty _tonys_, each of which had a piece of ordnance and thirty men. In

the rear of all came the eight castles, which kept close by the point of

_Arraul_, as the _ebb was not yet altogether entered_.[7] The enemy came

on with loud shouts and the sound of many instruments, as if to an

assured victory, and immediately began a furious cannonade. Their fire

rafts advanced burning in a most alarming manner, but were stopped by the

_canizos_, or rafts of defence, formerly mentioned. By these likewise,

the paraws and other vessels of the enemy were prevented from closing

with our caravels and boats, which they seem to have intended. In this

part of the battle many of the paraws and other vessels of the enemy were

torn to pieces and sunk, and a great number of their men were killed and

wounded. On the turn of the tide, the floating castles put off from the

point, and were towed by boats towards the caravels. In the largest of

these castles there were forty men, in others thirty-five, and the

smallest had thirty, all armed with bows or matchlocks, besides ordnance;

and they seemed quite an irresistible force in comparison of ours, which

consisted only of two caravels and two armed boats.

When the largest castle came up to our floating defence, it immediately

commenced a tremendous fire of all its ordnance upon our caravels; and at

this time Pacheco ordered a _saker_ to be shot off, which seemed to do

very little harm even at a second discharge. The remainder of the castles

now came into their stations, and the battle raged with the utmost fury.

What with incessant flights of arrows, and the smoke of so many guns, our

people could seldom see the vessels of the enemy. In this extremity, the

saker was discharged a third time against the largest castle, which had

been somewhat shaken by the two former discharges. By this shot its iron

work was broken, some of its beams were forced from their places, and

several of the men on board were slain. By two other discharges of the

saker this castle was all torn in pieces, and was forced to retire out of

the battle. Still however the rest of the castles, and the numerous fleet

of small craft kept up the fight. Towards evening all the castles were

much injured, many of the paraws were sunk and torn in pieces, and great

numbers of the enemy slain; so that at length they were constrained to

retire. On our side not one man was even wounded: One only ball went

through the caravel in which Pacheco commanded, and passed among many of

his men without doing any hurt. On the enemy retiring, Pacheco gave chase

in the two boats and some paraws; and the caravels kept up a constant

fire upon point _Arraul_, whence they forced the zamorin and the land

army to retire, after having 330 of his men slain. After this great

victory, the inhabitants of Cochin became quite reassured, and were no

longer in dread of the power of the zamorin. Trimumpara came to visit

Pacheco, whom he embraced, and congratulated on his great prowess: Many

of the principal naires of Cochin went to compliment him; and even

numbers of the Moorish merchants brought him rich presents, hoping to

secure his favour.

The zamorin was greatly disheartened by the overthrow of all his mighty

preparations, and losing all hope of victory wished seriously to end the

war. In a council of his allies and great men, they represented the great

losses they had already endured in the war with the Portuguese, and

proposed to treat with them for peace. His brother Naubea Daring, who had

always been averse to the war, seemed to believe that Pacheco would

refuse any treaty, and advised rather to defer making an offer of peace

till the arrival of the next captain-general from Portugal. This prince

was likewise of opinion that the Calicut army should still keep the field

till the coming on of the rainy season made it advisable to retire; as it

would look like flight to retreat at this time. Yet he recommended that

no more attacks should be made on the pass, in which attempts they had

already met with so much loss. Elankol, the lord of Repelim, urged the

continuance of the war, and to make reiterated assaults on the Christians,

which must be at last successful; by which means all the Portuguese that

were in Cochin, Cananor, and Coulan would be destroyed. He advised

likewise, to send false intelligence to these places, saying that they

had taken our caravels and slain all our men; on which news the people of

Cananor and Coulan would put the people in our factories to death. This

was accordingly done; but as the inhabitants of these places had already

received notice of the real state of affairs, they gave no credit to this

false story. Yet, owing to the malice of the Moors who dwelt in these

places, our men were in great danger and durst not come out of their

factories, and one of our men was slain in Coulan.

By the persuasion of Elankol and the Moors, the zamorin reluctantly

consented to try the event of another battle: And, the castles being

repaired, a fresh assault was made both by land and water, with many more

men and vessels than before. This battle continued longer than the other,

and the enemy was overthrown with far greater loss than they had ever

received before. In consequence of this new victory, the inhabitants of

Cochin became quite confident in their security from the power of their

enemies; and the rajah, who had hitherto been in much dread of the event,

became quite elated. He now came to visit Pacheco in a chair of state,

with far more splendour than he had ever assumed since the commencement

of the war. When this was told in the enemies camp, the chiefs urged the

zamorin to a fresh attack, lest the rajah of Cochin might hold him in

contempt. He desired them to cease their evil counsels, from which he had

already sustained great loss, and which would still lead him into greater

danger; but to leave him to consider what was best to be done for revenge

against his enemies.

The zamorin gave orders to some of his naires in whom he reposed great

confidence, that they should go to Cochin on some false pretence, and

endeavour to assassinate the general of the Portuguese and such of his

men as they could meet with. But the naires are an inconsiderate people

unable to keep any of their affairs secret, so that this shameful device

became immediately known to Pacheco, who appointed two companies of the

Cochin naires to keep strict watch for these _spies_; one company at the

ford, and the other along the river, waiting by turns day and night. By

this means these _spies_ were detected and made prisoners. The chief

_spy_ was a naire of Cochin, of the family or stock of the _Lecros_ who

had certain other naires attending upon him, who were strangers. On being

brought before him, he ordered them to be all cruelly whipt and then to

be hanged. The Cochin naires remonstrated against this punishment,

because they were naires whose customs did not allow of this mode of

execution; but he would not listen to their arguments, saying that their

treachery richly merited to be so punished. The Portuguese officers

represented to him the great troubles which the _rajah_ of Cochin had

endured for giving protection to their nation, and how much this action

might displease him, when he was informed of naires having been put to

death in his dominions without his authority. Besides, that this might

give occasion to some of those about the rajah, who were known to be

already unfriendly to the Portuguese, to insinuate that the captain-

general had usurped the authority from the rajah, and might in that way

wean his affections from them. Pacheco was convinced by these arguments

that he had acted wrong, and immediately sent to countermand the

execution. Two of them were already _half-dead_; but _those who were

still living_, he sent to the rajah, informing him that they had deserved

death, but that from respect to him he had spared their lives. The rajah

was singularly gratified by this mark of respect, and the more so because

there happened to be then present several of his principal nobles and

some chiefs from other places, besides sundry of the chief of the Moors

of Cochin, who had endeavoured to impress on his mind that the Portuguese

were willing to assume the command in his dominions[8]. Henceforwards

Pacheco had such good intelligence, that all the subtle devices of the

zamorin were counteracted.

The month of June was now ended and the rainy season, or winter, began to

come on, from which Pacheco naturally concluded that the zomorin would

soon break up his encampment, on which occasion he was fully resolved to

give them an assault, having sufficient experience of the pusillanimity

of the enemy. But the zamorin, being afraid that Pacheco might attack him

at his departure, gave out that he intended to make another assault on

the ford with a greater fleet than ever, and even directed the floating

castles to be repaired. He even gave out that he meant to assail the

passage of _Palurte_ and the ford both at once; that Pacheco might occupy

himself in preparing to defend both places, and he might have the better

opportunity to steal away unperceived. Accordingly, on the evening of

Saturday, which was the eve of St John[9], the whole army of the enemy

appeared as usual, and Pacheco fully expected to have been attacked that

night. Next morning, however, he learnt from two bramins that the zamorin

had withdrawn with all his army into the island of Repelim. Pacheco was

much disappointed at this news, yet he made a descent that very day into

Repelim, where he fought with many of the enemy, killing and wounding a

great number of them, and then returned to the ford, where he remained

several days, because the rajah was still afraid lest the zamorin might

return and get across the ford into the island of Cochin.

The zamorin was so crest-fallen by the great and repeated losses he had

sustained in this war from a mere handful of men, that he resolved to

retire into religions seclusion, that he might conciliate the favour of

his gods, and dismissed his allies and chiefs to act as they thought best.

His princes and nobles endeavoured to dissuade him from this resolution,

but he continued firm to his purpose, and went into the _torcul_ or

religious state of seclusion, accompanied by some of his chief bramins or

chaplains. Soon afterwards, his mother sent him word that great changes

had taken place in Calicut since his seclusion. That many of the

merchants had already deserted the place, and others were preparing to

follow. That the city was becoming ill provided with victuals, as those

who used to import them were afraid of the Christians. Yet she advised

him never to return to Calicut, unless he could do so with honour; and

that he should therefore continue in seclusion for a time, and afterwards

endeavour to recover his credit and reputation by victory, or lose all in

the attempt. On this message which greatly increased his discontent, the

zamorin sent for his brother, to whom he confided the government of his

dominions till such time as he should have completed his religious

austerities in seclusion.

On this strange resolution of the zamorin, the rajahs and nobles who had

joined him in the war departed to their own countries, most of which lay

on the coast. And being under great apprehensions that Pacheco might

reduce their dominions, they endeavoured to enter into treaties with him

for peace and concord; for which purpose they sent messages to Trimumpara,

requesting that he would act as mediator between them and Pacheco. The

rajah of Cochin was a prince of a mild and forgiving disposition; and

forgetting all the past injuries they had done him in these wars, he

undertook the office of mediation, and sent them safe conducts to come to

Cochin to make their peace. On their arrival, he accompanied them to wait

upon Pacheco, and even became their advocate with him to accept of their

proferred friendship, which he readily consented to at the desire of the

rajah. Some of these princes were unable to come personally, but sent

their ambassadors to solicit peace, which was accorded to all who asked

it. Several even of the great Moorish merchants of Calicut, that they

might quietly enjoy their trade, forsook that place and came to dwell in

Cochin, having previously secured the consent of Pacheco. Others of them

went to Cananor and Coulan, by which means the great trade which used to

be carried on at Calicut suddenly fell off.

Owing to the great resort of Moors to Cochin, in whom Pacheco could not

repose much confidence, and because, by the orders of Naubea Daring, the

paraws of Calicut frequently made excursions into the rivers, the captain-

general continued for a long while to defend the passage of the ford,

where he often fought with and did much injury to his enemies. He made

frequent incursions, likewise, into the island of Repelim, whence he

carried off cattle and other provisions, and often fought with his

enemies, always defeating them with much slaughter[10]. At length Elankol,

the lord of that island, wishing to put an end to the miseries of his

country, waited on Pacheco and entered into a treaty of friendship with

him, making him a present of a great quantity of pepper, which was

abundant in his country[11].

[1] This paragraph, enumerating the forces of the zamorin, is added to

the text of Castaneda from Astley, Vol. I. p. 56.

[2] The particular distribution of the force under Pacheco at this time

is thus enumerated in Astleys Collection: In the fort thirty-nine men;

in the ship left to defend Cochin twenty-five; in the caravel which

accompanied him in the expedition to Cambalan twenty-six; into one

boat twenty-three; and in the boat along with himself twenty-two;

making his whole effective force 135 men; seventy-one only of which

went along with him to defend the pass.--Astl. I. 56.

[3] A very short space before these are only stated as twenty; but the

numbers and names in the text seem much corrupted.--E.

[4] In a former note we have given a list of the names and circumstances

of the English ordnance near this period. In that list the saker is

described as a light cannon of only 5-1/2 pound ball, now looked upon

as one of very small importance; we may therefore conclude that the

other cannon used on the present occasion could hardly exceed

_falcouns_, or two-pounders.--E.

[5] Such is the unintelligible expression in Lichefilds translation. In

the account of this war compiled by the editor of Astleys Collection

from the Portuguese historians, the enemy are said to have lost in the

former part of this battle, twenty paraws sunk, 180 persons of note,

and above 1000 common men; while in the second attack, nineteen paraws

were sunk, sixty-two fled, and 360 men were slain. In this account, a

third naval engagement is mentioned, in which sixty-two paraws were

sunk, and sixty fled; after which 15,000 men were defeated by land,

and four towns were burnt by Pacheco.--Astl. I. 56.

[6] Castaneda tells a long ridiculous story at this place, of a ceremonial

defiance of the zamorin, not worth inserting. In Astley, I. 56. we are

told that the Moors of Cochin were detected about this time

communicating intelligence to the enemy, and that Trimumpara allowed

Pacheco to punish them. On which he put five of their chief men into

strict confinement, giving out that they were hanged; which gave much

offence to the rajah and his people.--E.

[7] Such are the words of Lichefild; which, perhaps may have been intended

to imply that there was not yet sufficient depth of water to allow of

their approach to the caravels; or it may mean that they waited for

the tide of ebb, to carry them towards the Portuguese caravels, being

too cumbrous for management by means of oars.--E.

[8] This seems the same story which has been already mentioned in a former

note, from Astleys Collection; but which is there related as having

taken place with _Moors_.--E.

[9] The nativity of St John the Baptist is the 24th June; the eve

therefore is the 23d, yet Castaneda has already said that June was

ended.--E.

[10] About this time, in consequence of a message from the Portuguese

factor at Coulan, stating that the Moors obstructed the market for

pepper, Pacheco went to that place, where he made five Moorish ships

submit, and settled the pepper market on fair terms, yet without doing

them any harm.--Astl. I. 57.

[11] According to Astley, the zamorin lost 18,000 men in this war in five

months, and desired peace, which was granted by the rajah of Cochin.--

Astl. I. 57. Yet this could hardly be the case, as the first operation

of the new commander-in-chief in India was to cannonade Calicut.--E.

SECTION IX.

_The Voyage of Lope Suarez de Menesis to India, in 1504; being the sixth

of the Portuguese Expeditions to the East Indies._

Learning the necessity of sending powerful succours to protect the

Portuguese trade from the hostilities of the zamorin, the king of

Portugal fitted out a fleet of twelve[1] large ships in 1504, of which

the command was given to Lope Suarez de Menesis, who had been captain of

the _Mina_ on the coast of Guinea in the reign of John II. The captains

of these ships were, Pedro de Mendoza, Lionel Cotinho, Tristan de la

Silva, Lope Mendez de Vasconcelles, Lope de Abreu, Philip de Castro,

Alonso Lopez de Castro, Alonzo Lopez de la Cocta, Pero Alonzo de Aguilar,

Vasco de la Silvero, Vasco Carvallo, and Pedro Dynez de Sutunell: All of

whom were gentlemen by birth or service. Having embarked many valiant

soldiers, the whole fleet left Lisbon on the 22d of April and arrived on

the 2d of May near Cape Verd. Having observed during this part of the

voyage, that several of the ships were very irregularly navigated, not

keeping in their proper course, by which they had run foul of each other;

some pushing before, while others lagged behind, and others stood athwart

the order of the fleet; Suarez convened an assemblage of all the captains,

masters, and pilots of the fleet, to whom he communicated the following

written instructions: 1. As soon as it is night, every ship shall keep in

regular order a-stern of the admiral; and no vessel to carry any light

except in the binnacle and in the cabin. 2. The masters and pilots to

keep regular watch, taking special care not to run foul of each other. 3.

All to answer the signals of the admiral. 4. As soon as day appears,

every ship shall come to salute the admiral, and all are carefully to

avoid getting before him during the night. The penalty for breach of any

of these articles was a fine of ten crowns, besides which the offender

was to be put under arrest without being entitled to wages, and so to

remain to the end of the voyage. As some of the masters and pilots had

been very negligent, allowing some of the ships to fall aboard of others,

he removed these to other ships. By this attention to discipline, the

fleet was kept afterwards in good sailing order.

In the month of June, at which time they reckoned themselves off the Cape

of Good Hope, the fleet was surprised by a heavy storm, and had to drive

for two days and nights under bare poles in imminent danger of being cast

away, the weather during all this time being wonderfully dark, so that

the ships were in great hazard of running aboard of each other. To guard

against this danger, the admiral caused guns to be fired at intervals

from all the ships, to give notice of their situations, and the better to

keep company. On the subsidence of the storm, the ship commanded by Lope

Mendez was missing, and the admiral caused the fleet to lie to for some

days in hopes of her reappearance. While in this situation, two of the

ships ran foul of each other, by which a large hole was broken in the bow

of one of the ships, through which she took in so much water as to be in

great danger of sulking. The admiral immediately bore up to her

assistance, and encouraged the crew to stop the leak, and even sent his

boats on board to give every aid. By great exertions they got the leak

effectually stopped, by nailing hides over the hole, and covering the

whole with pitch. On St Jameses day, 25th July, the fleet arrived at

Mozambique, where they were well received by the governor, who supplied

them abundantly with fresh provisions, and sent off the letter which

Pedro de Tayde had written respecting the state of affairs in India a

short time before his death, as formerly mentioned. The admiral expedited

the refitting of the ships which had been so much injured, as quickly as

possible, and departed from Mozambique on the 1st of August. The king of

Melinda sent off one of his principal Moors to visit the admiral, to whom

likewise he sent sixteen of our men who had deserted from Pedro de Tayde.

Having stopt only two days at Melinda for refreshment, the fleet sailed

across for India, and came to Anchediva, where they found two Portuguese

ships commanded by Antonio de Saldanna and Ruy Lorenzo, who were much

afraid of our fleet, suspecting it to have belonged to the Rumes[2].

Saldanna informed Suarez, that he had been sent out the year before from

Portugal along with Lorenzo, as vice-admiral, with orders to explore the

Red Sea and adjacent countries. That they were separated in a storm off

the Cape of Good Hope. That Lorenzo proceeding alone in the voyage, had

taken a ship belonging to the Moors near Sofala, out of which he had

taken a large quantity of gold, and had left the hull at Melinda. That

Saldanna prosecuted his voyage to Cape Guardafui, where he had taken many

rich prizes, without having entered the Red Sea; after which he had

sailed to India, and the winter coming on, had taken shelter in Anchediva,

where he was afterwards joined by Lorenzo. At this place, Lope Mendez de

Vasconcelles, who had been separated in the storm off the Cape of Good

Hope, rejoined the fleet. The admiral used every expedition to get the

fleet ready to proceed for Cananor, where he arrived on the 1st of

September, and was informed by the factor of the events in the war with

Calicut; and how he and his companions in the factory had been often in

great hazard of their lives.

The day after his arrival, the admiral went on shore in great state to

visit the rajah of Cananor, attended by all the captains of the fleet in

their boats, decorated with flags and streamers, and armed with ordnance,

all the boats crews being dressed in their best apparel. The admirals

barge had a rich awning, and was dressed out with carpets, on which stood

a chair of state covered with unshorn crimson velvet and two cushions of

the same for his feet. His doublet and hose were of satin of divers

colours, wrought diamond fashion; his shoes of black velvet, studded with

gold; his cap covered over with gold buttons. Over all he wore a loose

robe or gown of black velvet, in the French fashion, trimmed all round

with gold lace. From his neck hung a triple chain of gold enamelled, from

which depended a golden whistle. His rapier and dagger, which were borne

by a page, had handles of pure gold. Two lackeys preceded him in

splendid attire and six trumpeters with silk flags. He was also

accompanied by a band of wind instruments, in a small boat In another

boat were the presents which he carried for the rajah from the king of

Portugal. There were, six beds of fine Holland, with their pillows of the

same, all wrought with gold embroidery. Two coverlets or carpets of

unshorn crimson velvet, quilted all over, having three guards of cloth of

gold, that in the middle a span in width, and the others two fingers

broad. The bedstead was gilded all over, having curtains of crimson satin,

fringed with cold thread. On putting off from his ship, all the fleet

saluted him with their cannon; then the trumpets and drums sounded for a

long time; after which the organs never ceased to play till the boats

reached the shore, where vast numbers of Moors and Gentiles waited to

receive the admiral.

On his landing, the admiral Was conducted into a _sarame_ or house

appointed for his reception and audience of the rajah, in which he

ordered the bed and all its rich furniture to be set up, close to which

was placed a chair for the admiral to sit upon. Soon afterwards, the

rajah was brought to the house, carried in a rich chair of state,

preceded by three armed elephants, three thousand nayres, armed with

swords, spears, and targets, and two thousand armed with bows and arrows.

The admiral, apprized of the rajah's approach by the fleet saluting him

with all their guns, went to the door to receive him, where they embraced.

Then going together into the apartment, the admiral presented him with

the bed already described, on which the rajah immediately lay down, and

the admiral sat down beside him in the place appointed. They here

conferred together for two hours, when they were interrupted by the

barking of a greyhound belonging to the admiral, which wanted to attack

one of the elephants.

Soon afterwards a Moor from Calicut waited upon the admiral, having along

with him a Portuguese boy, who brought a letter from some of our men who

were captives at Calicut ever since the time of Cabral being there. This

boy informed the admiral, that the zamorin was so humbled by the defeats

he had sustained from Pacheco, that he had gone into religious seclusion.

That many of the Moorish merchants had gone from Calicut to other places,

as they could carry on no trade there owing to the war, and that even

provisions had become extremely scarce. That the zamorin and the prince

of Calicut, and the magistrates of that place, were exceedingly desirous

of peace with the Portuguese, for which reason they had sent him to the

admiral, and had allowed the Portuguese prisoners there to write him to

that effect, which they had done accordingly, but chiefly in hopes that

he would free them from captivity. After reading the letter, the admiral

would have sent a written answer, meaning to have sent it by the Moor.

But the boy told him, they had no permission to carry any letter, and

that he must return along with the Moor, as the people of Calicut had

threatened to put all their Portuguese prisoners to death in case he did

not return. On this account, the admiral gave the boy a verbal message

for the prisoners; saying that he would very soon come to Calicut, where

he would anchor as near as possible to the shore; and as the captives

were allowed to go about the city without irons, they might find an

opportunity to come off to the fleet either in boats or by swimming.

Suarez went accordingly with the fleet to Calicut, where he came to

anchor on Saturday the 7th September; and presently afterwards the boy

who had been to visit him at Cananor came on board, accompanied by a

servant of Cosebequin, who brought the admiral a present from the rulers

of Cochin, and a message requiring a safe conduct for Cosebequin, that he

might come on board to treat for peace. The admiral refused to accept of

any present until such time as peace were restored; but sent word that

Cosebequin might repair on board without fear, as a servant of the king

of Portugal; he sent a private message at the same time to the Portuguese

prisoners, advising them to use their best endeavours to escape. On

receiving this message, Cosebequin was sent on board by the governors of

Calicut, to treat of peace, carrying with him two of the Portuguese

captives. They requested he would wait three or four days, by which time

they believed the zamorin would come out from his seclusion, and that

they were convinced he would agree to all that should be required. The

admiral answered, that unless they would deliver up the two Italian

deserters he would agree to no terms; but he sent no message for the

liberation of our captives, as he thought they might easily escape. As

soon as the Italians learnt that the admiral had demanded them, they

suspected the captives would run away of which circumstance they gave

notice to the governors, requiring them to secure the Portuguese captives,

as they were men of consideration, and that a peace might be procured in

exchange for them almost on any terms the zamorin pleased to prescribe.

On this advice, the governors took care to prevent the captives from

escaping, and became less urgent in their desire of peace. Owing to this,

they remained in captivity till Don Francisco de Almeida became viceroy

of India, though some made their escape in the interim, and others of

them fell victims to the diseases of the climate.

After waiting some days, and finding no friendly steps taken by the

governors of Calicut towards a peace; and being likewise without hope of

recovering the captives, Suarez resolved to take revenge by cannonading

the city of Calicut, which he did for a whole day and a night, during

which time he did prodigious damage, destroying the palace of the zamorin,

several of their pagodas or idol temples, and many of the houses, and

slew a great number of the inhabitants. For this service, he brought

seven of his smallest ships as near the shore as possible, and advanced

all the boats of the fleet, likewise carrying ordnance, close almost to

the beach. After this he departed for Cochin, where he arrived on

Saturday the 13th of September. He landed next day near the Portuguese

castle, in as great state as he had done before at Cananor, and was

received with many marks of satisfaction by Trimumpara. After embracing,

they went hand in hand into the hall, in which a chair of state was

placed for the admiral. As the rajah sat on the cushions on the floor,

according to the custom of the country, and was therefore much lower than

the admiral, he commanded his chair to be removed somewhat farther from

the rajah, by which he greatly offended the native chiefs who were

present at the interview. He now delivered to Trimumpara a letter from

the king of Portugal, in which great compliments and many thanks were

given, for the favour and protection the rajah had vouchsafed to the

Portuguese. To this the rajah answered, that he had been amply repaid, by

the good service which Duarte Pacheco had rendered him in the war with

the zamorin. Next day, the admiral sent a large sum of money to

Trimumpara, as a present from the king of Portugal, who knew that his

finances had been greatly injured ill consequence of the war with Calicut.

Soon after, Suarez sent Pedro de Mendoza and Vasco Carvallo with their

ships to guard the coast of Calicut, with orders to capture all ships

belonging to the Moors that were laden with spices. He likewise

dispatched De la Cocta, Aguilar, Cotinho, and Abreu, to go to Coulan to

take in their loading, being informed that spices were to be had there in

abundance. He likewise sent Tristan de la Silva with four armed boats up

the rivers towards Cranganor, against some armed paraws of Calicut which

were stationed in that quarter. In this expedition, Silva had a skirmish

with these paraws and some nayres on the shores of the rivers; but

falling in with a Moorish ship laden with pepper, he captured her and

brought her to Cochin, where he and the other captains loaded their ships,

as spices were now procured in great abundance.

Duarte Pacheco happened to be off Coulan when he learnt the arrival of

Suarez; and knowing that his own command was ended so soon as the new

captain-general should arrive at Cochin, determined to attempt some

exploits while he remained master of his own conduct. With this view, he

put to sea on the 22d of October, and soon after got sight of a ship at a

great distance, to which he gave chase all that day and part of the night.

The chase was driven into Coulan, when Pacheco learnt that she _belonged

to the confederates[3]_, and was bound from Coromandel. He immediately

afterwards descried three ships of Calicut, to which he gave chase,

keeping as near the coast a possible to take the advantage of a land

breeze. In the morning he put off to sea in chase of the vessel, which he

was unable to get up with till towards evening close to the land; after a

brave defence, as the ship had many men, she at length yielded; and not

chusing to encumber himself with so many prisoners, he landed a part of

her company, and made the rest prisoners in irons in his own ship.

Learning that this was one of the three ships belonging to Calicut of

which he was in search, he put two of his men on board the prize, with

orders to keep him company. Being arrived directly abreast of Cape

Comorin, he met with a sudden whirlwind, by which he was nearly cast away,

and when this subsided, he came to anchor within a league of the shore,

where he remained all night. While at anchor thirty of his Moorish

prisoners made their escape, twelve of whom were retaken by means of his

boat. Pacheco remained for some time off the Cape in expectation of the

other ships of the Moors coming round from Coromandel, but none making

their appearance, he went to Coulan with the ship he had captured, which

he delivered to the factor at that city with all its rich merchandize. He

then went to Cochin, where he put himself under the command of Suarez.

The zamorin had now resumed the government, having withdrawn from the

_torcul_ or religious seclusion. He had dispatched one of his generals

with a fleet of eighty paraws and fifty ships[4] to defend the passages

of the rivers, and to obstruct the trade of Cochin with the interior; and

had likewise set on foot a considerable land army under the prince Naubea

Daring. It was the intention of the zamorin to stand on the defensive

only while the Portuguese fleet remained in India, and to renew the war

against Cochin after their departure. But the admiral Suarez, by the

advice of all his captains, resolved to make an attack on Cranganor, a

town belonging to the zamorin, about four leagues from Cochin, whence the

enemy had often done much injury to the dominions of Trimumpara during

the late war. For this purpose, Suarez took fifteen armed boats with

raised defences on their gunwales, and twenty-five paraws belonging to

Cochin, all armed with cannon, and accompanied by a caravel, the whole

manned with about 1000 Portuguese soldiers, and an equal number of nayres

from Cochin. The armament arrived before day at _Palypuerto_, where it

had to wait for daylight, not daring to attempt the passage of certain

shoals, as the boats were heavily laden. On arriving at Cranganor, the

fleet of Calicut was found drawn up ready to repel the Portuguese attack.

The Calicut commander was posted in the front, in two new ships chained

together, which were full of ordnance and well manned; chiefly by archers.

In the rear of these ships, and on both flanks, the paraws of Calicut

were arranged, all full of armed men.

On the arrival of the Portuguese flotilla, the battle immediately

commenced by the discharge of ordnance on both sides. Five Portuguese

captains who led the van, pushed on to attack the Calicut admiral in his

two chained ships, which they carried by boarding after a brave

resistance, in which that officer and two of his sons with many others of

the Malabars were slain. After the capture of these ships, the paraws

made little resistance, and soon took to flight. Suarez immediately

disembarked his troops, which soon put Naubea Daring to flight, who

commanded the land army of Calicut. The Moors and Malabars in their

flight, plundered the houses of Cranganor, which was immediately

afterwards set on fire by the Portuguese. Certain Christian inhabitants

of the place came to Suarez and prayed him not to burn their city,

representing that it contained several churches dedicated to the Virgin

and the Apostles, besides many Christian houses which were interspersed

among these belonging to the Moors and Gentiles. For their sakes, Suarez

ordered the conflagration to be stopped; yet many of the houses were

destroyed before that could be effected, as they were all of wood. After

the fire was quenched, our men plundered the houses belonging to the

Moors, many of whom had formerly dwelt in Cochin. The two ships, and

several paraws which had been taken in the before mentioned engagement,

were set on fire, and other three ships that were found drawn on shore.

At this time Suarez was joined by the prince of Cochin, who informed him

that Naubea Daring remained with his army at no great distance, and

intended to return to Cranganor after his departure. A considerable force

was therefore sent against Naubea Daring; but immediately on seeing their

approach, the troops of Calicut fled. On the return of the Portuguese

flotilla towards Cochin, Suarez was disposed to have destroyed another

town which lay near their passage; but the prince of Cochin represented

that half of it belonged to him, and prevailed on the admiral to spare it,

as he could not destroy one part without the other. Suarez, therefore,

returned to Cochin, where he knighted some of his officers for their

bravery during the last engagement. A few days after his return, there

came an ambassador from the rajah of _Tanor_, whose dominions are next

adjoining to those of Cochin. This ambassador represented, that his

master had hitherto adhered to the zamorin, and had assisted him in all

his wars against Pacheco. But that the zamorin, since he had come out

from his religious seclusion, had redoubled his arrogant ideas of his

irresistible power, and in reward of the services of the rajah of Tanor,

now threatened him with war and conquest. He farther represented, that on

the late occasion, when the general of the Calicut forces was in full

march for the relief of Cranganor, the rajah of Tanor had placed 4000 of

his nayres in ambush in a defile in their line of march, who had defeated

the troops of Calicut, and hod slain 2000 of them. On this account the

rajah of Tanor was in great fear of the zamorin, and humbly requested

assistance from the admiral, promising in return to become subject to the

king of Portugal.

For this purpose, the admiral sent Pedro Raphael in a caravel to Tanor,

with 100 soldiers, most of whom were crossbow men. It chanced that on the

very day of his arrival at Tanor, the zamorin arrived before that city

with his army and gave battle to the rajah; but, chiefly owing to the

valour of Raphael and his company, the army of the zamorin was defeated

with great slaughter. In reward for this well-timed succour, the rajah of

Tanor became subject to the king of Portugal. In consequence of this

defeat, the zamorin was much humbled, and lost more credit with the Moors

than by all the victories which Pacheco had obtained; as these had been

obtained by strangers, while the present victory had been gained by a

native prince. In consequence of these reverses, seeing no likelihood of

ever being able to recover their trade, all the Moors who dwelt in

Calicut and Cranganor determined upon removing to their own country with

their remaining wealth. For this purpose, they fitted up seventeen large

ships at _Pandarane_, which they armed on purpose to defend themselves

against any attack from our men, and loaded them with all expedition for

Mecca. Besides these, they loaded a great number of paraws and tonys with

such goods as the ships were unable to contain.

The season now approached for the return of the fleet to Portugal, and

Suarez appointed Manuel Telez de Vasconcelles[5] as captain-general of

the Indies, with whom he left a ship and two caravels, of which last

Pedro Raphael and Diego Perez were captains. The admiral presented these

officers to the rajah of Cochin, who would much rather have procured

Duarte Pacheco to remain, having great confidence in his valour and

attachment to his service, but dared not to request this of the admiral,

as he was of a haughty disposition. In a conference between Pacheco

and the rajah, the latter entreated him to remain in India if possible,

as he did not think himself quite secure from the enmity of the zamorin;

and even urged him to remember that he had promised not to leave him till

he had made him king of Calicut. Pacheco answered, that he left him in a

good situation, his country being restored to quiet, and the zamorin so

much humbled that he was no longer to be dreaded; as a proof of which the

Moors were about to depart from Calicut, seeing their trade entirely

ruined. And that he hoped to return from Portugal, and to serve him

longer and to greater purpose than he had done hitherto. The rajah was

somewhat satisfied with this answer, and craved pardon of Pacheco that he

had not rewarded his services as they deserved, because he was extremely

poor; yet requested he would take as much pepper as he pleased. Pacheco

refused to accept of any thing; saying, he hoped to find the rajah rich

and prosperous on his return to Cochin, and then he would accept a reward.

The rajah gave Pacheco a letter for the king of Portugal, in which he set

forth all his gallant actions during the war, strongly recommending him

to his majesties favour.

The admiral Suarez departed from Cochin on the 27th December[6], taking

with him the whole of his fleet, even those captains who were to remain

in India. His intention was to have come to anchor in the harbour of

Paniani, on purpose to visit the rajah of Tanor; but from foul weather,

and bad pilots, the fleet could not make that port, and was driven to

Calicut and Pandarane. Being off these ports and with a scanty wind, the

admiral detached Raphael and Perez with their caravels, to examine if

there were any ships of the Moors at anchor. While on this service, ten

paraws came off to attack them, and an engagement ensued. On the rest of

the fleet hearing the sound of the ordnance, they bore up as close to the

wind as possible, and came to anchor[7]. In a council of war, it was

resolved to attack the seventeen ships of the Moors, which lay all

aground; and as the ships were unable to get near them, because they lay

within the bar, the attack was determined to be made by the boats of the

fleet, with orders to set the Moorish ships on fire. This being resolved

upon, the admiral and all the captains of the fleet embarked in the boats,

taking with them all the soldiers belonging to the expedition.

The Moorish ships were all drawn on the beach in a close line, having

their sterns to the shore, and were well armed with ordnance, and had

many soldiers on board armed with bows and arrows, a considerable number

of them being men of a fair complexion[8]. Besides all these, the Moors

had two pieces of ordnance on a small bulwark or redoubt which flanked

the passage of the bar. Our boats, seeing all these formidable

preparations, returned towards the fleet[9], whence they towed several

caravels within the bar to assist the boats in the attack. After a severe

conflict, in which the Portuguese had twenty-five men killed, and 127

wounded, the whole seventeen ships of the Moors were boarded and taken,

with the loss of 2000 men. But as the Moorish ships were all aground, the

victors were under the necessity to burn them, with all the rich

merchandize they contained. Owing to this severe loss, the Moors deserted

the city of Calicut, which by the cessation of trade became much

distressed for provisions, insomuch that most of its inhabitants withdrew

to other places. The zamorin was so much humbled by this succession of

disastrous events, that he remained quiet for a long time afterwards[10].

The particular incidents of this engagement are so confusedly related in

Lichefilds translation of Castaneda as to baffle every attempt to reduce

them into intelligible order. Among these, the two following are more

distinctly told. Tristan de la Silva endeavoured to board a ship which

appeared to be the admiral, of which the captain and a numerous crew were

Turks. A little before De Silva got up to this ship, the crew had fired

off a piece of ordnance which lay on the upper deck, and which by its

recoil broke a large hole in the side of the ship. The Turks were so

intent on defending themselves against the Portuguese boats, that they

neglected to barricade this hole, of which the people in De Silvas boat

took advantage to get on board; Alonzo Lopez the master, and Alvaro Lopez

one of the kings servants, now town-clerk of Santarem, being the first

who entered by the hole. A desperate conflict ensued on deck, in which

many of the Turks were slain, others hid themselves below the hatches,

and others leapt into the water, most of whom were drowned, as they were

covered with shirts of mail.

The caravel commanded by Pedro Raphael, one of these brought within the

bar to co-operate with the boats, was struck by a ball from the battery

on shore, which killed three men and dangerously wounded other ten. In

the confusion occasioned by this accident, another shot killed the master

at the helm, and the caravel drove with the tide of flood right under the

bows of a large Moorish ship full of men which had not yet been attacked

by the boats. In this situation, a great number of the enemy boarded the

caravel, _and used our men very ill_. The caravel afterwards drifted on

certain rocks, where she remained till the end of the battle. The

situation of the caravel was now perceived by the admiral, who ordered

effectual succour to be sent to Raphael. The succours boarded the caravel,

which was quite full of Moors, whom they drove out with great slaughter;

but all of our men belonging to that caravel were sore hurt.

On the next day, being the first of January 1505, the admiral went with

the fleet to Cananor, to take in the rest of his lading. He was here

informed by the factor of the humbled situation of the Moors, from whom,

in his opinion, the Portuguese had no longer any thing to fear in India.

Being ready to depart for Europe, the admiral made an oration to Manual

Telez, and those who were to remain with him in India, giving them

instructions for their conduct after his departure; and as the enemy was

so greatly humbled, he considered that such a fleet as had formerly been

left by Albuquerque was quite sufficient, in which he left an hundred

soldiers. Indeed the zamorin, as has been already said, was sick of the

war, and remained quiet after the departure of the admiral.

Departing from Cananor, Suarez arrived off Melinda on the 1st of February;

where, without landing himself, he sent Antonio de Saldanna to bring away

the rich prizes he had formerly made at Cape Guardafui. From Melinda, the

fleet went to Quiloa, on purpose to enforce the payment of the tribute

from the king of that place. Departing from thence on the 10th of

February, he arrived safe at Lisbon on the 22d of June 1505[11], without

any incident worth relating[12]; carrying with him two ships more than

had accompanied him to India, all laden with rich commodities, and was

received by the King Don Manuel with great honour.

When the king learnt the great service which Pacheco had performed in

India, he expressed his high approbation of his conduct in a public

procession. The king went, in all the splendour usually shewn on _Corpus

Christi_ day, from the high church to that of St Domingo, accompanied by

Duarte Pacheco. After solemn service, a sermon was preached by Don Diego

Ortis, bishop of Viseo; who, by the kings command, gave a rehearsal of

all that had been performed by Pacheco in the war against the zamorin. On

the same day, a solemn festival was held in all the churches of Portugal

and Algarve. The king sent letters on the occasion to the pope and all

the princes of Christendom, announcing all these notable acts and

victories which had been performed in the Indies.[13]

[1] These are said to have been the largest ships hitherto built in

Portugal, and to have carried 1200 men; perhaps soldiers, besides

their ordinary crews.--Astl. I. 57.

[2] The Turkish empire, as succeeding that of the Romans or Greeks of

Constantinople, is still called _Rumi_ in the east. It will be

afterwards seen, that these _Rumes_, Romans, or Turks, made some

powerful efforts to drive the Portuguese from India, as greatly

injurious to the Indian trade with Europe through the Red Sea and

Egypt.--E.

[3] This expression is quite inexplicable, unless we may pick out very

darkly that it belonged to the Calicut confederacy against the

Portuguese. Yet Castaneda, or his imperfect translator Lichefild, does

not inform us whether this vessel was made a prize. Lichefild seems

almost always to have had a very imperfect knowledge of the language

of the author, often to have mistaken his meaning or expressed it with

great obscurity, and sometimes writes even a kind of jargon, by

endeavouring to translate verbally without being able to catch an idea

from the original.--E.

[4] According to Astley, from De Fariz only _five_ ships; and indeed in

the sequel, Castaneda only mentions _two_ ships as employed, on the

present occasion and three others that were drawn up on shore.--E.

[5] At the commencement of this section, Castaneda names this person Lope

Mendez de Vasconcelles; in Astley, I. 58, he is called Manuel Tellez

Barreto.--E.

[6] In Lichefilds translation of Castaneda, this date is made the 27th

September, which is an obvious mistake.--E.

[7] By some strange blunder, Lichefild says they came to _Cananor_; but

from all the circumstances in the contexts, it is obvious that the

fleet came to anchor on the outside of the bar at Pandarane.--E.

[8] Arabs probably, whites in the estimation of the Portuguese as

compared with the native blacks of Malabar.--E.

[9] This part of the story is very confusedly translated by Lichefild.

According to his relation, in one sense, the admiral alone returned in

his boat for the caravels; while, by another part of his expressions,

the whole boats returned for the admiral and the caravels.--E.

[10] According to Astley, a peace was concluded between the Portuguese

and the zamorin immediately after the victory obtained by the rajah of

Tanore; but this does not agree with the circumstances just related

respecting the destruction of the Moorish fleet in the harbour of

Pandarane, which would hardly have been done during a time of peace--E.

[11] By some strange typographical mistake, Lichefild makes this date

1525, both in the text and in a marginal note, thus adding no less

than twenty years to the true chronology. In Astleys Collection, the

conclusion of this voyage is dated 22d July 1506; but we have chosen

to retain the regular series of dates as given by Castaneda. Owing to

the mistake in Lichefilds translation not being detected till a part

of this chapter was printed off, it has been repeated in our

introduction to this article, which our readers are requested to

correct.--E.

[12] In Astley, the ship commanded by Pedro Mendoza, is said to have been

stranded during the homeward voyage, fourteen leagues from the

_Aguada_, or watering-place of St Blas, and never more heard of.--Astl.

I. 58.

[13] Astley concludes the account of the honours conferred on Pacheco in

the following words: "But soon after imprisoned, and allowed him to

die miserably. A terrible example of the uncertainty of royal favour,

and the little regard that is had to true merit!"--Astl. I. 58.

CHAPTER VII.

LETTERS FROM LISBON IN THE BEGINNING OF THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY, RESPECTING

THE THEN RECENT DISCOVERY OF THE ROUTE BY SEA TO INDIA.[1]

INTRODUCTION.

The following letters bear to have been written by some Italian public

agents and merchants, to their employers and friends, and contain a

curious record of the first impressions made on the public mind by the

wonderful discoveries which navigation was then opening up to the

European world. They are selected from the _Novus Orbis_, a work which

was published by _Simon Grynæus_ early in the sixteenth century.

According to M. de la Richarderie,[2] this collection was formed by Hans

Heteirs, canon of Strasburg, and was printed under the care of Simon

Grynæus, by Isaac Hervag, in folio, at Basil in 1532. We learn likewise

that it passed rapidly through several editions, having been reprinted at

Basil in 1535, 1537, and 1555; and at Paris in 1582. The edition used on

the present occasion is printed at Basil in 1555 by Jo. Hervag. Its

principal contents, besides those translated for the present chapter, are

the voyages of Cada Mosto, already given; the discovery of America by

Christopher Columbus, which will form the first article in our subsequent

volume; the voyages of Vincent Alonzo Pinzon, and of Americus Vespucius,

which will be attended to hereafter; and the travels of Marco Polo, which

have been already given at full length from a better source.

The language of the _Novus Orbis_ is perhaps the most barbarous Latin

ever composed for the press, and its punctuation is so enormously

incorrect that it would have been easier understood without any points

whatever.

As already mentioned, the edition here used is dated in the year 1555,

little more than fifty years after the discoveries they commemorate; and

the letters themselves are dated in 1501, 1502, and 1503, immediately

after the return of the earliest of the Portuguese voyages from India.

Indeed the first letter seems to have been written only a day or two

after the arrival of the first ship belonging to Cabrals fleet.

This work is accompanied by a very curious map of the world, on one

planisphere, much elongated to the east and west, which may be considered

as a complete picture of the knowledge then acquired of the cosmography

of our globe. The first meridian is placed at the island of Ferro, and

the degrees of longitude are counted from thence eastwards all round the

world, so that Ferro is in long. 0° and 360° E. In every part of the

world, the outlines are grossly incorrect, and it would serve no purpose

to give an extended critical view of this map; yet a few notices

respecting it may gratify curiosity.

Europe is singularly incorrect, especially in the north and east. America,

called likewise _Terra Nova_, has an approximated delineation of its

southern division, stretching far to the south, as if the cosmographer

had received some tolerable notices of Brazil, Cape Horn, and the coasts

of Peru and Chili. But instead of the continent of North America, the

island of Cuba is delineated in a north and south direction, reaching

between the latitudes of 10° and 50° north; leaving a small strait or

passage between its southern extremity and the Isthmus of Darien into the

South Sea. About twelve degrees west from Cuba the island of Zipangri is

placed; and at least twenty degrees east from Cathay or China. At sixteen

degrees east from the northern end of Cuba, a large island is placed in

the _Oceanus Magnus_ or Atlantic, called _Terra Cortesia_; which the

cosmographer seems to have intended to represent the kingdom of Mexico,

recently discovered by Cortez; though placed almost in lat. 50° N.

Perhaps this may be an error for _Corterealis_, an early navigator, who

is said to have made discoveries on the eastern coast of North America.

In Africa there is an approximation towards its true shape; yet the

_Caput Viride_, or Cape Verd, is placed to the north of the river Senegal,

instead of between that river and the Gambia; and the sources of the Nile

are brought down to lat. 15° S. at least twenty-two degrees too far to

the southwards.

Asia, with India and China, are too much distorted for criticism. Calicut

is placed in the peninsula of Cambaya or Guzerate. The _Aurea

Chersonesus_ and _Regnum Malacha_, or Malacca, are separated by a great

gulf, while the latter is placed so low as 30° S. latitude. This much may

suffice for an account of the incorrect yet curious specimen of

cosmographical knowledge which had been acquired by the learned in Europe

about 300 years ago.

To these four letters we have added a short account of several curious

circumstances relative to the trade of the Europeans with India at the

commencement of the sixteenth century, or three hundred years ago; which,

though not very accurately expressed, contains some curious information.

[1] Novus Orbis Grynæi, p. 94-102.

[2] Bibl. Univ. des Voy. I. 55, and V. 486.

SECTION I.

_Letter from the Venetian Envoy in Portugal to the Republic_[1].

Most serene prince, &c. Believing that your highness has been already

informed by the most excellent legate, of all the memorable things which

have occurred in this place, and particularly respecting the fleet so

lately dispatched for India by the king of Portugal, which, by the

blessing of God, has now returned with the loss of seven ships; as it

originally consisted of fourteen sail, seven of which only have come home,

the other seven having been wrecked in the voyage. Their voyage was along

the coasts of Mauritania and Getulia to Cape Verd, anciently called

_Experias_; off which the islands called the _Hesperides_ are situated.

From thence they explored lower _Ethiopia_ towards the east, beyond which

the ancients never penetrated. They sailed along this _eastern_ coast of

Ethiopia to a line corresponding with the meridian of Sicily, about five

or six degrees _within_ the equinoctial, the gold mines belonging to the

king of Portugal being about the middle of that coast.[2] Beyond that

coast of the gold mines, and nine degrees to the south of the _winter

tropic_,[3] they came to a great promontory called the Cape of Good Hope,

which is almost 5000 miles distant from our country. From thence they

came to the cape anciently called _Prasum_, which was considered by

Ptolemy as the extremity of the southern regions, all beyond being

unknown to the ancients. After that they reached the country of the

_Troglodites_, now called _Zaphala_, or Sofala, which our ancestors

affirm to have abounded in gold, infinitely more than any other part of

the earth. Stretching from Sofala across the _Barbaric Gulf_,[4] they

came into the Indian Ocean, and at length to the city of Calicut. Such

was their voyage, which carefully calculated, as following the coasts of

the ocean, extends to the prodigious length of 15,000 miles; but which,

if the lands and mountains would allow in a direct line, were greatly

shorter.

Before passing the Cape of Good Hope, in consequence of being forced out

of their course by a S.W. wind, they discovered a new country to which

they gave the name of the _Land of Parrots_, because they found, there an

incredible number of these birds, of many beautiful colours, some of them

a cubit and a half in length and more. We have seen two of these birds,

and can vouch for the truth of the description. On exploring this

extensive coast, the navigators believed that it must necessarily belong

to a continent, as they sailed along it for the space of 2000 miles

without having seen either extremity. Its coasts are inhabited by people

of a tolerably handsome appearance, who go quite naked.[5]

In this voyage they lost four ships. Two others were sent to the gold

mines, which are not yet returned; and seven only reached Calicut, where

they were honourably received, and had a house allotted them by the

prince, and there they brought their ships to anchor. Soon afterwards

there assembled many boats of the Moors and other neighbouring people,

and some frigates belonging to the great sultan, all the people belonging

to which conspired together against the Christians, being exceedingly

adverse to the coming of the Christians into these parts, lest they

should diminish their profits. They insisted therefore to have their

ships first loaded, to the great dissatisfaction of the Christians, who

immediately complained to the king of the insolence of the Moors, but

soon discovered that he favoured them. The king of Calicut was a person

of very doubtful faith, and made the following answer: That it did not

seem equitable for the Moors to be permitted to finish their traffic

before the Christians; and gave orders accordingly, that the Christians

might carry on their trade. The Moors trangressed this decree, and took

away the goods of the Christians at pleasure; upon which disputes arose

between the Christians and the Moors, in which the whole inhabitants of

the city took part with the Moors. Whereupon a great slaughter was made

of the Christians, above forty of them being slain; among whom was their

principal factor, when endeavouring to escape by swimming. In revenge for

this cruelty, the Christians made severe reprisals; as they burnt ten

ships belonging to the prefect of Syria, that is the sultan; and

destroyed a considerable portion of the city by means of their

_catapults_ and _bombards_[6], many houses being burnt to the ground, as

they are covered with thatch like cottages, and exceedingly combustible.

After this, the fleet left Calicut, and went to another kingdom named

Cochin, about forty miles distant, being conducted thither by a Jew who

assumed the Christian faith. The king of Cochin hated the king of Calicut

exceedingly, and on that account received the Christians with much

kindness. Spices are in greater abundance at Cochin than at Calicut, and

the Christians carried off such riches from Cochin as I dare scarcely

venture to report; for they allege to have purchased a _cantarus_ of

cinnamon, which is a considerable measure, for one gold ducat. The king

of Cochin gave two hostages to the Portuguese, in assurance of their

safety, and sent even ambassadors to the king of Portugal. In the mean

time, the king of Calicut fitted out an immense fleet against the

Christians, in revenge for having burnt the ships in his harbour. This

fleet exceeded 150 ships, and carried 15,000 men, yet on account of a

north wind which they were unable to contend with, they dared not to

attack the Portuguese ships, and withdrew from Cochin. As their great

numbers were considerably formidable, the Portuguese ships went to a

certain island in which the body of St Thomas is interred, the lord of

which received them kindly, and gave them some relics of that holy person

in token of friendship: He even offered them greater quantities of spices

than they had ever seen before, without money, trusting that they would

pay for them on their return from Europe: But, being already laden, the

Portuguese declined this friendly offer.

The Portuguese fleet employed fourteen months in this voyage, and

returned to Lisbon in spring; but they say that it may be made much

sooner, now that the course is well known, and may even be accomplished

in ten months. All the ships that reached Calicut returned, except one

which was lost on certain rocks, but the crew saved, which ship was of

six hundred tons burden. As yet only one caravel has come into port, but

the rest are said to be not far off. This lately arrived ship came into

port on St Johns day, 6th May, at which time I happened to be with the

king, who addressed me in these words. "_Hah!_ congratulate me, good sir,

as my fleet is already in the river, loaded with all kinds of spices." I

received the news joyfully, as became me, and made my compliments of

congratulation to the king. The tidings were welcomed with exceeding joy

and all kind of festivity, with the sound of trumpets, cymbals, and

flutes, and the continual firing of cannon. On the day following there

was a solemn thanksgiving, at which all the people assisted. When I again

waited on the king, he desired me to apprize your serenity of his good

fortune, saying that you may send your ships hither in safety to purchase

his spices; adding, that he should take such measures as to prevent the

prefect of Syria, that is the sultan[7]; from procuring spices in India.

He founds this hope assuredly on the success which his fleet had lately

in contending with the numerous vessels of the Moors, and has no doubt of

being able to reduce India under his own authority. The ship already

arrived is commanded by a Tuscan named Bartholomew, a native of Florence.

Her cargo consists of 300 _cantari_ or quintals of pepper, 120 cantari of

cinnamon, 60 cantari of lac, and 15 cantari of castor and other perfumes

of that kind[8]. They have no cloves or ginger, having been prevented by

the Moors, as these could only be procured at Calicut; neither have they

any of the lesser spices. They had purchased many pearls of different

sorts, which were all lost in the disturbances at Calicut, in which many

of their men and much riches were destroyed.

I must not omit to mention, that there have lately arrived messengers

from _Ubenus_[9] king of Ethiopia to the king of Portugal, bringing gifts

of ivory and many other things. These are soon to return in two ships,

which are to go to India after stopping at the new gold mines. While this

ship which has first arrived was on its voyage home, it met two ships

steering their course from the _new gold mines_[10] for India. These;

thinking themselves lost, or that they would be plundered by the

Christians, offered to pay them a ransom of 15,000 ducats for leave to

continue their voyage: But the Christians, though tempted by so much gold,

gave these people many gifts and permitted them to continue their course,

that they might hereafter be allowed a free trade with their country.

[1] This letter is dated on the 20th of June 1501, and obviously refers to

the voyage of Cabral, who had returned from India not long before. The

writer is described as a native of Crete, and envoy from the lords of

Venice to the king of Portugal.--E.

[2] The strange geographical language here used is inexplicable, probably

because the ideas of the writer were confused. He seems to mean the

_Mina_ in Guinea, which is _five or six_ degrees _within_ the equator,

or to the north; but is at least 18º west from the meridian of Sicily.

--E.

[3] Meaning the tropic of Capricorn, on which the sun is during our

winter solstice--E.

[4] The recession of the coast inwards from Cape Delgado to Melinda,

which may be called the Bay of Zanzibar.--E.

[5] In the map of Grynaeus already mentioned, this _Terra Psittacorum_ or

Land of Parrots, is placed on the _south-west_ coast of Africa,

between the Cape of Good Hope and Congo. Yet there can be no doubt

that the recent discovery of Brazil on the _eastern_ coast of South

America is here alluded to: Consequently, instead of the _lebeccio

vento_, or S.W. wind of the text, it would naturally have required a S.

E. wind to force the Portuguese fleet so far to the westward of its

intended course.--E.

[6] The author assuredly uses these words to denominate two kinds of

ordnance or cannon then used in the Portuguese ships of war.--E.

[7] By the sultan or prefect of Syria, twice so designed in this dispatch,

is evidently meant the Mameluk sultan of Egypt; but who was soon

afterwards defeated and slain by the Turkish emperor. The ineffectual

exertions of the Mameluks and Turks, instigated by Venice, to obstruct

the Portuguese trade in India, will be afterwards mentioned.--E.

[8] It is difficult to say what is meant by a _cantarus_ in the text;

perhaps a quintal or 100 pounds. The castor of the text, and other

perfumes, may mean musk, civet, and ambergris.--E.

[9] Perhaps the king of Congo, or some other prince of the west coast of

Africa is here alluded to; or perhaps the xeque or prince of the Moors

at Sofala.--E.

[10] By the new gold mines Sofala seems indicated, as contradistinguished

from the _old_ gold mines of Guinea. The story of the two ships on

their voyage to India from Sofala, obviously alludes to the Guzerate

vessels, more particularly mentioned already in the voyage of Cabral

--E.

SECTION II.

_Letter from certain Merchants and Bankers of Spain,[1] to their

correspondents in the cities of Florence and Venice, respecting a treaty

of peace and league between the kings of Portugal and Calicut._

We have been informed by those who were on board of the fleet which

sailed from Lisbon to India in May 1502, and returned on the 15th

December 1503, that the king of Calicut has concluded a peace with our

sovereign on the following conditions. As a compensation for the

slaughter of our men, he is to pay 4000 _bahars_ of pepper, equal to 12,

000 quintals. That the Moors shall not be allowed to trade there from any

place whatever, excepting only those who are natives of Calicut; and that

these even shall not be permitted to trade with Mecca. That our king, if

so inclined, may build a fort at Calicut, and shall be supplied with a

sufficient quantity of stones, lime, and timber for that purpose by the

zamorin, paying for these on delivery. That the king of Calicut shall aid

and favour the Portuguese in all things, and that it shall be competent

for our king to appoint one of his own subjects to administer justice

among the Portuguese resident in that city, even with the power of life

and death, and without appeal to the zamorin. That when any of our people

shall revolt from or be disobedient to our commercial agent, they shall

immediately be delivered up to be judged by the aforesaid Portuguese

consul. If any captive Moors are detained, they shall all be delivered up

to our agent. That the two Milanese lapidaries, who had gone from Rome to

India, and who there acted as military engineers and shipbuilders in the

European fashion, to the disgrace of the Christian profession, and the

vast injury of the Christians, should be delivered up in chains to the

admiral of our fleet. That the kings or rajahs of Cochin and Cananore

shall be included in this treaty as co-allies, mutually sharing all

danger and advantages with the other contracting parties: So that if any

one shall take arms against any of the parties to this treaty, he shall

be declared an enemy to all the parties hereby confederated. If any of

the parties to this league shall act contrary to its stipulations, the

power of all the rest shall act against him, as a perfidious person, a

traitor, and an enemy to good faith; all the contracting parties using

their utmost to preserve the present peace and alliance inviolate. While

the Portuguese fleet might remain in the harbour of Calicut, all other

ships whatever were to be refused access, at least until after ours were

laden: But when there were sufficient goods for all who wanted them, then

all ships Were to be at liberty to load; provided always that the

accustomed prices should not be augmented, and expressly that the profit

to the venders should never exceed 8 per cent which was usual in that

port.

These are the conditions of peace and alliance which have been stipulated,

to the great honour and renown of our sovereign, as must be evident to

every one; as henceforwards he may not only be accounted sovereign of

India, but has imposed laws on Turkey and the prefect of Syria[2], since

by this treaty all access to the city of Calicut is debarred to their

traders. We do not even doubt that, in four years from hence, through the

vigorous measures of our king, our sailors may safely navigate to

Constantinople and Alexandria, the present most celebrated marts of

eastern commerce, and shall take signal vengeance on the Moors by whom

they have been infamously and frequently abused. For this purpose a fleet

of twelve sail was fitted out this year, which found the rajah of Cochin

expelled from his dominions, having fled for refuge from the hostilities

of the king of Calicut to a strong place in a certain island. The only

reason he could assign for the hostilities of the zamorin was, that,

faithful to his engagements, he refused to deliver our people to the king

of Calicut, and chose rather to live in exile than to betray his trust.

In this extremity, our fleet brought opportune aid to the friendly rajah,

and having landed troops for his assistance, they marched boldly against

the perfidious zamorin, routed his forces with great slaughter, and

triumphantly restored the rajah of Cochin to his dominions.

This kingdom is not far distant from the straits of the Red Sea, where

they have erected a very strong fortress[3], and are building another in

the mouth of the bay of Cochin, provided with all kinds of warlike

artillery, by which to repel the enemy, and to provide a safe station,

for our fleet; nor shall we recede from thence, however adverse the

natives may be to our remaining; and when the same shall be done in the

bay of Calicut, it will not then be difficult to defend these stations

and the adjoining coasts against all aggressors. Our ships which remained

in these seas last year made no small booty, as they took one morning

five ships bound from the kingdom of Cambaya for Mecca, the shrine of

Mahomet, in which they found 1000 _cantari_ or quintals of clean cloves,

besides a large quantity of the same spice not freed from the husk as is

usual with us. These ships had likewise castor and other perfumes of that

kind[4], sanders wood, amber, purified lac, and excessively fine linen,

and a large sum in gold and silver coin; insomuch that the value of this

prize exceeded 200,000 ducats.

Having thus informed you of the wealth of that country, which abounds in

almost every thing, we now proceed to relate that two of our ships above

mentioned have been cast away in a storm near the mouth of the Red Sea,

their commander Vincentius and above six hundred men having perished, but

the other two were saved[5]. Another vessel, which escaped that dreadful

tempest, was soon afterwards dashed to pieces against a rock; so that the

sea was covered with dead bodies and with rich merchandize of all kinds:

Thus, as the proverb says, wealth ill acquired is ill lost. Of all these

ships one small caravel only rode out the storm, and brought intelligence

of the destruction of the others.

We have now to inform you, that our king has given permission to all who

choose to proceed to India and to carry on trade, providing that he is

paid a quarter part[6] of all returns, and that they purchase from him

for the purpose such ships as he thinks proper, and the price of these

ships must be paid before setting out on the voyage; because, considering

the loss of ships which he has already sustained, he is desirous that

others should now bear the risk: It will therefore require large funds to

embark in this trade, so that we hardly believe the king will find any to

engage on these conditions; but of this we shall inform you from time to

time as it may occur. It must not, however, be concealed that the

circumstances of this trade are by no means established on certain

principles, which can only be determined by future events.

A Portuguese of the former fleet touched at a certain port in the kingdom

of Sofala, and visited a gold mine of which he relates wonderful things.

He assured us that a ship of the Christians had been there, and speaks of

incredible quantities of gold to be found there. On this account, our

king is resolved to erect a strong fort at that place, to keep the

barbarians under subjection, and to keep away the Indians and the

inhabitants of Cambaya, lest they should make themselves masters of the

mine. He will therefore immediately seize upon this mine for his own use,

which we certainly believe to have been the mine whence Solomon derived

such vast riches, and where the queen of Sheba dwelt, who went to visit

Solomon, as related in holy writ. These things are of such importance

that they ought not to be concealed from you; and our king is to be

deemed happy and fortunate; because he hath made the discovery of such

vast riches.

It is believed by many that they will soon obtain permission from the

king to go to India, paying him at the rate of 25 per cent. and taking

his ships as before mentioned. It appears to be his wish that the

merchants should send out their own factors or supercargoes with the care

of their goods, but without any authority, as he wishes to rule in all

things, and that every thing may be directed by his officers, even the

expences of the merchants. The trade in spiceries is to remain

exclusively in the viceroy, and is not to be permitted to the merchants;

for which reason it is not believed that this Indian trade will be very

profitable: But we shall give you due information of all these things as

they occur. We have formerly written you that Cairo failed in its

commercial prosperity from the very same cause; and if this great eastern

trade shall be appropriated by the king, it will certainly occasion a

Babylonian confusion in the state, and very deservedly: For at Cairo the

Moors were in use to maltreat the Christians exceedingly, and they are

now perhaps suffering for that error, as they will not any longer be

allowed to carry away any kind of spices, or jewels of all kinds, or

pearls and other valuable commodities; as by means of the Portuguese

forts, they will in future be debarred from trading to Calicut and Sofala;

for all which you will be thankful to God.

Concerning the gold mine of Sofala, which we mentioned before, and of

which such wonderful things are told, it is said our king will be the

sole proprietor in two years, which must prove of vast importance; as

from that place, which is now possessed by the idolaters, all India and

Persia used to procure the whole of their gold; although the mouth of the

bay is under the dominion of a king of the Chaldeans[7], at which place

the trade is carried on with the idolaters by the Moors, who bring yearly

their ships from Cambaya laden with low-priced articles, which they

barter for gold. These goods are coarse cotton cloths, silks of various

fashions and many colours, but chiefly of the Turkish fabric. The king of

Quiloa, an island about sixty leagues from Sofala, it is said, will have

to quit that place from fear of the idolaters. At Quiloa all ships going

to Sofala have to stop and pay tribute, before going to the mine of

Sofala. When they get to Sofala, they have to remain there six or eight

months before completing their affairs; carrying from thence gold, ivory,

and wax, all of the best kind. After this they have again to touch at

Quiloa, and to pay a tax for their gold. Thence they go to Cambaya or

Mecca. In our ships there are twelve or fifteen agents of the king of

Quiloa, who pays a tribute yearly to our king of 1500 _metigals_, each of

which metigals is worth 150 ducats, or in all 225,000 ducats. That king

depends so entirely on the king of Portugal, that our king may dethrone

him whenever be pleases to send there a force of 1000 men, which would

oblige the king of Quiloa to run away; and it is believed this will be

done shortly, the thing being so easy, and by this means an yearly

revenue of 500,000 ducats would be secured.

If you have properly considered what those ships may bring which are

daily expected, you will find that they will at least import about 222

quintals of all kinds of spice: And we shall ship for you of all these,

using our endeavours that you may never be in want of them. Even after

the before mentioned treaty with the king of Calicut, no small risk still

remains to those who navigate to the Indies, on account of a certain

archipelago, containing about 14,000 islands[8], and owing to the

narrowness of a certain strait which is scarcely navigable. We shall

persist notwithstanding, as by custom and experience these dangers will

become of no consequence. At length we expect to have the glory of having

discovered almost the whole of the world, and those parts of it

especially to which the ancients never penetrated. It only remains for us

to go to the island of Taprobana, or Ceylon, which according to Pliny is

exceedingly rich in gold, gems, and ivory. Thus by our anxious endeavours,

we shall lay open the whole of India to our trade. By letters from thence,

it appears that our merchandize is not much valued in these parts, and

that _crusadoes_ ought to be sent out, if we wish to have our affairs

speedily conducted, as other goods remain long in hand: For the Indians

purposely procrastinate, that they may beat down the value of our

commodities. The Indians give a high price for brass and alum; but this

last must be white not red, and in large pieces, as they despise the

small. They do not care for coral, unless large and finely wrought, which

otherwise bears no value. Lead is valued, if in large bars. Quicksilver

and amber are in no request. Wrought brass bears a low price, as it is

always manufactured over again in their own fashion, so that the cost of

manufacturing in Europe would be thrown away. All other goods besides

these mentioned are in no demand, and will therefore bring small profit.

[1] This letter has no date, but must have been very early in the

sixteenth century, probably in 1504, from the circumstance to which it

alludes at its commencement. Although said to be from _Spain_, there

is every reason to suppose it was written from Lisbon, as we find

Portugal frequently considered as _in_ Spain, which it actually is in

the most extensive geographical sense.--E.

[2] This, as formerly observed, alludes to the Mameluk sultan of Egypt,

through whose dominions the trade between India and Europe was

entirely carried on before this era. This treaty of peace and alliance

between Portugal and Calicut, may possibly have been proposed at this

period, but certainly was not then agreed to; as there were long wars

with the zamorin before his power was reduced under the influence and

dominion of the Portuguese.--E.

[3] This is rather an anachronism, as at this period the Portuguese had

no fortress on the Red Sea.

[4] The _Castor_ of the text was probably musk, and its _amber_ ambergris.

--E.

[5] This alludes to the misfortune of Vincente Sodre and his squadron,

already more distinctly related in the preceding chapter.--E.

[6] The expression of the original, _ex centenario lucro quadrugenarium_,

is not easily understood: It is here translated a quarter part of the

return cargo, conformably with the regulations of Don Henry for the

trade of Guinea, as already stated in Vol. I. p. 204, from which the

present were probably copied.--E.

[7] It is difficult to guess what bay, and who may be the king of the

Chaldeans here alluded to. Perhaps the town of Sofala, the emporium of

the gold trade of Eastern Africa, which was ruled by an Arabian prince

or sheik. By the idolaters in the text, are apparently meant the

Negroes of the interior, where the gold came from by way of Sofala.--E.

[8] This alludes to the Maldives and Lakedives.--E.

SECTION III.

_Letter from Peter Pasquali, orator of the Venetian republic at the court

of the king of Portugal, to his brothers dwelling in Lisbon_[1].

Beloved brothers! I formerly wrote you by Peter Verzo the carrier,

informing you of all the news of this place; and now write again by

Bartholomew Marquesi, the uncle of Dominic Benedicto of Florence, that

you may be informed of our affairs, and may be assured of our desire to

write whenever an opportunity offers. Know, therefore, that the vessel

which was sent out last year towards the north by the king of Portugal

under the command of Caspar Corterato, has now returned. He reports

having discovered a continent about 2000 miles from hence, in a direction

between the north-west and the west, hitherto utterly unknown. He is

likewise said to have sailed almost 800 miles along its coast, without

finding any end; on which account it is considered to be a continent, and

not an island: and its coast appears to join with another land, formerly

discovered almost under the very north[2]. But the vessel was unable to

proceed so far, on account of the sea being frozen, and from excessive

falls of snow. It is concluded, from the number of rivers which descend

from the snowy mountains, that this land must be a continent, as no

island could possibly supply so many rivers. The land is said to be well

cultivated. The houses of the inhabitants are constructed of wood,

covered with hides or the skins of fish. The vessel now arrived has

brought over seven of the natives of both sexes, and the other ship,

which is hourly expected, is said to have fifty. In stature, colour,

appearance, and dress, these people are very like the _Cingani_. They are

clothed in the skins of fish and otters, and other hairy skins like those

of wolves; wearing the fur side inwards in winter, as we do, and outwards

in summer; but these are not fashioned or sewed together, being used in

their natural forms. These are principally worn on their arms and

shoulders, and their loins are girded with many cords made of sinews.

They appear a savage people, yet not impudent, and are well made in all

their limbs. Their faces are punctured with many marks, like the Indians,

having six or eight punctured lines, more or less according to their

fancies, in which they seem to take great delight. They have a language,

which is not understood by any one, although interpreters of almost every

tongue have been tried. Their country is destitute of iron, yet they have

swords edged with sharp stones; and their arrows are pointed by the same

means, and are sharper even than ours. Our people brought from thence

part of a broken sword with gilded ornaments, which seemed of Italian

manufacture.

A certain boy is said to have been seen in that country, having two

silver balls banging from his ears, which certainly appeared to be

engraved after our manner. On the whole, it may be concluded that this

country is a continent, not an island, and that is a new discovery; for

if any ships had ever been here before, we should assuredly have heard

something respecting it. The coast abounds in fish, particularly salmon,

herrings, and many others of that kind. There are forests, which abound

in all kinds of trees; so that _they build_[3] ships, with masts, yards,

benches, and all things conformable. On this account the king of Portugal

has resolved to convert this discovery to profit, both on account of the

abundance of wood which is fit for many purposes, and because the natives,

being accustomed to labour, may become very useful, and indeed I have

never seen better slaves. I have deemed it consistent with our friendship

to acquaint you with these things; and when the other vessel arrives,

which is daily expected, I shall communicate other particulars.

The fleet has sailed for Calicut, and the king has ordered that it shall

seize the fleet of Mecca, that the soldan of Syria may neither have

access there in future nor may export any more spices. The king of

Portugal is satisfied that every thing shall go according to his wishes

in this respect, and the court and all the nation are of the same opinion.

Should this purpose succeed, it is incredible how abundant this kingdom

must soon become in all kinds of riches and merchandize; and from hence

the ships of Venice in particular will have to bring their accustomed

articles of trade. To us truly, who formerly sustained this branch of

commerce entirely by our own resources, this decree will be injurious,

unless he shew us favour.

[1] This letter is dated 9th October 1501. It is probable that Pasquali

would hardly write this _from_ the court of Portugal to his brothers

in _Lisbon_; it being more likely that they resided in Venice.--E.

[2] The discovery here referred to, seems to have been the coast of

Labradore; and the other country under the north may possibly be

Greenland. This voyage was probably in quest of a north-west passage

to India.--E.

[3] In this passage we surely ought to read _ships may be built_.--E.

SECTION IV.

_Letter from Francis Sagitta of Cremona, from Lisbon, directed to the

Venetian orator Peter Pasquali, residing at the Court of Castile_[1].

Most excellent orator! In two former letters, I have promised to omit no

opportunity of informing your excellency what kind of merchandize might

be brought in four vessels which were expected daily from India. They are

now arrived, and I shall truly state all the merchandize which they have

brought, which is as follows: One thousand quintals of pepper; 450

quintals of cinnamon; about fifty quintals of ginger; fifty quintals of

lac: and as much cotton as may be bought for 400 ducats. The reason

assigned for having brought so small a quantity of spice is, that they

agreed among themselves, after sailing from hence, that two of the ships

should steer for the gold mine, and the other two for Calicut. On this

account, each took only such goods as it was thought would be valued in

the ports to which they were bound. But when these ships came to Calicut

they were not allowed to trade, and were obliged to go to other places.

On going to Cananore, they there learnt what had been done by Peter

Aliaris, the factor at Cochin for the king. The king or rajah of Cananore

received our people honourably, and offered to supply our commanders

gratuitously with all kinds of spices; but, thanking him gratefully for

this kindness, he declined the offer, saying that he must go in the first

place to the kings factor at Cochin, and would then return and accept his

spices on credit. Setting out therefore for Cochin, he transacted

business with the royal agent, Peter Aliaris; but as the ships did not

bring money for their purchases, and as the goods they brought were in

small request, and they could not therefore succeed in making purchases,

the commander resolved to return to Cananore, where the rajah had

expressed so much good will for the Portuguese, and where he bartered his

merchandize for spices at a good profit. He here left three persons, with

the ships factor and a clerk, because the rajah had advanced money on

credit for the spices, that they might not appear to have cheated the

rajah. Yet after all, the ships had to come away only half loaded,

because they had not taken out money for their purchases, and their goods

were in no request. The conclusion from this is evident, that the Indians

have no demand for our goods, and that money alone is especially desired

by them, and of which they are in great need.

It has been reported since, that these kings of the Indies gave as much

merchandize to our admiral without price as would load four ships, out of

fear of the Christians; especially the king of Calicut, who has been told

by his soothsayers to beware of the ensuing year, as the stars threaten

him with a great slaughter of his men by the Christians, and that his

kingdom even would be deserted, owing to dread of that people. We have

this intelligence from three men who escaped from the battle at

_Araschorea_ with the barbarians. The same thing is reported by a native

of Bergamo, who had dwelt twenty-five years at Calicut, which is likewise

confirmed by a native of Valentia, who had sojourned there six years. In

the meantime the king of Calicut fitted out a large fleet to attack our

ships at Cananore; but they immediately sought for safety by setting sail.

On this account the king of Portugal has ordered eight or ten ships of

burthen to be fitted out by next January, of which seven are already

built. Two ships have been sent out this summer, one of which is of 700

tons burthen, and the other of 500. There is a third in the port of

Lisbon of 450 tons; two others at Madeira, one of 350, and the other of

230 tons; another is fitting out at Setubal carrying above 160 tons.

Besides these six, a caravel is to be added which lately came from the

island of Chio, all of which are entirely at the royal charges; and two

are to be fitted out by the king for certain merchants, one of 450 tons

and the other of 350. It is agreed between these merchants and the king,

that the king shall be at the sole expence of the voyage and payment of

the sailors, as in his service. That the merchants shall carry out as

much money as may suffice for all their purchases; and on the return of

the ships half of the goods shall belong to the king, and the merchants

shall be at liberty to sell the other half for their own behoof. It

appears evident to us that this mode of conducting business will be

greatly more to the benefit of the merchants than going entirely at their

own risk, as has been done hitherto; so that the king will probably find

abundance of people willing to trade to India on these conditions. We

have accordingly a share in these two ships; but of the event, God alone

can judge.

[1] This letter is dated 16th September 1502; and by it P. Pascquali

appears to have gone from Portugal into Spain:--E.

SECTION V.

_Of the Weights and Money of Calicut, and of the places whence they

procure their Spices_[1].

Having already treated concerning the articles of commerce of all kinds

in the Indies, it is proper to give some account of the prices and

weights of these. In the city of Calicut a _bahar_ of nutmegs is sold for

450 _favi_. A bahar consists of four quintals, of 100 pounds each, and

twenty _favis_ are equal to a ducat. A bahar of cinnamon costs 390 favi.

A _faracula_, or the twentieth part of a bahar of dried ginger, is six

favi. A faracula of candied ginger is twenty-eight favi. A bahar of

tamarinds thirty favi. A bahar of the best pepper 400 favi. A bahar of

_zerombeci_ forty favi. A bahar of myrabolans 560 favi. A bahar of

zedoary thirty favi. A bahar of red sanders eighty favi. A bahar of lac

260 favi. A bahar of _sanasius_ 160. A bahar of mastic 430 favi. A

_faracula_ of camphor 160. A bahar of pepper 360. A faracula of

frankincense five favi. A faracula of benzoin six favi. A faracula of

aloes wood 400 favi. A faracula of cassia eleven favi. A faracula of

rhubarb 400 favi. A bahar of cloves 600 fevi. A faracula of opium 400

favi. A bahar of white sanders 700 favi. A mitrical of ambergris, or six

ounces and a quarter. A bahar contains twenty faraculas. A faracula

fourteen aratollae and a third; as twenty-three Venetian aratollae are

equal to twenty-two Portuguese pounds. A golden ducat is equal to twenty

favi.

As to those things which are carried from Europe for sale at Calicut, a

faracula of brass sells for forty-five favi. A faracula of white coral

for 1000. A faracula of silver for twenty favi. A faracula of spurious

coral for 300. A faracula of alum twenty. An almenum of saffron sells for

eighty favi: the almenum exceeds the Portuguese pound two aratollae and a

half, and is therefore equal to about three Venetian pounds.

It appears proper to mention the regions from whence the various spices

are brought to Calicut. Pepper is brought from a certain tower near the

coast, about fifty leagues beyond Calicut. Cinnamon comes from a country

called _Zolon_, Ceylon, 260 leagues beyond Calicut, and from no other

place. Cloves come from the district of _Meluza_, which is twelve

Portuguese leagues from Calicut, and is in the country of Cananore.

Nutmegs and mastic come from _Meluza_, which is 740 leagues from

Calicut[2]. Castor, which is musk, comes from a certain region called Pegu,

500 leagues from Calicut. Fine pearls come from the coast of _Armuzi_[3],

700 leagues from Calicut. Spikenard and myrabolans from the province of

_Columbaia_[4], 600 leagues from Calicut. Cassia _in twigs_[5] is procured

in the territory of Calicut. Frankincense is brought from _Saboea_[6], 800

leagues distant. Aloes-wood, rhubarb, camphor, and calinga, is sent from

the country of Chiva[7], 4000 leagues from Calicut. Myrrh from the

province of _Fastica_[8], 700 leagues distant. Calicut produces

_zeromba_[9]; and Cananore sends cardamoms, being only twelve leagues

distant. Long pepper is found in _Same_[10]. Benzoin from _Zan_, 700 miles

from Calicut. Zedoary is produced in the territory of Calicut. Lac comes

from the city of _Samoterra[11], 500 leagues distant. Brasil wood from the

region of _Tannazar_, 500 leagues. Opium from the coast of _Adde_, 700

leagues.

[1] This Section is taken from the _Novus Orbus_ of Grynaeus, p 63. in

which it forms part of the navigations from Lisbon to Calicut,

attributed to the pen of Aloysius Cadamosto. The information it

contains respecting the principal commodities then brought from India

to Europe, and their prices, is curious: Yet there is some reason to

suspect that the author, or editor rather, has sometimes interchanged

the bahar and the faracula, or its twentieth part, in the weights of

the commodities. Several of the names of things and places are

unintelligible, probably from corrupt transcription.--E.

[2] Meluza may possibly be the city of Malacca, then a great emporium of

Indian trade; but it is impossible to reconcile or explain Meluza in

Cananore twelve leagues from Calicut, and Meluza 740 leagues from

thence.--E.

[3] This may possibly refer to the island of Ramisseram in the straits of

Manaar, between Ceylon and the Coromandel coast, near which the famous

pearl fishery is still carried on.--E.

[4] Evidently Cambaya or Guzerat.--E.

[5] Probably Cassia lignea, or in rolled up bark like twigs, to

distinguish it from the drug called Cassia fistula.--E.

[6] Perhaps the coast of Habesh on the Red Sea.--E.

[7] Probably a typographical error for China.--E.

[8] Alluding to some part of the coast of Arabia.--E.

[9] Perhaps Zedoary, repeated afterwards under its right name.--E.

[10] Same and Zan probably are meant to indicate some of the Indian

islands. Same may be Sumatra. Zan may be some port in Zangibar, on the

eastern coast of Africa.--E.

[11] Samoterra probably alludes to some port in the Bay of Bengal.

Tannazar, almost certainly Tanaserim in Siam. Adde, probably is Adel

or Aden in Arabia.--E.