After the end of the thirteen days mourning, they all begin to chew betel,

and to eat flesh and fish as formerly, the new king alone excepted. He is

bound to mourn for his predecessor during a whole year, chewing no betel,

eating no flesh or fish, neither shaving his beard nor cutting; his nails

during all that time. He must eat only once a-day, washing himself all

over before this single meal, and devoting certain hours of every day to

prayer. After the expiry of the year, he uses a certain ceremony for the

soul of the king his predecessor, much like our solemn dirge; at which

100,000 persons are often assembled, among whom he distributes large alms.

When this ceremony is ended, the prince is confirmed as inheritor of the

kingdom, and all the people depart.

The zamorin of Calicut, and the other kings of Malabar, have each one

especial officer, to whom the administration of justice is confided, and

whose authority in all matters of government is as ample as that of the

king himself. The soldiers employed by these kings are called _Nayres_,

who are all gentlemen, and who follow no other office or employ but that

of fighting when needed. They are all idolaters, armed with bows, arrows,

spears, daggers of a hooked form, and targets, and they march in a very

regular and warlike manner; but they go entirely naked and barefooted,

wearing only a piece of painted cotton cloth, which reaches from the

girdle to the knees, and a cloth or kerchief on their heads. All these

men live continually at the charge of the king and nobles of the country,

from whom they have small stipends for their maintenance; and they esteem

themselves so highly on account of their gentility of blood, that they

will not touch an husbandman, nor allow any such to enter into their

dwellings. When any husbandman goes through the streets they must

continually call out aloud _hoo hoo_; for if commanded by a nayre to make

way, they may be slain if they refuse. The king cannot raise any one to

the rank of a _nayre_, who are all such by descent. These _nayres_ serve

very faithfully under those who give them their wages, not sparing by day

or night to use their best endeavours to serve their chiefs, nor making

any account of want of food or sleep, or of fatigue, when their service

is required or may be effectual. Their expences are so small, that on

half-a-crown, which is their only monthly pay, they can sufficiently

maintain themselves and a boy, whom each has as a servant.

By the laws of this country, these nayres cannot marry, so that no one

has any certain or acknowledged son or father; all their children being

born of mistresses, with each of whom three or four nayres cohabit by

agreement among themselves. Each one of this confraternity dwells a day

in his turn with the joint mistress, counting from noon of one day to the

same time of the next, after which he departs, and another comes for the

like time. They thus spend their lives without the care or trouble of

wives and children, yet maintain their mistresses well according to their

rank. Any one may forsake his mistress at his pleasure; and in like

manner, the mistress may refuse admittance to any one o£ her lovers when

she pleases. These mistresses are all gentlewomen of the Nayre cast; and

the nayres, besides being prohibited from marrying, must not attach

themselves to any woman of a different rank. Considering that there are

always several men attached to one woman, the nayres never look upon any

of these children born of their mistresses as belonging to them, however

strong a resemblance may subsist, and all inheritances among the nayres

go to their brothers, or the sons of their sisters, born of the same

mothers, all relationship being counted only by female consanguinity and

descent. This strange law prohibiting marriage, was established, that

they might have neither wives or children on whom to fix their love and

attachment; and that being free from all family cares, they might the

more willingly devote themselves entirely to warlike service. And the

more to animate these gentlemen in the service of the wars, and to

encourage them to continue in the order of nayres, they are privileged

from all imprisonments, and from the punishment of death on all ordinary

occasions, except for the following crimes; killing another nayre, or a

cow which is an object of worship, sleeping or eating with an ordinary

woman, or speaking evil of the king. When the king has received authentic

information of any of these offences having been committed, he issues a

written mandate to one of the nayres, commanding him to take two or three

other nayres in his company, and to slay the nayre who has committed this

offence against the laws. In obedience to this warrant, they attack him

with their swords and put him to death where-ever they happen to find him,

and then affix the royal order upon his body, that all may know the

reason of his death.

It is not permitted to any nayre to assume arms, or to enter into any

combat, till he has been armed as a knight. When a nayre becomes seven

years old, he is set to learn the use of all kinds of weapons, their

masters first pulling and twisting their joints to make them supple, and

then teaching them to fence and handle their arms adroitly. Their

principal weapons are swords and targets; and these teachers, who are

graduates in the use of the weapons, are called _Panycaes_, who are much

esteemed among the nayres, and all their former scholars, however

advanced in life or however high their dignity, are bound at all times to

give them due honour and reverence when they meet; likewise, every

_nayre_ is obliged to take lessons from these professors for two months

yearly, all their lives: By this means they are very skilful in the use

of their weapons, in which they take great pride. When a nayre desires to

be armed as a knight, he presents himself before the king, accompanied by

all his kindred and friends, and makes an offering of sixty gold fannoms

[55]. On which he is asked by the king if he is willing to observe and

follow the laws and customs of the nayres, to which he answers in the

affirmative. Then the king commands him to be girt with a sword, and

laying his right hand on his head, utters certain words as if praying in

so low a voice that he is not heard. The king then embraces the young

nayre, saying aloud in their language, "Take good care to defend the

Bramins and their kine." On this the nayre falls down and does reverence

to the king; and from that time he is considered as a knight, or member

of the fraternity of nayres. When any of the nayres enters into the

peculiar service of the king or of any individual noble, he binds himself

to die with and for him, and they keep their oaths. For, if their master

should happen to be slain in any war or otherwise, they will fight till

they are all slain; and if they cannot accomplish their purpose at the

time, or happen to be absent at the slaughter of their master, they go

afterwards in search of the person who has done the deed, and never leave

off till they are themselves slain.

The Malabars are much given to soothsaying, and have lucky and unlucky

days. They worship the sun moon and stars, the fire, cows, and the first

thing they meet on going out of a morning, believing every manner of

vanity. The devil is often in them, but they say it is one of their gods

or _pagods_, as they call him. But whosoever or whatsoever it may be, it

constrains them to utter terrible words, which are believed by the king.

When the devil enters into a nayre, he goes with a naked sword before the

king, shaking and trembling and giving himself many wounds, saying, "I am

such or such a god, and am come to tell thee such and such a thing,"

crying out, and behaving himself like a madman or one possessed. If the

king makes any doubt of what he says, he continues to roar still louder

and to slash himself more severely, till the king gives credit to his

assertions. There are other tribes or lineages of people among the

Malabars, of various sects and divers customs, of whom it were too

tedious to speak in this place, who are all under obedience to the

several kings and nobles. The Moors alone are exempted from this

obedience, on account of the large customs they pay for their merchandize,

owing to which they are held in high estimation at Calicut.

Having come to anchor on the outside of the bar or reef of Calicut, the

general sent one of the Portuguese convicts on shore, in one of the

almadias which had conducted the ships to this port; instructing him to

see what kind of a place it was, and to make trial of what kind of a

reception might be looked for, seeing we were Christians, and as the

general believed that the people were likewise Christians. When this man

landed, he was immediately surrounded by great numbers of the natives,

staring at him as a stranger. These people asked of the fishermen what

man this was whom they had brought on shore? to which they answered, that

they supposed him to be a Moor, and that he belonged to the three ships

which were riding without the bar. But the people of Calicut wondered

much to see a person who was clothed so very differently from the Moors

who came from the Red Sea. Some of these people who had knowledge of

Arabic spoke to this man, but he could not understand or answer them, at

which they were much astonished. Yet, believing him to be a Moor, they

conducted him to a house where two Moors dwelt who came originally from

Tunis and had established themselves in Calicut. On his appearance, one

of these Moors whose name was Bontaybo[56], who could speak Spanish,

immediately recognized him for a Portuguese, having often seen people of

our nation at Tunis in the reign of King John, in a ship named La Reyna

which often traded to that port. As soon as Bontaybo saw the Portuguese,

he exclaimed in Spanish, _Devil take you, what brought you here_? He

farther inquired which way he had travelled so as to arrive at Calicut?

To this the banished man answered, telling how many ships our general had

brought with him; at which Bontaybo was much amazed, wondering how they

could possibly come by sea from Portugal to India. He then asked what

they sought at so great a distance from home? And was answered that they

came in search of Christians and spices. Bontaybo then asked why the

kings of France and Spain and the Doge of Venice had not sent their ships

likewise? Because, said our man, the king of Portugal would not allow

them. To this Bontaybo said, he was much in the right. After some farther

conversation in this way, Bontaybo gave him good entertainment,

commanding certain cakes of wheat flour and honey, called _apes_ by the

Malabars, to be set before him; and then said that he would accompany him

to the ships to wait upon the general.

Bontaybo accordingly came on board our general, whom he immediately

addressed in Spanish, saying, "Good luck! good luck! many rubies, many

emeralds. Thou art bound to give God thanks for having brought thee where

there is abundance of all sorts of spices, precious stones, and all the

other riches of the world." On hearing this, the general and all the

people were greatly astonished, not expecting to meet any one so far from

home who understood their language; and even shed tears of joy for this

happy circumstance, and their safe arrival. They all then joined in

humble and hearty thanks to the Almighty, by whose favour and assistance

alone this great happiness and good fortune had been accorded to them.

The general embraced Bontaybo, whom he made to sit beside him, and

questioned him if he were a Christian, and how he came to Calicut.

Bontaybo told him frankly that he was a Moor from Tunis in Barbary, and

had come to Calicut by way of Cairo and the Red Sea, and explained how he

came to know the Portuguese, as has been already mentioned. He farther

declared, that he had always been well disposed towards the Portuguese

nation, having always found them worthy of confidence and friendship in

all their dealings; and, having been a friend to them in times past, he

would not discontinue his good will, and was ready and willing to do

every thing in his power to serve them, and to assist them in the objects

for which they had now come to Calicut. The general gave him many thanks

for his good will, and promised to reward him liberally for the friendly

aid he might give to him and his expedition, expressing his extreme

satisfaction at being so fortunate as to meet such a person in this place,

believing that God had sent him here to promote the great objects of this

voyage, for which he passed through so many and long continued dangers,

being quite sensible that he must have reaped little profit from all his

labours without such friendly assistance.

The general then requested information from Bontaybo, as to the character

of the king or zamorin of Calicut, and whether, in his opinion, he would

willingly receive him as ambassador from the king of Portugal. Bontaybo

represented the zamorin as a prince of good and honourable dispositions,

who, he was convinced, would gladly receive the general as ambassador

from a foreign king; more especially, if the objects of his voyage were

to establish a trade with Calicut, and if the general had brought with

him any merchandize proper for that purpose; since the advantages which

the zamorin derived from the customs upon trade formed the chief source

of his revenue. He farther informed the general, that the zamorin resided

at this time at Panane, a village on the coast about five leagues from

Calicut; and advised that the general should send a message there to

notify his arrival, and the reasons of his coming. The general was well

pleased with this advice and presented certain gifts to Bontaybo, along

with whom he sent two of his men to Calicut, requesting Bontaybo to

direct them on their way to Panane, which he did accordingly. When these

messengers came into the presence of the zamorin, one of them, named

_Fernan Martyn_, declared to him, by means of an interpreter, "That he

waited upon his highness on the part of his general, who had arrived in

the port of Calicut with three ships, having been sent there by the king

of Portugal with letters to his highness, which the general begged

permission to present to him." On hearing this message, and before giving

any answer, the zamorin commanded each of the two messengers to be

presented with a piece cotton cloth and two pieces of silk, such as he

used in his own apparel; after which he inquired of Fernan Martyn what

king it was who had sent him these letters, and how far his dominions

were from thence. Fernan fully answered these inquiries, adding, that he

was a Christian prince, and that those whom he had sent in the ships now

at Calicut were Christians; and related what great and numerous dangers

they had passed through during their voyage. The zamorin was much amazed

at the incidents of the voyage which Fernan related at some length, and

expressed his satisfaction that so powerful a prince of the Christians

should think of sending an ambassador to him from so great a distance. He

then desired Fernan to inform the general, that he heartily welcomed him

and his people into his dominions, advising him to bring his ships to

anchor near a village called _Pandarane_ some way below where the ships

then lay, as a far better harbour than Calicut which is an open and very

dangerous road for shipping. The zamorin desired likewise that the

general might come by land from that place to Calicut, where he would be

ready to receive him. After this, the zamorin sent a pilot to navigate

the ships to the harbour of Pandarane; but, on coming to the bar of that

port, the general did not think it advisable to enter so far within the

harbour as the pilot proposed, fearing lest he might expose himself to

danger by reposing too great confidence in these people, and placing

himself too much within their power. In this he acted with much prudent

foresight, by which he wisely avoided the injuries which were afterwards

attempted against him at this place.

On his arrival at Pandarane, the general received a message from the

kutwal[57] of Calicut, intimating that he and other nobles awaited him on

shore by order of the zamorin, to conduct him to the city, and that he

had permission to land whenever he pleased[58]. But as the day drew near

a close, the general returned an answer excusing himself from landing

that night. He immediately called a council of the other captains and

principal officers of the fleet, to take their advice on the present

emergency, to whom he intimated his intention of going to visit the king

of Calicut on purpose to settle a treaty of trade and amity. Paulo de

Gama, his brother, strongly objected to his venturing on shore; alleging

that although the natives of the place were Christians, as they still

believed them, yet there were many Moors among them who were much to be

feared as his mortal enemies; since these people at Mozambique and

Mombaza, where they had only passed by their ports, endeavoured to

destroy them all, they were much more to be feared at Calicut where we

had come on purpose to enter into competition with them in trade, by

which their profits would be diminished. It was therefore the more

probable that they would use every effort to destroy the general, on whom

our whole hope of safety and success depended; and, however much the

zamorin might regret the commission of such a deed, he could not restore

him to life: besides which, the Moors were inhabitants of the place,

where they had much interest, whereas the general was an utter stranger.

Likewise, it was quite impossible for them to be assured that the king of

Calicut might not have leagued with the Moors for his death or captivity;

either of which would ruin their voyage and prove the destruction of them

all, and all the toils and dangers they had passed through would prove in

vain. To prevent all this danger, he strongly urged that the general

should on no account go on shore, but should depute one of the captains,

or some other person in the fleet in his stead; alleging that commanders

in chief ought never to subject themselves to personal danger, unless in

cases of the most urgent necessity.

All the officers were of the same opinion. But the general answered, that

even if he were perfectly assured that his landing were to occasion his

instant death, he would not refrain from going to visit the king of

Calicut, to endeavour to settle amity and trade, and that he might

procure some spices and other commodities from the place, by means of

which their discovery of Calicut might be proved on their return into

Portugal: As otherwise, if we returned without any of the productions of

the Indies, their discovery would be discredited, and their honour and

veracity called in question. "Think not therefore," said he, "but I will

rather die, than leave it in hazard that the long time we have already

spent, and may yet employ, shall be lost, and others sent to ascertain

the truth of our discoveries, while envious persons may have it in their

power to discredit our services. Neither do I run into such hazard of

death, nor expose you to such dangers as you suppose; seeing that I am

going to a city inhabited by Christians, and to a king who wishes the

concourse of many merchants in his dominions, as the more of these that

frequent his port so much the greater must be his revenue from the

customs upon trade. It is not my intention to stay long on shore, so as

to give opportunity to the Moors to complot against me; as I propose only

to talk with the king and to return in three days, by which time you may

have every thing in readiness for our departure. If I should have the good

fortune, by the will of God, to establish trade and amity with the king of

Calicut, I would not exchange the honour and credit of that transaction

for any treasure that could be given me; neither can the king of Calicut

settle this affair so well with any other person, as he will honour me the

more for being the captain-general of this fleet and the ambassador of our

king. Should any other go in my stead, the king might look upon himself as

slighted and insulted, under an idea that I do not esteem him worthy to be

visited by myself, or that I do not trust him on his word and assurance.

Besides, it is not possible for me to give sufficiently ample instructions

to any one I might send, to enable him to do what may be necessary under

every circumstance that may arise, as I myself might do. Even if it should

chance that they kill me, it were better this should happen in the

discharge of my duty, than that I should preserve my life by neglecting to

perform it. You, my friends, remain at sea in good ships: And if you hear

of any mischance befalling me, my desire is that you shall immediately

depart and carry home news of our discovery. As for our present subject,

there need be no farther argument; as I am determined, with the blessing

of God, to proceed to visit the king at Calicut."

When this determination was made known the captains made no farther

objections, and chose out twelve persons to accompany him, among whom

were Diego Diaz his secretary, Fernan Martinez the interpreter, John de

Sala who was afterwards treasurer of the Indies, and nine others; and

Paulo de Gama, his brother, was appointed to act as captain-general

during his absence. The general, before going on shore, gave pointed

orders that no person should on any account be permitted to come on board

the ships; but that all who were desirous of any intercourse with them

should remain in their boats or almadias. He likewise directed that

Nicholas Coello should come every day with his boat well armed as near

the shore as he could with safety, on purpose to keep up an intercourse

between the ships and himself. All these things being settled, the

general went on shore with his twelve attendants, all in their best

attire; their boat furnished with much ordnance, dressed out with flags

and streamers, and sounding trumpets all the way from the ships to the

shore. On landing, the general was received with every demonstration of

respect by the kutwal, attended by 200 nayres, and a great concourse of

natives, both of the country and from the city of Calicut. After

compliments were passed, the general was placed in an _andor_ or litter,

which the king of Calicut had sent for his use. In this country it is not

customary to travel on horseback, but in these andors. This vehicle is

like a horse-litter, except that they are very plain with low sides, and

are carried by four men on their shoulders, who run post in this manner,

carrying the king or any noble person when on a journey, and going at a

great rate. The person in the andor may either sit or lie as he pleases;

and certain servants carry umbrellas, which they call _bueys_, to shelter

the person in the andor from the sun and rain. There are other andors

which have a curved cane over them like a bow, and are so light that they

can be carried by two men.

The general being mounted in one andor and the kutwal in another, they

set out for a town called Capocate[59], all the rest being on foot; but

the kutwal appointed certain people of the country to carry the baggage

of our men, which was restored to them at Capocate, where the party

stopped for refreshment, the general and his people being in one house

and the kutwal in another. Our people were here provided with boiled fish,

with rice and butter, and some of the country fruits which are very good,

though quite different from ours. One of these fruits is called _lacas_,

and another Mango, and they have figs likewise. The water was excellent,

and as good as any in Portugal. After resting and refreshing themselves

at Capocate, the general and his suite were embarked in a vessel called

an _ensangada_, consisting of two almadias lashed side by side. The

kutwal and his train embarked in many other boats; and the whole went up

a river which discharges itself into the sea at this place. The numbers

of people that came to the river side to view our men as they passed was

quite countless, by which it appears that the country was well inhabited.

After going about a league up this river, our people came to a place

where many large ships were drawn up on the shore. The whole party here

disembarked and proceeded by land, the general and kutwal in andors as

before, being surrounded by thousands who were curious to see the

strangers, even many women pressing into the crowd with their children

slung at their backs.

From this place the kutwal carried the general to one of their pagodas or

idol temples, into which they entered, and which the kutwal said was a

church of great holiness. This the general believed to be the case,

fancying it to be a church of the Christians; which he the more readily

believed, as he saw seven little bells hung over the principal door. In

front of this entry, there stood a pillar made of wire as tall as the

mast of a ship, on the top of which was a weathercock likewise made of

wire. This church was as large as a moderate convent, all built of

freestone, and covered, or vaulted over with brick, having a fine outward

appearance as if its inside were of splendid workmanship. Our general was

much pleased with this church, as he actually believed himself in a

Christian country, and gladly entered along with the kutwal. They were

received by the priests, who were naked from the waist upwards, having a

kind of petticoats of cotton hanging down from the girdle to their knees,

and pieces of calico covering their arm-pits, their heads legs and feet

bare. They were distinguished by wearing certain threads over their right

shoulders, which crossed over their breasts under their left arms, much

in the way in which our priests used formerly to wear their stoles when

they said mass. These men are called kafrs[60], and are idolaters,

serving as priests in the pagodas of Malabar; and on the general going

into the pagoda, they took holy water with a _sprinkle_ from a font, and

threw it over the kutwal and him and their attendants. After this, they

gave them powdered sandalwood to throw upon their heads, as used to be

done amongst us with ashes; and they were directed to do the same on

their arms. But our people, as being clothed, omitted this latter part of

the ceremony, complying with the other.

In this pagoda they saw many images painted on the walls, some of which

had monstrous teeth projecting an inch from their mouths, and some had

four arms; all of them so ugly that they seemed like devils, which raised

doubts among our people whether they were actually in a Christian church.

In the middle of the pagoda stood a chapel, having a roof or dome of

freestone like a tower, in one part of which was a door of wire, to which

there led a flight of stone steps. On the inside of this tower an image

was observed in a recess of the wall, which our men could not see

distinctly, as the place was somewhat dark, and they were not permitted

to go near, as none were allowed to approach except the priests. But from

certain words and signs, our people understood this to be an image of the

Virgin; on which the general and his attendants went upon their knees to

say their prayers[61]. John de Sala, however, being very doubtful that

this was not a Christian church, owing to the monstrous images on the

walls, said, as he fell on his knees, "_If this be the devil, I worship

God_," on which the general looked at him with a smile. The kutwal and

his people, as they approached the chapel, prostrated themselves three

times on their faces with their hands extended before them, after which

they arose and said their prayers standing.

From this place they went forwards to the city of Calicut, and were taken

at their arrival into another pagoda similar to the former. After this,

on entering the city, the crowd was so great that they could hardly make

their way through the streets. The general was astonished to see such

multitudes, and praised GOD for having brought him in safety to this city,

humbly beseeching his divine mercy so to guide him on his way that he

might accomplish the objects of his expedition, and return safely into

Portugal. At length the pressure of the crowd became so great that the

bearers were unable to get forwards, and the whole company were forced to

take shelter in a house. They were here joined by the kutwals brother, a

nobleman who was sent by the king to accompany the general to the palace,

and had many nayres along with him. The procession again set out,

preceded by many trumpets and sacbuts sounding all the way; and one of

the nayres carried a _caliver_, which he fired off at intervals. After

they were joined by the kutwals brother, the mob gave way for the

procession to pass, and shewed as much reverence as if the king himself

had been present. There went in the procession at least 3000 armed men,

and the multitudes of spectators, in the streets, at the doors and

windows, and on the roofs, were quite innumerable. The general was well

pleased at his honourable reception, and said pleasantly to those of his

company, "_They little think in Portugal how honourably we are received

here_."

The procession arrived at the palace an hour before sunset. Though only

constructed of earth, the palace was very extensive and seemed a handsome

structure, having great numbers of trees interspersed among the different

buildings, with pleasant gardens full of fine flowers and odoriferous

plants, and many fountains; as the zamorin never goes out of the palace

while resident in Calicut. On arriving at the palace, several caymals and

other noblemen came out to receive the general, who led him to a large

square immediately in front of the gates, whence they passed through four

several courts, at the gate of each of which there were ten porters who

were obliged to lay about them with sticks among the people to clear the

way. On coming to the gate of the house in which the king resided, they

were met by the chief bramin, or high priest of the royal household, a

little old man, who embraced the general, and conducted him and his

people into the palace. At this time the people pressed forwards with

much eagerness to get a sight of the king, which they very seldom do as

he goes very rarely out of the palace; and the multitude was so great

that some of them were stifled in the throng, which would likewise have

been the case with two of our men, if they had not gone on before, with

the assistance of the porters, who severely hurt many of the mob, and

forced them to make way. On passing the last gate, the general and his

attendants entered along with the noblemen into a great hall, surrounded

with seats of timber raised in rows above one another like our theatres,

the floor being covered by a carpet of green velvet, and the walls hung

with silk of various colours. The king was of a brown complexion, large

stature, and well advanced in years. He lay on a sofa covered with a

cloth of white silk and gold, and a rich canopy over his head. On his

head he had a cap or mitre adorned with precious stones and pearls, and

had jewels of the same kind in his ears. He wore a jacket of fine cotton

cloth, having buttons of large pearls and the button-holes wrought with

gold thread. About his middle he had a piece of a white calico, which

came only down to his knees; and both his fingers and toes were adorned

with many gold rings set with fine stones; his arms and legs were covered

with many golden bracelets. Close to his sofa there stood a gold shallow

bason on a gold stand, in which was _betel_, which the king chewed with

salt and _areka_. This last is a kind of fruit about the size of a nut,

and is chewed all over India to sweeten the breath, and is supposed to

carry off phlegm from the stomach and to prevent thirst. The king had

likewise a gold bason on a golden stand, into which he spat out the betel

when chewed; and a gold fountain with water for washing his mouth. The

king was served with betel by an old man who stood close to the sofa; all

the others who were in the presence held their left hands to their mouths,

that their breaths might not reach the king; and it is thought unseemly

for any one to spit or sneeze in the presence.

When the general entered the hall in which the king sat, he stooped or

bowed down three times according to the custom of the country, lifting up

his hands as one that praised God. The king immediately made signs for

the general to draw near, and commanded him to be seated on one of the

seats; and the rest of the Portuguese came forwards, making similar

reverences, and were likewise commanded to sit down opposite the king.

Water was then presented to all the company to wash their hands, which

was very refreshing, for, though it was then winter, they were very hot.

They were then presented with figs and jakas, and the king was much

pleased to see them eat, laughing at them and conversing with the old man

who served him with betel. Our people being thirsty, called for water,

which was brought to them in a golden ewer, and they were directed to

pour the water into their mouths as it is reckoned injurious to touch the

cup with their lips. They accordingly did as they were directed; but some

poured the water into their throats and fell a coughing, while others

poured it beside upon their faces and clothes, which much amused the king.

After this, the king desired the general by an interpreter, to speak to

those who were present as to the purpose of his coming to Calicut. But

the general was not satisfied with this, and signified that he was

ambassador from the king of Portugal, a powerful prince, and that

Christian princes were not used to receive the embassies of other

sovereigns by means of a third person, but by themselves in person in the

presence only of a few of their principal persons: and this being the

usage of his country, he chose to deliver his message only to the king

himself. The king agreed to this, and commanded the general and Fernan

Martinez who acted as interpreter, to be conducted into another chamber,

which was adorned with as much magnificence as the first.

As soon as the king entered this chamber, he took his seat on a sofa,

attended only by his interpreter, the chief bramin, the old man who served

him with betel, and the comptroller of his household. The king then

asked the general, from what part of the world he was come, and what were

his desires. He answered, that he was ambassador from the king of Portugal,

the most powerful of the Christian sovereigns in the west, both in extent

of dominions, numbers of people, and riches. That he and his predecessors,

hearing that there were Christian kings and princes in the Indies, of

which the zamorin of Calicut was the chief, were exceedingly desirous of

sending some of their captains to discover the way, that they might enter

into friendship with the king of this country as brothers; and for this

reason he had been sent to his highness: Not that the king his master had

any need of his riches, having abundance already and more than was needed

both of gold and silver and other valuable things. That all the former

captains who had been sent at great charges upon this discovery, after

having employed a year or more in vain and having consumed all their

victuals, had returned again into Portugal. But that the present king Don

Manuel, being anxious to bring this great enterprize to a successful

conclusion, had entrusted him with command of three ships well supplied

with provisions, commanding him not to return to Portugal without

discovering the way to the Christian king of Calicut, and would certainly

order his head to be cut off if he returned without fulfilling his orders.

The said king his master had given him two letters to deliver to his

highness, which he would present next day as it was now somewhat late;

when he would convince his highness that the king of Portugal was his

friend and brother, and should request of highness, in confirmation of

friendship, to send an ambassador to the king of Portugal, as was the

custom among Christian princes. The zamorin expressed his satisfaction

with this embassy, and told the general that he made him welcome to his

capital; and, since the king of Portugal desired to be his friend and

brother, he would be the like to him, and should send an ambassador to him

as desired. The zamorin then made inquiry into many circumstances

respecting Portugal; how far distant it was from Calicut, how long the

general had been upon the voyage, and other things: And as it grew late,

the king allowed him to retire, first asking him whether he would reside

with the Moors or the Malabars; but as the general chose rather to have a

house to himself, the king gave orders to a Moor who was his factor, to

accompany him, and to provide him with every thing necessary for his

accommodation.

Leaving the palace late, it being now towards ten o'clock, the kutwal and

the rest who had accompanied him there, escorted him back to where he was

to lodge; and as they were on their way, all on foot, there fell such rain

that the streets ran in torrents, insomuch that the factor gave orders to

some of the people to carry our general on their backs. The general was

displeased at this and at the delay, and asked angrily at the factor if he

meant to carry him all night through the streets. The factor made answer

that he could not do otherwise, as the city was large and much scattered.

He then conducted him into his own house to rest for some time, and

procured a horse for him to ride; but, as the horse had no saddle, the

general preferred going on foot. At length he was brought to a very good

lodging, to which his people had previously brought all his baggage.

Next day, being Tuesday, the general was greatly rejoiced to see so

promising a commencement of his business, and resolved upon sending a

present to the zamorin; upon which he sent for the kutwal and the kings

factor, to whom he shewed the present which he proposed sending. This

consisted of four _capotas_ or cloaks of scarlet cloth, six hats, four

branches of coral, twelve _almasares_, a box containing seven brass

vessels, a chest of sugar, two barrels of oil, and a cask of honey. The

kutwal and factor laughed in derision at this present, saying, that this

was no fit present for their king, the poorest merchant presenting one

more valuable. They desired him rather to send gold, as the king would

accept, of nothing else. The general was offended at this, saying, if he

had been a merchant he would have brought gold; but, being an ambassador,

he had brought none. That what he now offered were his own goods, and not

belonging to the king his master; who, being uncertain if he should ever

reach Calicut, had given him nothing to offer as a present to the zamorin.

But, at his next coming, knowing now certainly the route, the king his

master would send gold and silver and otter rich articles. To this they

answered, that these things might be, but it was the custom of this

country for every stranger who had speech of the king to make him a

present in proportion to the greatness of his rank. The general replied it

was very proper their customs should be observed, and therefore he desired

to send this present, which he could not make more valuable, for the

reasons already assigned; and if they would not suffer it to be carried to

the king, he should send it back to his ships. They answered he might do

so, for they would not consent to have such a present sent to the king.

The general, much displeased, said he would go speak with the king himself,

and would then return to the ships, meaning to have informed the king of

all that had passed in regard to the intended present. This they said was

very proper; but, as they would be detained long at court in attending him,

they were obliged in the mean time to go upon other business, and would

return to escort him to court, as the king would be angry if he went

without them, he being an entire stranger; and besides, he could not go in

safety unaccompanied, because of the great numbers of Moors who resided in

that city. Giving credit to their words, the general consented to this

arrangement, and said he would wait for their return, which he expected

would be without delay: But they did not return all that day, as they had

been gained over by the Moors to thwart the purposes of the general.

The Moors in Calicut had received information of the transactions of the

Portuguese at Quiloa, and of the taking of the _sambuco_ off Melinda; and

knowing that we were Christians, were very jealous of our arrival at

Calicut. Bontaybo had told the Moors that our purpose was not merely to

discover Calicut from curiosity, but that spices were in great estimation

in Portugal, which abounded in gold and silver, and to which all kinds of

merchandize was at present transported that went from Calicut by way of

the Red Sea; and finally, that the settlement of a direct trade by the

Portuguese with Calicut would tend greatly to the profit of the zamorin.

All this the Moors very well understood: But, considering that we were

Christians, they believed, if we should establish trade with Calicut,

that their own commodities would fall in price, and most of their profits

be destroyed. Wherefore they consulted together how to induce the zamorin

to take the general prisoner, to seize our ships, and to kill all our men;

that they might not return into Portugal with any intelligence concerning

Calicut. Upon this they associated themselves with some of those who were

in greatest credit with the zamorin, to whom they procured access, and

represented to him, That he ought not to be deceived by the Christians,

for the general was no ambassador as he pretended, but a pirate who went

about to rob and plunder whereever he came. They asserted having received

undoubted intelligence of this from their factors in Africa; where after

entering into a friendly correspondence with the _xeque_, who even

visited the general in his ship, gave him many presents, and provided him

with a pilot to bring him to Calicut, he had battered the town with his

ordnance, and killed several of his subjects. That he had afterwards

taken some _sambucos_ laden with merchandize, treating the xeque and his

subjects like enemies. In like manner they misrepresented the conduct of

the general at Mombaza and Melinda, turning every thing that had occurred

to his dishonour. They reasoned from these misrepresentations, that he

could not be an ambassador sent to maintain peace and amity, as he would

not, in that case, have been guilty of these base hostilities, and would

assuredly have brought the king a present worthy of the sovereign he

pretended to come from.

The king was much amazed at this discourse, and told the Moors that he

would consider and determine what was proper for him to do. The Moors

also told the kutwal of all that they had said to the king, with whom he

was in great credit, and requested of him to persuade the king not to

listen to this embassage. The kutwal then went to the king, who told him

all that the Moors had said, and the kutwal advised him to do as the

Moors had requested. On this the king changed his good intentions towards

the general, yet endeavoured to conceal his purposes. The Moors then

waited on the general under pretence of friendship, offering to instruct

him how best to conduct himself, saying that it was customary for all

persons who came from other places to Calicut on business with the king

to bring him a present. On this the general shewed them the present he

had proposed making, which the kutwal and the factor had made so light of;

and, with whom they agreed, saying it was by no means a fit present, and

would rather seem a mockery, and give offence. Even Bontaybo agreed in

this opinion; and asked the general why he had not brought better things,

as he knew that Portugal abounded in all manner of rich commodities. But

the general excused himself as formerly, by saying that it was quite

uncertain whether he might ever have come to Calicut.

The general remained the whole of this day in his lodgings, much

displeased that the kutwal and factor had not returned according to

promise, and was at one time resolved to have gone to court without them;

yet thought it better to wait till next day. In the afternoon of the

Wednesday, the kutwal and factor made their appearance, when he mentioned

his dissatisfaction at their long absence; but they talked of other

things, and gave him no answer on that subject. At length they

accompanied him to the palace; but the king, having greatly changed his

mind towards him, made him wait three hours for admission, and then

ordered that only two of his people should be admitted into the presence

along with himself. Though the general considered this separation of his

people as not looking well, he went into the presence attended by Fernan

Martinez and Diego Diaz, his interpreter and secretary. The king did not

receive him so well as formerly, and said with a severe countenance that

he had expected him all the preceding day. Not willing to give him the

true cause of his absence, lest it might lead to a conversation

respecting the present, the general said he had tarried at home to

recover from the fatigue of his long voyage. On this the king observed,

that he pretended to have been sent on an embassy of friendship from a

rich and powerful king, and that he did not well understand what kind of

friendship was intended, since he had sent him no present. To this the

general answered, That it was not to be wondered that the king his master

had sent no present to his highness, considering the extreme uncertainty

of his being able to come to this place by a way never before attempted,

and unknown till now. But, now that the way was discovered, and God

spared him to return to Portugal, his master would assuredly send him

princely gifts, worthy of them both: And if his highness would have the

goodness to give credit to the letters which he had brought from the king

his master, he would there learn the intentions of the king of Portugal

in sending him to Calicut. Instead of desiring to see the letters, the

king asked him whether he was sent in search of stones or of men; and if

sent to discover men, how came it that the king his master had sent no

present? And since it was manifest that he had brought him nothing, he

demanded of him to send him the golden image of the Virgin, which he

understood was in his ship.

The general, much concerned to find the king so much changed towards him,

on account of not bringing him a present and amazed at this strange

demand, said that the image of the Virgin Mary of which his highness had

been told, was only of wood gilt, and not of gold; and besides, as this

holy image had protected him during his long perils on the sea, and had

brought him so far in safety, he was unwilling to part with it. The

zamorin made no reply to this, but immediately demanded that he should

produce the letters from the king of Portugal. One of these was written

in the Portuguese language, and the other in Arabic; and the general

explained that this had been done, because the king his master did not

know which of these might be understood in the dominions of his highness:

And, since he now knew that Portuguese was not understood in India,

whereas Arabic was, he requested that some Christian of the Indies who

understood Arabic might be employed to interpret the letter, because the

Moors were known to be enemies to the Christians, and he was afraid lest

they might purposely give it a wrong interpretation. The king gave orders

to this purpose, but no Indian could be found who was able to read the

letters, or at least who would acknowledge that he could read them.

Seeing that it was now necessary that it should be read by the Moors, the

general requested that Bontaybo should be one of those appointed for the

purpose, placing more reliance on him than the others, as he was an

acquaintance. The king accordingly commanded the letter to be read by him

and other three Moors; who, having first read it over to themselves,

interpreted it aloud to the king, to the following effect: "As soon as it

became known to the king of Portugal, that the king of Calicut was one of

the mightiest kings of all the Indies and a Christian, he was anxious to

establish a treaty of amity and commerce with him, that he might procure

spices, which were in great abundance in his country, and to procure

which the merchants of many parts of the world trade thither: And, if his

highness would give a licence to send for spices, he would send many

things from his kingdom which were not to be had in the dominions of his

highness; or if these things were not satisfactory, of which the general

could shew him some samples, he was willing to send money, both gold and

silver, to purchase the spices. And finally referring his highness to the

general for farther information."

On hearing this letter interpreted, and being desirous that his revenues

might increase by the resort of many merchants to his dominions, the

zamorin evinced his satisfaction at what he had heard; and assuming a

more friendly deportment towards the general, asked him what were the

articles of merchandize that could be had from Portugal. De Gama named

many different kinds; particularly mentioning such as he had samples of

along with him, and likewise their money, and requested permission to go

on board his ships that he might bring these things to his highness,

offering to leave four or five of his men in his lodgings during his

absence. Giving now more credit to the general than to what had been said

by the Moors to his prejudice, the king told De Gama he might go on board

when he pleased, taking all his men with him, as there was no call for

any of them remaining on shore. He likewise said the general might freely

bring his goods on shore, and sell them to the best advantage. The

general was greatly satisfied with this permission, of which he had no

hopes at the first, on seeing the unfriendly reception he had met with at

the commencement of his audience. He went back, therefore, to his lodging,

accompanied by the kutwal; and the day being near a close, he deferred

returning on board that night.

De Faria gives a somewhat different account of what passed at this second

audience[62]. "It was wonderful that the zamorin, not knowing how to be

properly assured of the truth, should rely on the faith of him who was

accused by his ministers. For, as if he had really known in what

detestation the Portuguese hold a lie, although to their own advantage,

he sent for De Gama, and told him plainly that he had been informed his

embassy was all a counterfeit, and that he was some banished man or a

fugitive: Yet at the same time offered, even if it were so, to give him a

kind reception, and to make him handsome appointments in his service; and

promised to rely entirely on his word for information respecting the

truth of the whole story. De Gama heard the king to an end with a firm

countenance, and declared himself highly sensible of the confidence

reposed in him. He then proceeded to answer all that had been alleged

against him, which he completely overturned by irrefragable argument in a

long and eloquent speech, preserving the utmost gravity and composure

throughout the whole. The zamorin eyed him steadfastly the whole time,

hoping to be enabled to judge of the truth or falsehood of his assertion

by his countenance; and concluded, from the unconcernedness of his looks,

the eloquence of his words, and the firm gravity of his whole demeanour,

that no deceit could lurk under such appearances of sincerity, that the

Moors had accused him maliciously, and had imposed on his ministers. He

therefore frankly allowed De Gama permission to return to his ships, and

to land his merchandize, if he had any: Saying, that while that was doing,

he would prepare a satisfactory answer to the letter of the king of

Portugal."

On the next day, being the last of May, the kutwal sent a horse to the

general to carry him to Pandarane; but having no furniture, he requested

to be supplied with an _andor_, which was sent accordingly, when De Gama

immediately set out for Pandarane, all his people accompanying him on

foot. The kutwal remained at Calicut, but a considerable number of nayres

escorted the general on his way. When the Moors learnt that the general

was gone to the ships, they went together to the kutwal, making large

offers of money to him, if he would pursue the general, and detain him a

prisoner under some feigned pretence; when they would take some

opportunity of having him slain, in such way that the blame should not

attach to the kutwal. And when he objected that the zamorin might punish

him for detaining the general contrary to his orders, they engaged so to

deal with the zamorin as to obtain his pardon for that offence. Induced

by a large bribe, and encouraged by this promise, the kutwal followed De

Gama in such haste that he soon passed our men, who lagged behind on

account of the great heat. On overtaking De Gama, he asked by signs why

he was in such haste, and where he was running to? The general answered

in the same manner, that he was running to avoid the heat. On coming to

Pandarane, as his men were not come up, the general declined going into

the town till they should arrive, and went into a house to get shelter

from the rain. The people did not get to the town till near sunset,

having lost their way; on which the general said if it had not been for

their absence he would have been by this time on board. The general

immediately desired the kutwal to order him to be furnished with an

almadia or pinnace, to carry him and his people on board; but the kutwal

said it was now late, and the ships so far away that he might miss them

in the dark, for which reason he had better stay till next day. The

general then said, if he were not immediately furnished with an almadia,

he would return to the king and complain that he was detained contrary to

his license, and even mentioned as if he meant to return immediately to

Calicut. To dissemble the more, the kutwal said he might have thirty

instead of one, if he needed them, and pretended to send out to procure

almadias, while at the same time he commanded the owners to hide

themselves that they might not be found.

In the mean time, while messengers were dispatched on pretence to seek

almadias, the general, having a strong suspicion that evil was intended

towards him, walked leisurely along the water side, and sent off Gonzales

Perez and two other mariners, to go on before and endeavour to find

Nicholas Coello with his boats, and to caution him to keep out of the way,

lest the kutwal might send off to seize his boats and men. While Perez

and the others were absent on this errand, it drew far into the night;

and not choosing to go off till he learnt what success Perez had met with,

he at length agreed to stay all night. Having placed De Gama in the house

of a Moor for the night, the kutwal pretended that he would go in search

of the three mariners who were absent; but he did not return till next

morning. The general then required to have an almadia to carry him and

his people on board. Before answering, the kutwal spoke some words to his

nayres in their own language, and then desired the general to give orders

to have the ships brought near the shore oh which he should have leave to

depart. On this the general became still more afraid that some treachery

was intended; yet answered boldly, that he would give no such order while

he remained on shore, as that would make his brother believe he was a

prisoner and had issued this order under restraint, on which he would

immediately depart for Portugal without him. The kutwal then threatened

stoutly that he should never be allowed to go off, unless he complied

with this demand. The general, in return, declared he should immediately

return to Calicut if not allowed to go on board, and make a complaint of

his conduct to the king. The kutwal even dared him to do this, yet took

care it should not be in his power, as he had ordered the doors to be

kept shut and guarded by armed nayres, to prevent any of the Portuguese

from going out. Yet it was the will of God that the kutwal dared not to

kill the general or any of his men, although the Moors had bribed him

with a great sum of money, and notwithstanding his great credit with the

zamorin. His anxiety to have the ships brought near the shore was, that

the Moors might be able to board them and kill all their people; and,

seeing it in this light, the general was equally determined to prevent

their nearer approach. Finding he could not prevail on the general to

command the ships to be brought near the shore, and having no pretence to

justify either keeping him prisoner or offering him any wrong, the kutwal

next endeavoured to persuade him to order the sails and rudders on shore;

at which the general only laughed, saying the king had given full

permission to go on board without any such conditions, and assured him

the king should be fully informed of all his unjust proceedings.

The general and his people now pretended to be in want of necessaries

from the ships, and requested leave to send some of his people on board,

while he should remain on shore; but this the kutwal refused, and our

people began to be seriously alarmed. At this time Gonzalo Perez returned,

supposing the general at liberty and that he waited for him and his

companions. Perez informed De Gama that he had seen Coello, who waited

for him with the boats near the shore. The admiral was exceedingly

anxious that the kutwal should not know of this circumstance, lest he

might send out a number of armed almadias to capture them; and therefore

urged Perez to return secretly to give Coello warning to return to the

ships and keep constantly on the alert for fear of an attack. When Coello

got this intelligence, he immediately set off, and the kutwal caused him

to be pursued by several almadias full of armed men, but he made his

escape. The kutwal made another attempt to induce the general to order

his brother to bring the ships near the shore, but in vain; for the

general told him, his brother, even if he were to write such an order,

would not obey, or, were he disposed to do so, the other officers in the

ship would prevent him. The kutwal observed that he could not give credit

to this, as he was sure any thing he commanded would be obeyed. But no

arguments could prevail on the general to this measure, which he was

satisfied was meant for facilitating the destruction of the fleet to

gratify the Moors.

The whole of this day was spent in this manner, and in the night our

people were confined in a large paved yard surrounded with walls, and

under even a stronger guard than attended them during the day; and even

the general began to fear as well as the men, that they would be

separated from one another. Yet he trusted, when the zamorin should come

to know the usage they had received, he would give orders for their

release. That night, the kutwal came to sup with the general and sent a

supply of fowls and rice. Finding that he could not prevail over the

constancy of De Gama, he determined at last to set him at liberty. Next

day, therefore, being Saturday the second of June, he desired the general,

since he had promised to the king to bring his merchandize on shore, that

he ought to do so; as it was the usage of all merchants who came to

Calicut to land their goods and crews, and not to return to their ships

till all was sold; and he promised, when this was done, to give him free

liberty to depart. Although the general gave very little credit to his

fair words, he yet said, if the kutwal would provide almadias for the

purpose, he would order his goods on shore; but was certain his brother

would not allow the boats to leave the ships while he was detained on

shore. The kutwal was now content to get the goods into his power, as he

understood from the general they were of great value, and allowed the

general to send off a message to his brother. He therefore sent off a

letter by two of his men, in which he gave his brother an account of his

situation, confined to his lodging but otherwise well used, and desiring

him to send some of the merchandize on shore to satisfy the kutwal; but,

directing him, in case he was much longer detained, to believe that he

was kept prisoner by order of the zamorin; whose only object was to get

the Portuguese ships into his power, not having time to arm his own ships

for that purpose. For this reason, if not set at liberty immediately

after the goods were landed, he required his brother to return without

delay to Portugal, and inform the king of all that had happened; that the

trade of so fine a country might not be lost to his country. And farther,

to inform the king in what state he remained, trusting that his royal

master would send such an armament as would enforce his restoration to

liberty.

On receiving this letter, and a circumstantial relation from the

messenger of all that had happened on shore, Paulo de Gama immediately

sent the goods; but said in answer to the general, that he could not

answer to his honour to return to Portugal without him, and he trusted

God would enable the small force he had still in the fleet, with the aid

of his ordnance, to compel the kutwal to liberate him. On the merchandize

being landed, the general delivered it over into the custody of Diego

Diaz as factor, with Alvora de Braga as his clerk, whom he left in a

house provided for them by the kutwal; after which he went on board the

ships. He then refused to send any more goods on shore, till those

already there were sold and paid for, and determined not to run himself

again into danger by venturing on shore after what had already past. At

this the Moors were grievously vexed, as they thought it more easy for

them to have destroyed him on land than on board the ships. On purpose to

entice him to land once more, the Moors made a mock of his goods,

pretending they were good for nothing, and did all in their power to

prevent them from selling. Thinking that the zamorin knew nothing of all

these transactions, he sent him an account of the whole five days

afterwards, by his factor, of all that had happened, and of the injurious

conduct of the Moors respecting the sale of the goods. The king seemed

much offended by these proceedings, sending the general word that he

would punish all those who had used him ill, yet the kutwal remained

unpunished. The king likewise sent seven or eight merchants of Guzerate,

who were idolaters, to buy the goods, accompanied by an honest nayre, to

remain with Diaz at the factory to defend him against the Moors. Yet all

this was only done colourably, that the Moors might not appear to suborn

the merchants; for these men bought nothing, and even beat down the price

of the commodities, to the great satisfaction of the Moors; who now

boasted that no person would buy our goods any more than they. Yet none

of the Moors durst venture to our factory, after they heard a nayre was

stationed there by the kings order. If they did not love us before, they

hated us ten times worse now, and when any of our men landed, they used

to spit on the ground in contempt, calling out Portugal! Portugal! But by

the especial order of the general, our people took no other notice than

merely laughing at their insolence.

As none of the merchants would buy our goods, the general supposed that

this was occasioned by their being lodged at Pandarane, where none of the

merchants of Calicut resided; and requested leave, by a messenger, from

the zamorin, to have the goods removed to the city. This permission was

immediately granted, and the king issued orders to the kutwal to see them

removed, and even to pay the persons who carried them, that nothing

belonging to the king of Portugal might be subject to any charges in his

country. The general would not trust himself any more on shore, although

Bontaybo, who frequently came off to visit him, advised him to wait on

the king, lest the great credit of the Moors might again prevail over his

mind. But considering this man as a Moor, the general never put much

trust in him, nor informed him of his intentions; yet always received him

kindly, and gave him money and other gifts, that he might bring him

intelligence of what was passing on shore.

After the Portuguese merchandize was removed to Calicut, the general

permitted one man daily from each of the ships to go on shore, to see the

city and to purchase any thing they had a mind for; always taking

especial care that one party returned on board before another landed. Our

people were courteously received and entertained by the natives, and were

even lodged in their houses occasionally. They bartered several things on

shore, such as bracelets of brass and copper, pewter, and other European

articles, for the productions of the country, as freely and quietly as if

they had been in Lisbon. Fishermen, and others of the idolaters came off

to the ships, selling fish, cocoa-nuts, and poultry, for biscuit or money;

while others came off with their children, merely to have a sight of our

ships. On all these occasions, the general commanded them to be well

treated and to have food given them, to conciliate the people and to

secure the friendship of the zamorin. This continued till the tenth of

August, during which time the ships had always some of the natives on

board.

Seeing the quietness of the people, and their familiarity with his men,

who never met with any injury from the Moors or nayres, the general

believed the zamorin was willing to preserve friendship and peace with

the subjects of Portugal, and determined upon establishing a factory in

Calicut for the sale of his commodities, although very little of what was

landed had as yet been sold. By this means, he hoped to lay a sure

foundation for the establishment of trade, against the next expedition

which the king his master might send, if GOD pleased to send him home

with the intelligence of the discovery. Accordingly, with the advice and

concurrence of the captains and other principal officers of the fleet, he

sent a present by Diego Diaz to the zamorin, consisting of scarfs of

different colours, silks, corals, and various other articles. Diaz was

desired to say to the king, that the general begged his highness to

excuse his presumption in sending such a present in token of his entire

devotion to his service, having nothing worthy of the acceptance of so

great a prince. That the time now drew near when it would be necessary to

depart on his return to Portugal; and therefore, if his highness meant to

send an ambassador to the king of Portugal, he had better give orders

that he might soon be ready to embark. Presuming upon what his highness

had already agreed to, and on the kindness hitherto shewn to him and his

people by his highness, he requested permission to leave a factor and

clerk in Calicut along with his merchandize, as a memorial of peace and

amity between his highness and the king of Portugal, as a testimony of

the truth of the embassy with which he had been entrusted, and in pledge

of farther embassy from the king his master as soon as the discovery was

made known. He likewise prayed his highness to send on board as a full

confirmation of his having actually made the voyage to India, a _bahar_

of cinnamon, another of cloves, and a third of some other spices, which

should be paid for by the factor out of the first sales of the goods in

his possession. It was four days after Diaz received this order before he

could get access to the zamorin, though he went every day to the palace

for this purpose. At length he was admitted to audience; and on seeing

Diaz with his present, the king asked him what he wanted in so stern a

manner that he was afraid of being killed. After delivering the message

from the general and wishing to deliver the present, the king refused to

see it, and commanded that it should be delivered to his factor. The

answer he gave to the message was, that since the general wished to

depart he might do so, but must first pay him 600 _serasynes_[63],

according to the custom of the country.

Diaz, on his return to the factory with the present intended for the king,

was accompanied by many of the nayres, which he thought was from respect:

but immediately on entering the house, the nayres remained at the door,

forbidding him or any other person to go out. After this, a proclamation

was made through the city, forbidding any boat or almadia to go on board

our fleet on pain of death. Yet Bontaybo went off secretly, and gave

warning to the general not to venture on shore or to permit any of the

people to land; as he had learned from the Moors, that any who might do

so would surely lose their lives. Bontaybo said farther, that all the

fair words of the king proceeded from dissimulation, that he might entice

the general and his people on shore to kill them all; all which evil

intentions were occasioned by the Moors, who made the king believe that

the Portuguese were thieves and pirates, who had come to Calicut to steal

such merchandize as should be brought there; and who had come to spy out

the land, that they might return with a great armament to invade his

dominions. All this was confirmed by two Malabar idolaters, and the

general was in great uncertainty how best to proceed on the present

emergency. That same night, after dark, a Negro slave belonging to Diaz

came off, with the information that Diaz and Braga were made prisoners,

and with an account of the answer which the king had given to his message,

what he had ordered to be done with the present, and of the proclamations

which were made through the city. Diego Diaz, being anxious to have these

things communicated to the general, had bribed a fisherman to carry this

man on board, as he could not well be recognized in the night owing to

his colour. The general, though much offended at these injurious

proceedings, was unwilling to depart till he might see the end of these

things, and therefore waited to see whether anyone might come off to the

ships. Next day, being Wednesday the 15th of August, only one almadia

came off, in which there were four boys, who brought fine precious stones

for sale. Although the general believed they were spies, he received them

kindly, and gave no hints of having heard that Diaz was made a prisoner;

expecting that others of more importance might come on board through whom

he might procure the enlargement of Diaz and Braga. By these boys he

wrote to Diaz, but couched in such a manner that it might not be

understood if it fell into any other hands. The letter was delivered

according to its direction, and the boys told the king of their reception

on board, by which he believed that the general knew not of the

imprisonment of his people. On this he sent off other persons to the

ships, who were strictly enjoined not to disclose the treatment which the

factor had experienced. This was done out of policy to deceive the

general and to detain our ships, till the king might be able to send his

own fleet to set upon him, or till the ships might arrive from Mecca to

take him prisoner.

Some of the Malabars continued to come off daily, all of whom the general

commanded to be well entertained, as he saw none of sufficient importance

to be detained. But, on the Sunday, six principal Malabars came on board,

attended by fifteen men in another pinnace. Believing that the king would

liberate Diaz and Braga in return for these men, he made them all

prisoners; and sent a letter in the Malabar language, by two of the

native boatmen, to the kings factors, demanding his factor and clerk in

return for those men he had detained on board. On perusal of this letter,

the kings factor communicated the same to the king, who commanded him to

take the Portuguese to his own house, that he might not appear to have

had any hand in their detention; and then to restore them to the general

in return for the Malabars, whose wives had made a great clamour about

the detention of their husbands.

Seeing that his people were not sent on board, the general weighed anchor

on Wednesday the 23d of August and set sail, meaning to try if this shew

of going away would have the effect of recovering Diaz and Braga, in

return for these Malabars whom he had detained. The wind being contrary,

he came to anchor in an open road, four leagues from Calicut, where the

ships remained till the Saturday. As there was no appearance of getting

back his people, De Gama again set sail; but for want of wind had to come

again to anchor, almost out of the sight of land. An almadia now came to

the ships with certain Malabars, who said that Diaz and the others were

in the kings palace, and would be assuredly sent on board next day. Not

seeing the detained Malabars, these people believed they had been all put

to death. This affected delay proceeded entirely from craft, that they

might gain time to fit out the Calicut fleet, and for the arrival of the

ships from Mecca, when their combined force might environ and destroy the

Portuguese. The general ordered these messengers to go back to Calicut,

and not to return without his men or letters from them, as otherwise he

should sink them; and that if a satisfactory answer was not sent him

without delay, he would cut off the heads of all the Malabars whom he had

detained. The Malabars returned to Calicut with this message; and a wind

springing up, the general made sail, and came to anchor off Calicut about

sunset.

Next day, seven almadias came off to the fleet, in one of which were

Diego Diaz and Alvora Braga, the others being filled with many of the

natives. These people, however, were afraid to come on board, and put

Diaz and Braga into the boat which was astern of the generals ship, and

then put off to a little distance, waiting for the generals answer. Diego

told the general, that when the king learnt of his having sailed, he sent

for him to the palace, assuming a pleasant countenance as pretending to

be ignorant of his imprisonment, and asked him why the general had kept

his subjects as prisoners on board. On being told the reason, he said the

general was in the right. He then asked if his own factor, who was

present, had extorted any presents; for he well knew that one of his

predecessors had been put to death not long before, for taking bribes

from merchant strangers. After this, the king desired Diaz to request the

general to send him the stone pillar having the cross and the arms of

Portugal, which he had promised to set up; and to know whether he would

leave Diaz as factor in Calicut. Diaz likewise presented a letter for the

king of Portugal, which was written on a palm leaf by Diaz, and signed by

the zamorin, to the following effect:

"Vasco de la Gama, a gentleman of thy house, came to my country, of whose

arrival I was very glad. In my country there is abundance of cinnamon,

cloves, pepper, and precious stones. The commodities I wish to procure

from your country are, silver, gold, coral, and scarlet."

Convinced of the duplicity of the zamorin, De Gama made no answer to the

message; but sent back all the nayres whom he had detained, desired them

to tell the king he should return the others who were in custody, on

receiving back his merchandize. He sent however the stone pillar which

had been required. On the next day Bontaybo came on board, saying that

the kutwal, by order of the zamorin, had seized all his property,

alleging that he was a Christian who had come overland to Calicut as a

spy from the king of Portugal. Bontaybo said, he was sure this bad

treatment had proceeded from the suggestion of the Moors; and, as they

had seized his goods, he was sure they meant personal violence, on which

account he had made his escape. The general gave him a kind reception,

offering to carry him to Portugal, promising that he should recover

double the value of his goods, besides, that he might expect to be well

rewarded by the king of Portugal. To this arrangement Bontaybo gladly

consented, and had a good cabin assigned him by order of the general.

About ten o'clock the same day, three almadias full of men came off to

the ships, having some scarfs laid on their benches, as being part of our

goods; and these were followed by four other almadias, one after the

other. The Malabars pretended that they had brought off all the goods,

which they offered to put into his boat, and required him in return to

deliver up the rest of the prisoners. But convinced this was a mere

deception, the general desired them to go away, as he would have none of

their merchandize, and was resolved to carry the Malabars to Portugal as

witnesses of his discovery. He added, if God spared his life, he should

convince them whether the Christians were thieves, as the Moors had made

the king of Calicut believe, who had therefore treated him with so much

injustice. He now commanded several cannon to be fired, on which they

were afraid and made off.

It was certain, if the kings ships had been afloat that they would have

been sent to attack our ships; but they were all hauled upon shore on

account of the winter season. Wherefore we may attribute it to Providence

that our ships happened to arrive here at this season, that thereby they

might escape and carry home news of having discovered the Indies, to the

great advancement of the Catholic faith.

Although greatly rejoiced at having made the discovery of the route to

Calicut and the Indies, he was much distressed at the behaviour of the

zamorin, believing that the next expedition that might be sent out would

be subject to great danger; but as he was unable to do any thing more at

this time, he consoled himself with the knowledge he had thus acquired of

the safe navigation, and that he had procured specimens of the spices,

drugs, precious stones, and other commodities which were to be procured

at this place. Having now nothing to detain him here, he departed from

Calicut, carrying with him the Malabars whom he had made prisoners; as he

hoped by their means a good agreement might be entered into with the

zamorin on sending out the next fleet from Portugal. On the Thursday

after his departure, being becalmed about a league from Calicut, about

sixty _tonys_, or boats of the country, came off to the fleet filled with

soldiers expecting to have taken all our ships. But the general kept them

off by frequent discharges of his artillery, though they followed him an

hour and a half. At length there fell a heavy shower of rain attended

with some wind, by which the fleet was enabled to make sail, and the

enemies returned to the land. He now proposed to direct his course for

Melinda; but made little way along the coast, by reason of calms. At this

time, having in mind the good of the next ships which might come to

Calicut, he thought fit to send a soothing letter to the zamorin, which

was written in Arabic by Bontaybo; in which he apologized for having

carried off the Malabars, as evidences of his having been at Calicut. He

said he was sorry that he had left no factor, lest the Moors might put

him to death; and that he had been deterred by the some cause from having

frequently landed himself. That, notwithstanding all that had happened,

the king his master would be glad to have the friendship of the zamorin,

and would assuredly send him abundance of all those commodities he might

need; and that the trade of the Portuguese to his city would henceforth

redound to his great profit. This letter was entrusted to one of the

Malabars, who was set on shore and ordered to deliver it to the zamorin.

Continuing his course along the coast, the fleet came on the ensuing

Thursday among certain rocky islands, from one of which that was

inhabited there came off several almadias, having fish and other victuals

for sale. The general treated these people kindly, giving them shirts and

other articles to their great contentment; and, with their approbation,

set up a cross on the island, which was named _El padron de Sancta Maria_.

As soon as night approached, and the wind began to blow from the shore,

the fleet made sail, always keeping near the land. On the Thursday after,

being the 19th of September, they came in sight of a pleasant high land,

off which lay six little islands, where he came to anchor. Going here on

shore in search of fresh water, a young man was met with, who was or

pretended to be a Christian. This person carried our men to a river,

where they found a spring of excellent water issuing out of the rock; and

for his services they gave him a red nightcap. Next morning four natives

came off in a small boat, with many gourds and cucumbers for sale. These

people said that their country produced cinnamon, and two of our people

were sent onshore to see whether this were true, who brought with them

two green boughs which were said to be cinnamon, of which they had seen a

large grove, but it turned out only to be the wild kind. At their return,

these men were accompanied by more than twenty natives, who brought hens,

gourds, and cows milk for sale, and who said, if the general would send

some of his men on shore, he might have abundance of dried cinnamon, hogs,

and poultry: But he dreaded treachery, and would not allow any of his

people to go on shore. Next forenoon, when some of our men went to a part

of the shore at some distance from the ships to cut wood, they suddenly

came in sight of two boats lying close to the land, and returned with

intelligence of what they had seen; but the general would not send to

inquire what these might be until after dinner. In the mean time, one of

the men in the top gave notice that he saw eight large ships out at sea,

which were then becalmed. The general gave immediate orders to have every

thing in readiness in case of an attack, and as the wind served both

fleets, they soon came within two leagues of each other. The enemies

perceiving our fleet approaching, fled towards the shore; but one of

their rudders breaking, the men belonging to that ship escaped in their

boats, and Coello immediately took possession, expecting to find it laden

with rich commodities. Nothing was found however, except cocoa-nuts and a

kind of sugar called _melasus_, which is prepared from palms or date

trees. He also found on board many bows and arrows, swords, spears, and

targets. The other seven ships were run aground, so that our ships could

not get near them, as drawing too much water; but our people followed in

their boats, and drove them out of their vessels by firing upon them with

their ordnance. Next day, while our fleet was at anchor, seven men came

off from the land in an almadia, who reported that these eight ships had

been sent by the zamorin from Calicut to capture our fleet, as they had

been informed by some of the fugitives[64].

From this place the general removed to the island of _Ansandina_, at a

short distance, where he was told he might procure good water. This

island is very small, and only a league from the continent. It contains

several woods, and two cisterns, or conduits, built of freestone, one of

which is six feet deep, supplied with excellent water from certain

springs; and the sea around has great quantities of fish. Before the

Moors traded with India, this island was well inhabited by the native

idolaters, having many goodly buildings, and especially some fine pagodas.

But when the Moors resorted to this coast from the Red Sea, they used to

take in their wood and water at this place, and abused the inhabitants so

intolerably that they abandoned the place, and pulled down most of their

pagodas and all their other buildings. These Gentiles were natives of

that part of the continent which belongs to the king of _Narsingas_, and

used often to repair thither to perform their devotions to three black

stones which were in a chapel of one of the pagodas, which still remains.

This island is called _Ansandina_[65] in the Malabar language, which

signifies the Five Islands, and is so named because there are other four

islands round about.

Coming to anchor here, the general sent Coello on shore with an armed

escort, to examine the country, and to see if there were any convenient

place for new-graving their ships bottoms, as they had been long at sea

and had a long run before them. Every thing being found convenient, and

the measure approved of by all the captains, it was determined to lay

their ships successively aground for this purpose. The ship called the

Berrio was first laid on shore; and while occupied in repairing and

cleaning her bottom, many of the natives came off from the continent to

sell victuals to our people. While this was going forwards two small

brigandines were seen rowing towards our ships, ornamented with flags and

streamers on their masts, beating drums and sounding trumpets, and filled

with men who plied their oars. At the same time, five similar vessels were

seen creeping along shore, as if lying by to help the others if needful.

The Malabars who supplied our people with provisions, warned the general

to beware of these vessels, which belonged to pirates who roamed about in

these seas, robbing all they met under pretence of peace[66]. The general

believed he might have taken these two vessels, if he had allowed them to

come close up with his ships, but did not choose to run any risk;

wherefore, as soon as they came within gun-shot, he ordered all the cannon

belonging to the two ships which remained afloat to be fired at them; on

which, calling out in a loud voice, _Tambarane! Tambarane!_ which is their

name for God, they fled away. Nicholas Coello, who was in his boat,

followed after them, firing off his ordnance; but the general, fearful of

any mischance, called him back by signal.

Next day, when the general and all his men were on shore at work upon the

Berrio, twelve natives, who appeared to be men of some consequence, came

to the island in two small _paraos_, and presented a bundle of sugar

canes. These people asked permission to go on board the ships, as they

had never seen any such before; but the general was much offended with

this, fearing they might be spies. While engaged in conversation with

these men, other two _paraos_ made their appearance, having as many men.

But those who came first, seeing the general displeased, advised these

new comers not to land. When the Berrio was repaired, the generals ship

was brought aground to receive the same attentions.

While the general and the other captains were on shore, busied in the

repairs of the San Michael, there came one day a man in a little _parao_,

seemingly about forty years old, and not of that country, as he was

dressed in a _sabaco_, or gown of fine cotton reaching to his heels, his

head covered with a kerchief or towel, which partly covered his face, and

wearing a faulchion or crooked cymeter at his girdle. Immediately on

landing, he went up and embraced the general, as if he had seen or known

him before, and treated the other captains with the same politeness. He

told them he was a Christian, born in Italy, and had been brought when a

child into the Indies. That he now dwelt with a Moorish lord named

_Sabayo_, who ruled a certain island called Goa, about twelve leagues from

thence, and who had 40,000 horsemen on that island. That, as his dwelling

was now among the Moors, he conformed externally to their worship, though

in his heart a Christian. That learning certain men had come in ships to

Calicut, such as had never been seen before in the Indies, and that no one

understood their language, he immediately understood that they must be

_Frangnes_,[67] for so the Christians are named in the Indies. That he was

desirous of seeing them, and had asked leave of _Sabayo_ to come and visit

them; which, if he had not obtained, he would have died of vexation. That

Sabayo had not only granted him leave for this purpose; but desired, if he

found the strangers to be from his country, to offer them any thing they

might stand in need of which his country produced; particularly spices and

provisions. And besides, if they would come and live with him, Sabayo

would entertain them honourably, and give them sufficient to live on. The

general asked many questions concerning the country of Sabayo and other

things, to which he made answer. After which he requested to have a cheese

from the general, to send on shore to a companion, as a token of having

been well received. The general suspected some mystery in this man, yet

ordered a cheese and two new loaves to be given him, which he sent away to

his companion. He continued talking with great volubility, and sometimes

so unguardedly as to raise suspicions of his being a spy. On this Paulo de

la Gama, who particularly suspected him, inquired of some of the natives

if they knew who this man was; they immediately told him he was a pirate,

who had boarded many other ships while laid aground. On receiving this

information, the general ordered him to be carried on board his ship, then

aground, and to be whipped well till he should confess whether all that he

had said was true or false; also, what was his purpose in coming thither,

and whether he were actually a Moor or a Christian. He still insisted that

he was a Christian, and that all he said was true, declaring the

information given by the natives to be entirely groundless. The general

now ordered a more cruel torment to be inflicted to extort confession,

causing him to be hoisted up and down by the members: when at length he

declared he would tell the truth. He then acknowledged himself a spy, sent

to discover how many men the general had, and what were their weapons, as

he was much hated on all that coast for being a Christian; and that many

_atalayas_ or foists were placed in all the bays and creeks of the coast

to assail him, but dared not till they were joined by forty large armed

vessels that were getting ready to fall upon him. But he said he knew not

certainly when these vessels might be ready. The general now ordered him

to be confined under hatches, intending to carry him into Portugal, as a

fit person to give the king his master intelligence respecting the Indies,

and ordered him to get refreshing victuals, and that his cure should be

looked well after.

On receiving this information of the designs of his enemies, the general

would stay no longer than was necessary for completing the repairs of his

own ship, which was got ready in ten days. About this time, the general

was offered 1000 _fanons_ for the ship which had been taken by Coello; but

he refused to sell any thing to his enemies, and ordered her to be burnt.

When the generals ship was ready, and the fleet had taken in a supply of

water, they departed from the island of _Ansandina_, or Anchediva, on the

5th of October 1498, steering directly out to sea on their course for

Melinda. After sailing about 200 leagues from that island, the Moor[68]

whom they had taken prisoner, seeing no prospect of escape, now made a

full and true confession. He acknowledged that he lived with Sabayo, the

lord of Goa, to whom word was brought that the general was wandering about

in those seas, like one who knew not where he was, upon which orders were

given to fit out a powerful fleet to make him prisoner. In the mean time,

learning that the general was at the isle of Anchediva, Sabayo commanded

him to go thither to visit him, to get intelligence of his strength and

intentions, and to endeavour to entice him to Goa; where it was Sabayos

intentions to make him and all his people prisoners, and to employ them in

his wars against the neighbouring princes, as they were reported to be

valiant men. After this confession, the general gave this man better

treatment, allowing him both clothes and money. Some time afterwards he

became a Christian, by the name of Gaspar de la Gama, taking his name of

Gaspar from one of the three kings of the Magi[69], and his surname from

the general, who stood god-father at his baptism.

The general pursued his course for Melinda, where he proposed to take on

board an ambassador from the xeque of that place. In the early part of

this voyage he endured severe storms and contrary winds, which were

succeeded by calms, during which the heat of the sun was quite

insufferable, and the voyage much delayed, insomuch, that water began to

grow scarce, and the people had to be put on short allowance. Owing to

these circumstances, the people were afflicted with the same disease in

their gums, from which they had formerly suffered such great distress in

the river of Good Signs[70], on the outward voyage. Their arms and legs

also swelled, and many tumours broke out over their bodies, proceeding

from a pestilent stinking humour, which threw them into a flux, of which

thirty persons died. From the continuance of calms and contrary winds,

and the mortality among the people, the whole company became amazed, and

believed they should never be able to get out from their present

distressing situation; insomuch, that they solicited the general to

return to Calicut, or some other part of India, and submit to what God

might appoint, rather than to die on the sea of these terrible diseases,

for which there was no remedy, especially as both provisions and water

began to fail. De Gama reasoned with them to little purpose, as they had

been now four months at sea, and there hardly remained, sixteen persons

in each ship able to do duty, some of whom even were afflicted with the

diseases of which the others had died. It is even said that Paulo de la

Gama and Nicholas Coello had agreed to return to India, if any wind

should spring up that would have served for the voyage.

At length a favourable wind sprung up unexpectedly, and in sixteen days

they came in sight of land on Wednesday the 2d of February 1499, at which

the mariners were much rejoiced, and soon forgot all their past troubles

and dangers. As they came near the land towards evening, the general gave

orders to keep their heads out to sea during the night, to avoid rocks or

shoals. As there were no person on board who knew where they were, a Moor

alleged they had steered direct for Mozambique; saying there were certain

islands 300 leagues from the shore, and directly over against that place,

where the natives were continually subject to the disease which had been

so fatal to our men. When morning came, they stood towards the land, when

they came before a large and goodly city, surrounded with walls, having

fair and lofty houses, and a large palace on a height in the middle of

the city, seeming to be a magnificent building. This city is called

Magadoxo, and stands on one side of the Gulf of India on the coast of

Ethiopia[71], an hundred and thirteen leagues from Melinda, the situation

of which I shall explain hereafter. Knowing this to be a city of the

Moors, he would not stop at this place, but commanded many shots of

ordnance to be fired as he sailed past. Not being sure how far it was to

Melinda, and fearing to overshoot that port, he lay too every night; and

on Saturday the 5th of February, lying over against a village of the

Moors, named Pate[72], 103 leagues from Magadoxo, there came off eight

_terradas_, or boats of that country, filled with soldiers, and making

direct for our fleet, from whence we shot off so many pieces of ordnance,

that they soon fled back to the shore, and our people could not follow

for want of wind. Next Monday, being the 7th of February, the fleet

arrived at Melinda. The king immediately sent off his congratulations to

the general on his arrival, with a present of fresh provisions. De Gama

sent Fernan Martinez on shore to return the compliments of the king, to

whom he sent a present. On account of the great number of sick on board,

the fleet stopped here for ten days, during which time he caused a land-

mark to be erected on shore, with leave of the king, as a token of

friendship. Having provided provisions and water for the ships at this

place, he departed on the morning of Wednesday the 17th of February,

taking with him an ambassador from the king of Melinda, to negotiate a

treaty of perpetual peace and friendship with the king of Portugal.

Considering that there were not sufficient men remaining for navigating

all the ships, the general and the other captains agreed to burn one of

them, and the San Rafael was chosen to be sacrificed, because she was all

open, and had not been brought aground at Anchediva when the other two

were repaired. Accordingly, after taking out all her stores and

merchandize, which employed them during five days, she was burnt at

certain shoals, called the Shoals of St Raphael[73]. During these five

days, the fleet procured a considerable quantity of hens from a village

on the coast called _Tangata_. Leaving this place, the two remaining

ships came on the 20th February to the island of Zenziber, which is in

six degrees of S. latitude, at ten leagues distance from the continent.

This is a considerable island, having other two in its neighbourhood, one

called _Pemba_, and the other _Moyfa_. These islands are very fertile,

having abundance of provisions, and great quantities of oranges. The

inhabitants are Moors, who are by no means warlike and have few weapons,

but are well clothed in silk, and cotton vestments, which they purchase

at Mombaza from the merchants of Cambaya. The women are ornamented with

jewels of gold and silver, the former being procured at Sofala, and the

latter from the island of St Lawrence, or Madagascar. Each of these three

islands has a separate king, who, with all their subjects, are of the

Mahometan religion.

When the king of the island of Zenziber was informed of the arrival of

our ships, he sent immediately to compliment the general, accompanied

with great presents of the fruits and other productions of the country,

and requested his friendship, to which the general gladly agreed and sent

suitable answers. After remaining here eight days for refreshments, the

general departed on the 1st of March, and came to anchor beside the isle

of St George in the bay of Mozambique. Next day he caused a mark to be

erected on this island, where he went on shore and heard mass; and

departed thence without any intercourse with the inhabitants of

Mozambique. On the 3d of March, he came to the island of St Blas, where

the ships remained for some time to take in water, and to provide a stock

of sea wolves, and _solitarios_, which were salted to serve as provision

for the remainder of the voyage, and for which they were most thankful to

God. Departing from thence, they were driven back by a westerly wind

right contrary; but Providence sent them a fair wind, by means of which

they doubled the Cape of Good Hope with infinite pleasure on the 20th of

March, all the remainder of the crews being now strong and in good health,

with the cheering prospect of speedily returning to Lisbon. They now had

a fair wind, which lasted them twenty days, and sped them on towards St

Jago. The fair wind now failed them and delayed their voyage. Trying the

lead on Thursday the 25th of April, they found twenty-five fathom; and

the least water they had all that day was twenty fathom, on which account

the pilots concluded they were on the shoals of the Rio Grande.

Of the rest of this voyage, till the arrival of the general at the island

of St Jago, I have found no account; except that, when, approaching that

place, Nicholas Coello parted company one night with the general, and

made direct for Portugal, that he might carry the first intelligence to

the king of the discovery of India; and arrived at _Cascais_ on the 10th

of July 1499[74]. He went immediately to the king, whom he informed of

all that had befallen the general in his discovery of the Indies, and of

the commodities which had been brought from thence; of which discovery,

and of the prospect which it held out of a direct trade with India by sea,

the king was as glad as when he had been proclaimed king of Portugal.

After the separation of Coello, De Gama pursued his voyage for the island

of St Jago, both because his brother Paulo was sick with consumptive

complaints, and because his ship was in very bad condition; all her seams

being open. At that island, he freighted a caravel, in hope of being able

to get his brother home to Portugal, and left John de Sala in charge of

his own ship, to have her repaired and new rigged before proceeding for

Lisbon. The general and his brother left St Jago in the hired caravel for

Lisbon; but the disease of Paulo de Gama increased so rapidly, that he

was forced to put in at the island of Tercera, where Paulo de Gama

departed this life like a good Christian and a worthy gentleman. When he

had buried his brother, Vasco de Gama set sail for Portugal, and arrived

at Belem in September 1499; having been two years and two months absent

on this voyage. Of 108 men whom he had taken with him, only fifty[75]

came home alive; which was a large proportion, considering the great and

numerous dangers they had gone through.

When the general had returned thanks to God for his preservation and

success, he sent notice of his arrival to the king, who sent Diego de

Sylva y Menesis, Lord of Portugalete, and many other gentlemen, to

conduct him honourably to court, which they did through a prodigious

concourse of people, eager to see the man who had made so wonderful a

voyage, and whom they had long thought dead. Being come into the presence,

the king honoured him as one who, by the discovery of the Indies had done

so much for the glory of God, for the honour and profit of the king of

Portugal, and for the perpetual fame of the Portuguese name in the world.

The king made him afterwards a knight, and gave him and his heirs

permission to bear the royal arms of Portugal, as also to set at the foot

of the escutcheon two does, which are called gamas in the Portuguese

language. He also gave him a perpetual pension or rent-charge of 300,000

rees[76] yearly, out of the tythe fish in the village of _Sinis_, in

which he was born, and a promise of being made lord of that village; and

till these grants were executed in form, he allowed him 1000 crowns a-year;

which, after the royal grants were made, reverted to the house of the

_Contratation_ of the Indies. It was also granted, that when the trade

with India should be established, he might bring home spices to the value

of 200 ducats yearly, without paying any duty. He also gave him other

possessions and rents, and a note of remembrance or promise to make him a

lord[77]. Nicholas Coello was promoted to be a gentleman of the royal

household, and received possessions and rents to bear his charges[78].

The king himself, in consequence of these discoveries, assumed the new

title, of _Lord of the conquest and navigation of Ethiopia, Arabia, Persia,

and the Indies_.

[1] By Mr Clarke this person is named Gonçalo Nunez.

[2] Mr Clarke alleges, that Lichefield, our original translator, has

fallen into an error in this date, which ought to have been the 28th

July.--E.

[3] If Saturday were the 5th July, on which the fleet sailed from Lisbon,

the 3d of August must have been on Thursday. But it does not seem

necessary to insist upon such minute critical accuracy; which, besides,

is unattainable.--E.

[4] This strange expression probably means, that Gama stretched directly

across the gulf of Guinea, not creeping as usual along the coast, and

endeavoured to make a direct course for the Cape of Good Hope.--E.

[5] Our old English translator, Lichefield, strangely mistakes in calling

this place the _island_ of Sancta Haelena; which is assuredly St Elena

bay, in lat. 32° 40' S. It has since been sometimes named St Martin's

bay, but the proper and general name is the bay of St Elena, the S. W.

point of entry being called St Martin's Point.--E.

[6] Perhaps the Berg river, at the bottom of St Elena bay.--E.

[7] This paragraph is added to relation of Castenada from the works of

Faria and Osorius.--Clarke.

[8] If the Thursday on which they came in sight of the Cape were the 16th,

the Wednesday following must have been the 22nd of the month.--E.

[9] This paragraph is an addition to the text of Castaneda from Osorius--

Clarke, I. 342

[10] From the circumstances in the text, this watering-place of St Blaze

is probably what is now called St Katherines or St Sebastians Bay; yet

that place hardly exceeds forty-seven Portuguese leagues east from the

cape. The sixty leagues of the text would carry us almost a degree

farther east, to what is now called Kaffercroyts river. Clarke removes

this place still farther to Flesh Bay, otherwise called Angra de St

Braz, or Aguada de St Braz by De Barros. This latter place is seventy

Portuguese leagues, or above eighty marine leagues east from the cape.

--E.

[11] This account seems erroneous, whether St Katherines or Flesh Bay be

the one in question, as both ought to be safe in north winds, and the

winds between the S and E points give both a lee shore.--E.

[12] Probably a species of Penguins: Lichefield calls them _stares_, as

large as ducks; Osorius says the natives called them _satiliario_, and

that they were as big as geese.--E.

[13] Probably Rock Point, forming the western boundary of Algoa or

Zwartkops bay, in long. 27° E. bring the rocky extreme promontory of

the Krakakamma ridge.--E.

[14] It is infinitely difficult to guess the course of these early voyages,

without latitudes or longitudes, and only estimated distances by dead

reckoning in uncertain leagues; but the Rio del Infante of this voyage

and that of Diaz, is probably that now called Great-fish river, in the

Zuureveld of Graaff Reynet, in long. 28° 20' E• which, however, is

twenty-six Portuguese leagues, or thirty geographical leagues from

Rocky Point, instead of the fifteen leagues of the text.--E.

[15] The sixty leagues in the text are inexplicable on any rational

supposition, as they seem to have again made the Rocks de la Cruz, or

rather Rocky Point, said just before to be only fifteen leagues from

Infante river, to which they were then bound.--E.

[16] The Portuguese ships appear to have been now on the coast of Natal,

or the land of the Caffres, certainly a more civilized people than the

Hottentots of the cape. But the circumstance of Alonzo understanding

their language is quite inexplicable: as he could hardly have been

lower on the western coast than Minz, or perhaps Congo. Yet, as a belt

of Caffres are said to cross the continent of Africa, to the north of

the Hottentots, it is barely possible that some Caffre slaves may have

reached the western coast.--E.

[17] This grain was probably what is now well known under the name of

millet.--E.

[18] According to Barros, _Aguada da boa Paz_.--Clarke.

[19] Gibb's Orosius, I. 50.

[20] The text here ought probably to be thus amended, "He and his brother,

_with_ Nicholas Coelle," &c.--E.

[21] These probably swam off to the ships.--E.

[22] De Faria alleges that the people of this river were not so black as

the other Africans, and wore habits of different kinds of stuffs, both

cotton and silk, of various colours, and that they understood Arabic;

and adds, that they informed De Gama there were white people to the

eastwards, who sailed in ships like those of the Portuguese. Osorius

likewise says, that one of the natives spoke Arabic very imperfectly,

and that De Gama left two of his convicts at this place, which he

called San Rafael.--Clarke.

[23] There is no circumstance in the text from which the situation of this

river can even be conjectured. Clarke, p.440, alleges that it was

Soffala; and yet, in a note in his preceding page, says, "That De Gama

seems to have passed Cape Corientes during the night, and to have kept

so far from land, on account of a strong current setting on shore, as

not to have noticed Sofala." In the notes on the Lusiad, this river of

Good Signs is ascertained to have been one of the mouths of the

Zambeze, or Cuama River, which divides Mocaranga from the coast of

Mozambique; the different mouths of which run into the sea between the

latitudes of 19° and 18° S.--E.

[24] They were evidently afflicted with the scurvy; and accordingly De

Barros refers the disease to its proper cause, "Having been for so

long a time confined to the use of salt fish and corrupted biscuit.--

Clarke."

[25] Addition to the narrative of Castaneda, from De Barros.--Clarke.

[26] This obscure expression seems to mean that De Gama wished them to

precede the ships, and point out the way into the harbour.--E.

[27] This expression has probably been misunderstood by the original

translator. It appears that these Moors of Mozambique spoke Arabic,

here called the language of Algarve, and finding themselves understood

and answered by the strangers, mistook the Portuguese for Moors.--E.

[28] Mozambique is in lat. 15° 35' S. and in 41° of E. Long--E.

[29] The observations here inserted, and marked with inverted commas, are

made by the Editor of the present collection. They are much too long

for insertion in the form of a note, and appeared of too much

importance to be omitted; being chiefly from Clarke, I. 447.--E.

[30] For the materials of this addition to the text of Castaneda, we are

chiefly indebted to the Progress of Maritime Discovery, p. 447, 458.

--E.

[31] His name, as given by Osorius, was _Zacocia_, and De Barros adds,

that he wore richly embroidered clothes, and had his sword ornamented

with diamonds.--Clarke.

[32] This is probably the same person named Fernan Alvares on a former

occasion.--E.

[33] It is added by De Barros, that three _Abexijs_, or Abyssinians, from

the territory of _Preste Joano_, came on board the fleet, along with

the Moors who brought provisions; and, seeing the image of the angel

Gabriel painted on the ship of that name, and being accustomed to such

representations of angels in their own country, they made their

adorations to this holy picture.--Clarke.

[34] Mr Clarke, Progr. of Marit. Disc. I. 464, strangely misrepresents

this story; saying, "that _the pilot_ of Paulo de la Gama had deserted

to the Moors, though a Christian."--E.

[35] According to De Burros, after the inhabitants abandoned the town,

the zeque sent De Gama a pilot to navigate Coello's ship, from whom De

Gama learnt that Calicut was a months voyage from Mozambique.--Clarke,

I. 464.

[36] If Sunday, as above, were the first of April, the Friday following

must have been the 6th.--E.

[37] The text is here obscure; but it would appear that only some of the

men belonging to these two boats remained on board, and the rest

returned to the coast. Not that the Moorish pilots from Mozambique

were here dismissed, as the text of Lichefild's translation seems to

insinuate.--E.

[38] Motta, in the Portuguese East Indian Pilot, places this town in lat.

3º 50'S. He says the entrance is much incommoded with shoals, and so

narrow in some places as not to exceed the length of a ship. This city

is said to have once stood on a peninsula, converted into an island by

cutting a canal across the isthmus.--Clarke, I. 469.

[39] This may be understood that part of the inhabitants were unmixed

Arabs, comparatively whites; while others were of a mixed race between

these and the original natives, perhaps likewise partly East Indian

Mahometans, of a similar origin.--E.

[40] This is surely an oversight in Castaneda or his translator, for

_one_ year.--E.

[41] It is difficult to ascertain what place in India is here meant.

Cranganore comes nearer in sound, but is rather nearer Melinda than

Calicut; Mangalore is rather more distant. The former a degree to the

south of Calicut, the latter not quite two to the north; all three on

the Malabar coast. On a former occasion, Castaneda says these

merchants were of Cambaya or Guzerat, above eleven degrees north of

Calicut.--E.