that purpose, which he had solicited, Alexander died, and was succeeded
by a new emperor named _Nahu_, who could never be prevailed on to allow
of his departure; neither could he procure leave for that purpose from
the next emperor, David, the son of Nahu, so that Covillian had to remain
in Ethiopia, and never returned into Portugal. From that time King John
never heard more of him, and therefore concluded that he was dead;
nothing having ever been received from him respecting his travels, except
what was contained in the letters carried by the Jews, as before
mentioned.
There came afterwards to Lisbon, a friar from this country of Presbyter
John, who was received courteously by the king, and on whose reports of
great things concerning that country, the king determined to proceed in
making a discovery of the way to the Indies by sea. He accordingly gave
orders to John de Bragança, his surveyor of the forests, to cut down
timber for building two small ships for that voyage. But King John died,
and was succeeded by King Manuel, of glorious memory, who had been chosen
by Divine Providence to accomplish the discovery of these countries, by
which the Christian faith hath been greatly extended, the royal house of
Portugal much honoured, and the subjects wonderfully enriched.
SECTION II.
_Narrative of the first Voyage of Vasco de Gama to India and back, in the
years 1497, 1498, and 1499_.
On the death of King John, he was succeeded by Don Manuel, a prince of a
great mind, bent upon high enterprise, and prone to undertake and execute
things beyond the ordinary reach of human knowledge, even more than was
Alexander the Great. Being exceedingly desirous to prosecute the
discovery of the Indies, which had been begun by his predecessor, and
proceeding upon the information left him by King John, relative to that
navigation, he commanded Fernan Lorenzo, treasurer of the house of Mina,
to cause construct two ships for this voyage, from the timber which had
been provided by King John. These were named the Angel Gabriel and the
San Raphael, the former being of the burden of 120 tons, the latter 100.
In addition to these, a caravel of 50 tons, called the Berrio, and a ship
of 200 tons were purchased. In the year 1497, the king appointed Vasco de
la Gama, as chief captain for the voyage, an experienced navigator, who
had done great service, and a man of great valour, well fitted for
executing the great enterprize intended by the king. Paulo de la Gama,
brother to the captain-general, and Nicholas Coello, both men of valour
and enterprise, were appointed the other captains of the squadron.
Bartholomew Diaz was likewise commanded to accompany the squadron of
discovery in a caravel to the Mirna: And as the three ships of war
appointed for the voyage could not contain a sufficient supply of
provisions for their crews, the ship of 200 tons, which had been
purchased from Ayres Correa, was ordered to accompany de Gama to a place
called St Blaze, at which the squadron was to take in water, where the
victuals with which she was loaded were to be distributed to the other
ships, after which she was ordered to be burnt.
Having received their orders, Vasco de la Gama and the other captains
took their leave of the king at _Monte mayor_, and departed for Lisbon,
where he embarked his company of 148 persons, at Belem, on Saturday the
8th of July 1497. At this embarkation all the religious belonging to the
church of our Lady at Belem, went in procession in their cowls, bare-
headed, and carrying wax candles, praying for the success of the
expedition; accompanied by almost the whole people of Lisbon, weeping and
deploring the fate of those who now embarked, as devoted to certain death
in the attempt of so dangerous a voyage. Thus commended to God and good
fortune, the officers and crews embarked and immediately set sail. Vasco
de la Gama, the captain-general, took the command in the Angel Gabriel,
of which Pedro de Alenquer was pilot, who had been in the same capacity
with Diaz when he passed the Cape of Good Hope, and discovered the _Rio
del Infante_. Paulo de Gama went captain of the San Raphael, Nicholas
Coello of the caravel Berrio, and Gonsalo Gomes[1], a servant of Vasco de
la Gama, commanded the large victualling ship. The captain-general gave
out instructions, that in case of separation, they should keep their
course for Cape Verd, which was appointed as their rendezvous.
Proceeding on the voyage, they came in sight of the Canaries in eight
days, whence steering for Rio de Oro, they were separated by a tempest,
during an exceedingly dark night, on which they all shaped their course
for Cabo Verde. Paulo de la Gama, Nicholas Coello, Bartholomew Diaz, and
Gonsalo Gomes rejoined, and sailed together for eight days, when they
came in sight of the captain-general on Wednesday evening, and saluted
him with many guns, and the sound of trumpets, all heartily rejoicing for
their safe meeting and good fortune in this their first essay of danger.
Next day, being the 20th of July[2], the fleet reached the islands of St
Jago, and came to anchor in the bay of Santa Maria, where it remained
seven days, taking in fresh water, and repairing the yards and other
parts of their rigging which had been damaged in the late storm. On
Tuesday the 3d of August[3], the captain-general went on his voyage,
after taking leave of Diaz, who now returned to Portugal. Proceeding for
the Cape of Good Hope with all his squadron, de la Gama _entered the gulf
into the sea_[4], and sailed all August, September, and October,
suffering many great tempests of violent wind and rain, so that they
often expected instant death. At length, on Saturday the 4th November,
they got sight of land at nine in the forenoon, at which they were
greatly rejoiced; and being all together, the captains saluted the
general, all dressed in their best array, and having their ships all
decorated with flags. Not knowing the coasts they sailed along until the
Tuesday following, when they had a perfect view of a low shore, in which
was a great bay, that appeared convenient for the ships to take in water,
into which they all entered and came to anchor. This place was afterwards
named _Angra de Santa Elena_, or St Helen's bay[5]. The people of the
country, as our men afterwards found, were small, black, ill-favoured
savages, clothed in the skins of beasts, somewhat like French cloaks,
having curious wrought wooden cases for their privities; and in speaking
they seemed always, sighing. These natives were armed with oak staves,
hardened in the fire, pointed with the horns of beasts, somewhat burnt or
hardened with fire, which served them for swords. They lived on the roots
of herbs, and on sea wolves and whales, which are very numerous in this
country, likewise on sea crows and gulls. They also eat of certain beasts,
which they call Gazelas, and other beasts and birds which the land
produces; and they have dogs which bark like those of Portugal. The
general, after the squadron was brought to anchor, sent Coello in a boat
along the shore, in search of water, which he found four leagues from the
anchoring ground, at a place which he named St. Jago,[6] whence all the
ships provided themselves with fresh water.
Next day, the general with the other captains, escorted by some of the
people, went on shore to view the natives, and to endeavour to learn what
distance the Cape of Good Hope was from thence; for the chief pilot, who
had been on the voyage with Diaz, had departed thence on returning, in
the morning, into the open sea, with a fair wind, and had passed it
during the night, and had not come near the shore when outward bound;
wherefore he did not certainly know its situation, nor was he acquainted
with its appearance, but conjectured it might be thirty leagues from
where they then were at the utmost. When the general was on shore, he
overtook one of the natives, who was going to gather honey at the foot of
a bush, where it is deposited by the bees without any hive. With this
person, he returned to the ship, thinking to have got an interpreter, but
no one on board the squadron could understand his language. The general
commanded this man to have meat and drink, and set him on shore next day
well dressed, that he might return satisfied to his countrymen.
Accordingly, the day following, this man came down to the shore abreast
of the ships, with about fifteen more natives, and the general went
ashore, carrying with him spices, gold, and pearls, to try if these
people had any knowledge of these things. But from the little estimation
with which these articles were viewed, it was concluded that the natives
had no knowledge of them. The general distributed among the natives some
small bells, tin rings, counters, and such toys, which they received
joyfully; and from that time till next Saturday morning, great numbers of
the natives resorted to the fleet, whence they went back to their towns.
One Fernan Veloso craved leave of the general to accompany the natives to
their habitations, that he might see their manner of living. On going
along with them, the natives took a sea wolf which they roasted at the
foot of a hill for their supper, after which they made Veloso return to
the fleet, and it appeared to him that the natives had armed themselves,
meaning to attack our people. On his return, Veloso saw that he was
secretly followed, wherefore he hastened to the shore and hailed the
ships. On this, the general who was then at supper, looked out towards
the land, where he saw numbers of the savages following Veloso. He
therefore gave orders for all the ships to be in readiness against an
attack, and went himself on shore with several others unarmed, not
dreading any harm. On seeing our boats coming towards the shore, the
savages began to run away with much clamour; but when our people landed,
they returned and set upon them furiously, throwing their darts, and
using other weapons, which constrained our people to take to their boats
in all haste, taking Veloso along with them; yet in this scuffle the
general and three others were wounded. The Negroes returned to their
towns; and during four days after, while our ships remained in the bay,
they never saw any more of the natives, so that they had no opportunity
to revenge the injury they had done.
"Some commerce took place between the Portuguese and the Hottentot
natives around St Elena Bay, by means of signs and gestures; when the
fleet received plenty of excellent fresh provisions, in exchange for
clothes, hawks bells, glass beads, and other toys; but this friendly
intercourse was interrupted through the imprudence of a Portuguese young
man named Veloso. Delighted with the novelty of the scene, and anxious to
see the manners of the natives more intimately, he obtained permission to
accompany them to their huts, where a sea calf was dressed in the
Hottentot fashion, to his great astonishment. Disgusted at their
loathsome cookery, he rose abruptly, and was impatient to depart, and was
accompanied by the natives on his way back to the ships with the utmost
good humour. Veloso, however, became apprehensive of personal danger, and
horridly vociferated for assistance on his approach to the shore. Coellos
boat immediately put off to bring him on board, and the natives fled to
the woods. These needless apprehensions on both sides were increased by
mutual ignorance of each others language, and led to hostilities. While
De Gama was taking the altitude of the sun with an astrolabe, some
Hottentots sprung from an ambush, and threw their spears, headed with
horn, very dexterously among the Portuguese, by which the general and
several others were wounded. On this occasion, the Portuguese deemed it
prudent to retreat to their ships[7]."
Having taken in fresh water and provisions in St Elena Bay, the squadron
left that place on the forenoon of Thursday the 16th November, with the
wind at S.S.W. and steered for the Cape of Good Hope, and on the evening
of the following Saturday came in sight of that cape. But on account of
the wind being contrary, he had to stand out to sea all day, and turned
towards the land as night set in. In that manner he continued plying to
windward until the following Wednesday, which was the 20th of November[8],
when he doubled the cape with a fair wind, sounding the trumpets of all
the ships, and making every demonstration of joy, but placing the chief
confidence in God, that his providence would guide and protect them in
accomplishing the enterprise in which they were engaged.
"In this part of the voyage the greatest proofs of courage and resolution
were evinced by De Gama. While endeavouring to double this formidable and
almost unknown cape, owing to contrary winds and stormy weather, the
waves rose mountain high. At one time his ships were heaved up to the
clouds, and seemed the next moment precipitated into the bottomless abyss
of the ocean. The wind was piercingly cold, and so boisterous that the
commands of the pilot could seldom be heard amid the din of the warring
elements; while the dismal and almost constant darkness increased the
danger of their situation. Sometimes the gale drove them irresistibly to
the southwards, while at other times they had to lay to, or to tack to
windward, difficultly preserving the course they had already made. During
any gloomy intervals of cessation from the tempest, the sailors,
exhausted by fatigue, and abandoned to despair, surrounded De Gama,
entreating him not to devote himself and them to inevitable destruction,
as the gale could no longer be weathered, and they must all be buried in
the waves if he persisted in the present course. The firmness of the
general was not to be shaken by the pusillanimity and remonstrances of
the crew, on which a formidable conspiracy was entered into against him,
of which he received timely information from his brother Paulo. With his
assistance, and that of a few who remained stedfast to their duty, the
leading conspirators, and even all the pilots, were put in irons; whilst
De Gama, and his small remnant of faithful followers remained day and
night at the helm, undismayed at the dangers and difficulties that
surrounded them. At length, on Wednesday the 20th November, all the
squadron safely doubled the tremendous promontory[9]."
Continuing the voyage along the coast beyond the cape, they saw great
numbers of large and small cattle as they passed, all well grown and fat;
but could perceive no towns, as the villages inhabited by the natives are
all farther inland, the houses being of earth covered with straw. The
natives were all somewhat black, clothed like those they had seen at St
Elena Bay, speaking the same language, and using similar darts, together
with some other kinds of arms, both for defence and assault. The country
is very pleasant, being diversified with wood and water; and adjoining to
the cape on the east side, they found a great harbour now called False
Bay, almost six leagues wide at the mouth, and running about as much into
the land. Having thus doubled the cape, the squadron came, on the Sunday
after, being St Katherine's day, 25th November, to the watering-place of
St Blaze[10], which is sixty leagues beyond the cape, and is a very large
bay, exceeding safe in all winds except the north[11].
The natives here resembled those already seen in dress and arms. The
country produces many large elephants, and numerous oxen, of vast size
and extremely fat, some of which have no horns. On some of the fattest of
these the natives were seen riding, on pannels stuffed with rye straw, as
is used in Spain, and having a frame of wood like a saddle. Such of them
as they choose to sell they mark by means of a piece of wood, like the
shaft of one of their arrows, put through the nose. In this harbour,
about three cross-bow shots from the shore, there is a rock much
frequented by sea wolves, as large as great bears, very wild and fierce,
with long, great teeth. These animals are very dangerous, and will attack
men, and their skins are so hard as not to be pierced with spears, unless
pushed with much force and valour. These animals resemble lions, and
their young bleat like kids. One day that our men went to this rock for
amusement, they saw at least three thousand of these animals, old and
young. On this rock also, there are great numbers of birds as large as
ducks which do not fly, having no feathers in their wings, and which bray
like so many asses[12].
Having thus arrived at the Bay of St Blaze, and lying there at anchor,
the general caused all the provisions to be taken out of the store-ship
and divided among the others, and then burned the store-ship, as the king
had ordered. In this business and other needful employments, for their
safety in the remainder of the voyage, they were occupied in that bay for
ten days. On the Friday after their arrival, about ninety of the natives
made their appearance, some on the shore, and others on the hills, on
which the general and the captains went to the shore, having their boats
crews well armed, and even taking ordinance with them, to avoid the same
accident which had happened at St Elena bay. When near the shore, the
general threw some bells on the land, which the Negroes pickt up, and
some of them came so near as to take the bells out of his hands. He much
wondered at this familiarity, as Diaz had informed him when he was in
those parts, the natives all ran away and would never approach near
enough to be seen and conversed with. Finding them thus gentle, contrary
to his expectation, he went on land with his men, and bartered red night-
caps with the Negroes, for ivory bracelets which they wore on their arms.
Next Saturday, the natives came to the shore to the number of more than
two hundred, including their children, and brought with them twelve oxen,
and four sheep. When our people went on shore, some of the natives began
to play on four flutes, in four several tones, making good music; on
which the general caused the trumpets to be sounded, and the natives
danced with our people. Thus the day passed in mirth and feasting, and in
purchasing their oxen and sheep. On Sunday a still greater number of the
natives came down to the shore, having several women among them, and
bringing a number of oxen for sale. After the sale of one of the oxen,
some of our people noticed some young Negroes hidden among certain bushes,
who had with them the weapons of the older people, from which it was
conjectured that some treason was intended. Upon this, the general caused
our people to remove to a place of greater security, and were followed by
the Negroes to the landing place. The Negroes now gathered together, as
if they meant to fight the Portuguese; on which the general, being
unwilling to harm them, embarked in the boats with all his people, and
then commanded two pieces of brass ordnance to be fired off, on which
they were much amazed and scampered off in confusion, leaving their
weapons behind. After this, the general ordered a cross or pillar, having
the arms of Portugal to be set upon the shore, but the Negroes pulled it
down immediately, even before our people retired.
After remaining ten days here, as before mentioned, the fleet set sail
for the Rio del Infante, on Friday the 8th December, being the Conception
of our Lady, and during this part of the voyage, there arose a great
storm with _forewind_ on the eve of St Lucy, 12th December, that all the
ships run under close reefed courses. During this storm, they parted
company with Nicholas Coello, but rejoined the next night after. On the
16th December, when the gale abated, they discovered land near certain
small rocks, sixty leagues from the harbour of St Blaze, and five leagues
from the Pennon de la Cruz, where Diaz set up his last stone pillar[13],
and fifteen leagues short of the Rio del Infante[14]. This country was
very pleasant, and abounded in cattle, becoming more sightly and with
higher trees the further our fleet sailed towards the east, as could be
easily seen from the ships as they sailed along near the shore. On
Saturday they passed close within sight of the rock _de la Cruz_, and
being loath to pass the _Rio del Infante_, they stood out to sea till
vespers, when the wind came round to the east, right contrary. On this,
the general stood off, and on plying to windward, till Tuesday the 20th
December, at sunset, when the wind changed to the west, which was
favourable. Next day at ten o'clock, they came to the before-mentioned
rock, being sixty leagues a-stern of the place they wished to have
attained[15].
This rock is the cause of the great currents on this coast, which were so
powerful, that the fleet had much ado with a brisk favourable wind to
stem the current between that place and Rio Infante in three or four days;
but at length they joyfully passed these currents without damage, as Diaz
had done formerly, and the general, encouraged by his good fortune, gave
thanks to God, saying, he verily believed it was the good pleasure of God
that they should attain to the discovery of the Indies.
Thus continuing the voyage till Christmas day, they had discovered
seventy leagues to the eastwards, and had arrived in the latitude in
which India was said to be in his instructions. The fleet continued to
sail for so long a time without going to land, as to be in want of water,
insomuch that they had to dress their provisions in sea water, and were
forced to reduce the allowance of drink to one pint of water per man each
day. But on Friday the 11th January 1498, drawing near the land, the
boats were sent out to view the coast, where they saw many Negroes, both
men and women, all of whom were of great stature, and followed our boats
along the coast. As these people appeared quiet and civil, the general
called Martin Alonzo, who could speak many of the Negro languages, and
desired him and another to leap on shore, which they immediately did.
Alonzo and his companion were well received by the natives, especially by
their chief, to whom the general sent a jacket, a pair of breeches, and a
cap, all of a red colour, and a copper bracelet, of which he was very
proud, and returned thanks to the general, saying, "that he might have
any thing he wished for or needed that his country produced." All which,
as Martin Alonzo understood their language[16], he reported to the
general, who was much pleased that by this means an intercourse could be
opened with the natives. Alonzo and another of our people were
accordingly permitted by the general to go for one night along with the
natives to their town, where the chief dressed himself out in his new
garments, and was beheld with much admiration by his people in his finery,
clapping their hands for joy. This salutation was repeated three or four
times on their way to the town, and when there, the chief made the
circuit of the whole village, that all the people might see and admire
his new and strange attire. When this ceremonial was ended, the chief
retired to his own house, where he commanded Alonzo and his companion to
be well lodged and entertained, and gave them for supper a hen exactly
the same as one of ours, and a kind of pap, or porridge, made of a yellow
grain called _Mylyo_[17], of which likewise they made bread. Many of the
Negroes repaired that night to their lodging to have a near view of the
strangers; and next day, the chief sent them back to the ships,
accompanied by some Negroes, laden with hens for the general, who
returned thanks for the same by means of Alonzo his interpreter. During
five days that our ships remained off this coast, no kind of harm was
done or offered by the inhabitants, who seemed quiet and gentle, and to
have many _noble men_, for which reason, he called this place _Terra da
boa gente_, or the land of Good People[18]. The town in which Martin
Alonzo was had its houses constructed of straw, yet well furnished within.
The women were more numerous than the men, as in a company of forty women,
there were only twenty men. These people were armed with long bows and
arrows, and had darts headed with iron, having many copper bracelets, on
their arms and legs, with copper ornaments in their hair. They have also
iron daggers, with pewter handles and ivory sheaths; so that it is
manifest they have plenty of copper and tin. They have likewise abundance
of salt, which they make from sea water, which they carry in gourds to
certain caves where the salt is made. They were so fond of linen, that
they gave a great quantity of copper in exchange for an old shirt, and
were so quiet and civil, that they brought water to our boats from a
river about two cross-bow shots from the landing, which our people named
Rio do Cobre, or Copper River.
"Osorius places the arrival of the Portuguese on this part of the coast a
day earlier than Castaneda, and gives the following additional
information. On the 10th January 1498, they discovered some small islands,
about 230 miles from their last watering-place, having a very beautiful
appearance, and consisting of verdant meadows, intermixed with groves of
lofty trees, where they could see the inhabitants walking on the shore in
great numbers. Here De Gama landed, and sent one of his men, who was well
versant in the Negro languages to visit the king, and who was received
with much civility, receiving presents of the produce of the country on
his dismissal. Before leaving Lisbon, De Gama received ten malefactors on
board who had been condemned to die, but were pardoned on condition of
going on this voyage, for the purpose of being left wherever De Gama
pleased, that they might examine the country, and be enabled to give him
an account of the inhabitants on his return. On setting sail from this
place, De Gama left two of these exiles on shore, to inform themselves of
the character and manners of the natives[19].
From this place our fleet departed on the 15th January, and proceeding on
their voyage, came to another country of very low land, having very thick
tall trees; and proceeding onwards, they found a river which was very
open at the mouth, near which he came to anchor on Thursday the 24th of
January, as the general deemed it proper to examine this country, and to
try if any intelligence could be here procured concerning India. That
same evening, he and his brother Nicholas Coello[20] entered the river;
and, at day-break next morning, the land was observed to be extremely low
and covered with water, having many trees of great height, thickly loaded
with various kinds of fruits, the country appearing very pleasant. They
saw likewise certain boats with some of the natives coming towards the
ship, at which the general was well pleased, as he conceived from their
having some degree of maritime knowledge in these parts, that he could
not now be very far from India, or at least should soon hear news of that
country. The natives were Negroes of good stature, all naked, except each
a small apron of cloth made of cotton. On reaching the ships, they came
on board without hesitation, and behaved themselves as if they had been
long acquainted with our people. They were well received, and were
presented with bells and other toys, but did not understand any of the
languages spoken by Martin Alonzo, or any of the other interpreters on
board, so that the only intercourse was by signs. They departed after
good entertainment, and afterwards they and many others returned to the
ships in their boats, bringing with them such provisions as their country
afforded. The natives seemed much satisfied with their reception; and
besides those who came to the ships by water, many others came by
land[21], among whom were several women who were tolerably handsome,
especially the young maidens; but all were as naked as the men. They have
three holes in their lips, in which they wear small pieces of tin by way
of ornament. The natives took several of our men along with them to make
merry at one of their towns, whence they brought water to our ships.
After the general had been three days in this river, two of the nobles,
or head men of the natives, came on board to visit him, who were naked
like the rest, except that their aprons were much larger, and one of them
had a handkerchief on his head, embroidered with silk, while the other
wore a nightcap of green satin[22]. Observing their cleanliness, or
civility, the general treated these people courteously, and gave them
victuals, apparel, and other things, of which they seemed to make but
small account; and by certain signs, shewn by a young man, it was
understood that his country was at a considerable distance, where he had
seen ships as large as ours. This intelligence gave great hopes to our
people that the Indies were not far off, which was much confirmed by the
chiefs who had been on board, sending off for sale certain cloths made of
cotton, on which there were marks of ochre. In respect of all these
encouraging tokens, the general named this river _Ho rio dos bos Sinaes_,
or River of Good Signs; and called the place San Rafael, after the name
of his own Ship[23].
From the signs of the before-mentioned young men, that the country of the
head men who had been on board was far off, where they had seen large
ships, the general concluded that the Indies were still at a great
distance; and therefore determined, in consultation with the other
captains, to lay the ships aground, to give their bottoms a thorough
repair, which was done accordingly. In this operation they employed
thirty-two days, during which, our people were much afflicted with a
grievous sickness, thought to proceed from the air of the country. Their
hands and feet became swelled, and their gums became so sore and putrid
that they could not eat, and the smell of their breath was quite
intolerable[24]. With this pestilent infection our people were much
discouraged, and many of them died, the survivors being in great trouble
and perplexity. But De Gama took much care, and used much diligence for
their recovery, and to comfort their affliction; continually visiting the
sick, and giving them such wholesome and medicinal things as he had
provided for his own use; through all which many recovered who would have
died, and the rest were thereby greatly comforted, and encouraged.
Having repaired the ships, and provided them with all necessaries that
could be procured at the river of Good Signs, the fleet departed from
thence on Saturday the 24th of February.
"At this period, two accidents occurred which had nearly frustrated all
the hopes of this expedition. De Gama being along side of the ship
commanded by his brother, with whom he wished to speak, had hold of the
chains, when the boat was carried from under him by the force of the
current, but by immediate assistance, he and his boats crew were
providentially saved. Soon afterwards, when the fleet was passing the bar
of the river, the ship of De Gama grounded on a sand bank, and her loss
was for some time considered as inevitable; but she floated again with
the return of the tide, and to their inexpressible joy received no
damage[25]."
As there was little or no wind, the fleet stood out to sea to avoid the
shore, and about vespers on Sunday, they descried three small islands out
to sea, about four leagues distant from each other. Two of these were
replenished with trees, but the third was quite bare. Seeing no cause to
delay the voyage in examining these islands, De Gama held on for six days,
coming always to anchor at night. On the evening of Thursday, the first
of March, they came in sight of four islands, two of which were near the
land, and the other two farther out to sea; and the fleet steered through
the channel next morning, the ship commanded by Coello, as being the
smallest, going first. But endeavouring to enter a certain harbour,
between the mainland and one of these islands, Coello missed the channel
and ran aground, on which the other ships put about and went back. They
soon perceived seven or eight boats under sail coming from the island
which was a good league distant from Coello, at which sight they were
much rejoiced, and Coello and his people received them with much
demonstration of friendship and satisfaction, Coello went along with
these people to the general, and presented them, saying, that here was a
quite different kind of people from any they had seen hitherto. Then the
general commanded _to let them go a seaboard with their boats_[26], as he
proposed to go with them to their island to anchor with his ships, that
he might see what kind of a country it was, and if he could learn any
certain intelligence concerning India. But the boats continued to follow
our ships, making signals, and calling to our people to wait for them;
wherefore the ships came to anchor, and the boats came to our fleet. The
people on board were of good stature and somewhat black, clothed in
dresses of cotton, striped with sundry colours; some girdled to their
knees, while others carried their apparel on their shoulders like cloaks.
Their heads were covered with kerchiefs, somewhat wrought with silk and
gold thread, and they were armed with swords and daggers like Moors. In
their boats, also, they had certain musical instruments named _sagbuts_.
They came immediately on board with as much confidence as if they were
long acquainted, and entered into familiar conversation in the language
of Algarve, and would not be known as Moors[27].
The general ordered these people to be well entertained, and they eat and
drank willingly of whatever was set before them; after which, by means of
Fernan Alvarez, who could speak their language, he learned that the
island to which they belonged was called Monsambicke, or Mozambique, on
which was a town full of merchants, who traded with the Moors of India,
who bring them silver, linen cloth, pepper, ginger, silver rings, many
pearls, and rubies; and that, from a country behind, they procure gold.
They offered likewise to conduct our people into the harbour, where they
would learn the truth of these things more fully. On consulting with the
other captains, the general determined upon going into this harbour, to
examine more accurately into these reports, and to procure pilots to
carry them on their voyage, as they had no one in the fleet who knew the
way. Nicholas Coello was therefore ordered to make the first essay, and
to take the soundings of the bar, his ship being the smallest. But in
entering, he touched on the point of the island where he broke his helm,
and was in great danger of being lost; but by good providence he got off
with no farther injury. He now found the bar was quite safe, and got into
the harbour, where he anchored two cross-bow shots from the town, which
is in fifteen degrees towards the south[28]. The harbour is very good,
the town is plentifully supplied with such provisions as the country
produces, the houses being constructed of straw, and the inhabitants
Moors, who trade to Sofala in large vessels that have neither decks nor
nails, their planks being sewed together with _cayro_ or twine, made from
the fibres of the cocoa nut rind, and their sails of mats made of the
leaves of a species of palm. Some of these vessels use compasses of Genoa,
and regulate their voyages by means of quadrants and sea charts. With
these Moors the Moors of India trade, as likewise do those from the Red
Sea, because of the gold which is to be had here. On seeing our people,
the Moors of Mozambique thought the Portuguese had been Turks, whom they
knew of from the Moors who dwell on the Red Sea; and those who were first
at our ships carried intelligence to the xeque, or sheik, which is the
title of the governor of this island for the king of Quiloa, in whose
territories it is situated.
"Though we shall afterwards have occasion to investigate this eastern
coast of Africa more fully, in editing particular voyages to its shores,
some notices seem here to be proper[29]. Owing to his keeping at a
distance from, the shore for security, the present voyage gives little
knowledge of the eastern coast of Africa, and it is even difficult to
assign the many stations at which De Gama touched between the Cape of
Good Hope and Mozambique. We have already noticed the river of Good Signs,
as being probably the northern mouth of the Delta of the Zambeze, now
called _Quilimane_, from a fort of that name on its banks. The mouth of
this branch runs into the sea in lat. 18° 25' S. In his passage from the
_Terra de Natal_, or Christmas Land, so named from having been discovered
on Christmas day, and named, in this account of De Gamas voyage, _the
Land of Good People_, De Gama missed Cape Corientes, forming the S.W.
point of the channel of Mozambique, or _Inner Passage_, as it is now
called, and overshot Sofala, the southern extremity of Covilhams
discoveries, at which he was probably directed to touch, as Covilhams
chart might have been of some use to direct his farther progress to Aden,
and thence to Calicut or Cananor, on the Malabar coast.
"The eastern coast of Africa is hitherto very little known to geography,
its trade being entirely confined to the Portuguese, who have
settlements at Sofala, the river Zambeze, Mozambique, Quiloa, and Melinda,
and conceal all the circumstances respecting their foreign possessions
with infinite jealousy. It is said to have once been in contemplation by
the British government, to employ Sir Home Popham to make a survey of
this coast, but this design was never executed. Commodore Blanket
remained on this station for a considerable time, and much information
may be expected from his journal, some drawings of the coast having been
already made for charts, which are preparing, under the orders of the
Admiralty. About the year 1782, a great mass of geographical information
was collected on the continent of Europe and lodged in the British Museum,
from which information may probably be derived respecting this coast,
when that collection shall have been arranged and submitted to the
public. According to D'Apres, all the eastern coast of Africa, for a
great way south of the equinoctial, is lined by a range of islands,
whence shoals extend to the distance of a league. These islets form an
outer shore, with a winding channel within, and are in some places a
league from the coast of the continent, though very apt to be mistaken
for the real coast. Within this range the boats or almadias of the
country ply backwards and forwards in great safety, in the intervening
channel.
"Ptolemy places the _Prasum promontorium_, or Green Cape, the extreme
southern boundary of ancient knowledge of the east coast of Africa, in
lat. 15" 30' S. and the Portuguese universally assume Mozambique as
Prasum, by which classical name it is distinguished in the Lusiad of
Camoens, in reference to the voyage of De Gama, and the near coincidence
of situation gives great probability to this supposition. [Greek:
prason] signifies a leek, and is also used to denote a sea-weed of a
similar green colour, and the name may either have been derived from the
verdure of the point, or from the sea-weeds found in its neighbourhood.
At all events, Prasum cannot be farther south than Cape Corientes, or
farther north than Quiloa or the Zanguebar islands. The harbour of
Mozambique has seldom less than eight or ten fathom water, which is so
clear, that every bank, rock, or shallow can be easily seen.
"The Moors, so often mentioned, are supposed by Bruce to have been
merchants expelled from Spain by Ferdinand and Isabella, who first fixed
their residence on the western coast of Africa, and extending themselves
eastwards, formed settlements in Arabia and Egypt, till the oppressions
of Selim and Soliman, the Turkish emperors, interrupted their commerce,
and obliged them to disperse along the coast of Abyssinia and eastern
Africa. Besides the impossibility, chronologically, for the assigned
causes having produced the supposed effect, there is no necessity for
having recourse to this improbable hypothesis. From being best acquainted
with their Moorish conquerors, the Spaniards and Portuguese have always
been accustomed to name all the Arabians Moors, wherever they found them,
and even gave at first the name of _black_ Moors to the Negroes, whence
our old English term _Black-a-moors_. It is well known that the Arabs,
especially after their conversion to Mahometanism, were great colonizers
or conquerors; even the now half-christian kingdom of Abyssinia was an
early colony and conquest of the pagan Arabs, and its inhabitants are
consequently _white_ Moors in the most extended Portuguese sense. The
Arab, or Moorish kingdoms along the African coast of the Indian ocean,
are branches from the same original stem, and the early Mahometan
missionaries were both zealous and successful in propagating Islaemism
among the most distant pagan colonies of their countrymen. As all zealous
Mussulmen are enjoined the pilgrimage of Mecca, and commerce mixes
largely with religion in the holy journey, by which the faithful from
every distant region often meet at Mecca, and induce each other to extend
their commercial adventures to new regions, it may possibly have been,
that some Moors originally from Spain, may even have reached Mozambique
before the time of De Gama; but it is ridiculous to suppose that all the
Moors on the African coast had been Spaniards. The overthrow of the great
Moorish kingdom of Granada only took place five or six years before the
present voyage.
"The island of Mozambique, which does not exceed a league in
circumference, is described as low and swampy, and was inhabited by Moors
who had come from Quiloa and Sofala. It was afterwards much resorted to
by the Portuguese as a winter station, and became the key of their Indian
trade. The African coast stretches out on both sides of the island into
two points, that on the north-east called Pannoni, off which a shoal with
three islets extends, some way into the sea. The southern point is called
Mangale[30]."
When the Moorish governor of Mozambique[31] was informed of the arrival
of the Portuguese, and that Coello was come to anchor in the harbour, he
fully supposed that they were Turks or Moors from some distant place, and
immediately came to visit him, apparelled in fine silk, with many
attendants. Coello received him very courteously; but as neither he nor
any in his ship could speak their language, the governor soon retired.
Coello gave him, however, a red cap, on which he seemed to set little
value, and presented him likewise with some black beads, which he carried
away in his hand, both being given and received in token of friendship.
On leaving the ship, he required Coello, by signs, to let him have the
boat to carry him on shore, which Coello readily agreed to, and sent some
of his men to the land along with him. These the governor carried to his
house, and feasted them on dates and other things, and sent back with
them a pot of preserved dates to Coello, with which he regaled the
general and his brother when they had entered the harbour. On the arrival
of the other two ships, the governor again sent off some of his people to
visit them, still taking them for Turks, presenting many pleasant and
delicate viands, and asking permission to visit them in person. The
general, in return, sent the governor a present, consisting of red hats,
short gowns, coral, brass basons, hawks bells and many other things,
which he slighted as of no value, and asked why the general had not sent
him scarlet, which he chiefly desired.
Soon afterwards the governor came off to visit the general; who, being
apprized of his coming, ordered all the ships to be dressed out in their
flags. He likewise made all the sick and infirm men to be kept out of
sight, and brought a good many of the most alert men from the other ships,
whom he ordered to be secretly armed, in case of any violence or
treachery on the part of the Moors. The governor came on board,
accompanied with many men, all well apparelled in silk, having many ivory
trumpets and other musical instruments, on which they played almost
without ceasing. The governor was a lean man, of good stature, dressed in
a linen shirt down to his heels, over which he wore a long gown of Mecca
velvet, having a cap of silk of many colours, trimmed with gold, on his
head, at his girdle he wore a sword and dagger, and had silk shoes. The
general received him on entering the ship, and led him to an awning,
trimmed up in the best manner they were able. The general then begged him
not to be offended that no scarlet had been sent, having brought none
with him, and that his ships only contained such merchandize as were fit
to be bartered for victuals for the people; and that his only object at
present was to discover the way to the Indies, for which purpose he had
been sent by a great and mighty king, his master. All this was conveyed
through the interpretation of Fernan Martin[32]. The general then ordered
an entertainment of the best meats and wines which the ship afforded, to
be set before the governor and his principal attendants, of all which
they partook willingly, even drinking wine with good will. The governor
asked whether they came from Turkey, as he had heard say that the Turks
were a fair people like them, and desired to see our country bows, and
the books of our law. To this the general answered, that he and his men
were not from Turkey, but from a kingdom in their neighbourhood; that he
would most willingly shew his bows and other weapons, but had not the
books of our law, as they were not needed at sea. Then some cross-bows
were brought, which were bent, and shot off in presence of the governor,
also some of our harness or defensive armour, with all of which he was
much pleased, and greatly astonished.
During this conference, the general learnt that the port of Calicut in
India was 900 leagues distant from Mozambique; and, as there were many
shoals in the course, that it was very necessary to have a pilot from
this place. He learned also that there were many cities along the coast.
He likewise understood, that the kingdom of Prester John was far from
this place, in the inland country[33]. Considering the expediency of
having a pilot, the general requested to have two from the governor, who
agreed to the demand, on condition that they should be well used. The
reason of wishing to have two was, lest one might die during the voyage,
and our people were much pleased with this promise. The governor came a
second time to visit the general, and brought with him both the pilots
whom he had promised; to each of whom were given thirty crowns and a coat,
each crown being worth five shillings, under this condition, that
whenever one of them should go on shore, the other should remain on board,
that one might always stay by the ship while in harbour.
Notwithstanding these friendly meetings, speeches, and assurances, it
soon appeared, after the departure of the governor, that the Moors had
learned, during their intercourse with our people, that they were
Christians, on which the former friendship and good will of the Moors
towards them was changed to wrath and fury, and they henceforwards used
every endeavour to kill our men, and to take possession of the ships. The
governor, therefore, and his people, used every effort for this
mischievous purpose, and had certainly succeeded, if the Almighty had not
moved the heart of one of the Moorish pilots who had been received into
the Portuguese fleet, to reveal the same to the general; who, fearing
lest the infidels might suddenly execute their purpose, as being numerous
in comparison to his small company, determined to remain no longer in the
harbour. Wherefore, on Saturday the 10th March 1498, being seven days
after his arrival, he quitted the harbour of Mozambique, and cast anchor
close to an island, at the distance of a league from that place;
intending, on Sunday, to hear mass on shore, that they might confess and
receive the sacrament, which had not been done since leaving Lisbon.
After the ships were come to anchor in this place of safety from being
burnt by the Moors, which the general greatly dreaded, he determined to
go back to Mozambique in his boat, to demand the other pilot who had been
promised, but who still remained on shore. Leaving his brother with the
fleet, in readiness to come to his aid if needful, the general went
towards Mozambique with his boat, accompanied by Nicholas Coello, and the
Moorish pilot. On their way they saw six _zambucos_ or boats, filled with
Moors, coming towards them, armed with long bows and arrows, and also
with shields and spears. The Moors called to our people to come along
with them to the town; and the Moorish pilot, who explained their signals,
advised the general to do so, as the governor would not otherwise deliver
the other pilot, who still remained on shore. The general was much
displeased at this advice, believing the pilot only wished him to
approach the shore, that he might be able to run away, and therefore
ordered him to be secured as a prisoner. He likewise gave orders to fire
at the Moorish boats from his ordnance. When Paulo de la Gama heard the
shot, believing the general to be in more danger than he actually was, he
immediately came with the ship Berrio under sail to his aid. On seeing
this, the Moors fled away in such haste that the general could not
overtake them, and therefore returned with his brother to where the other
ships were at anchor.
Next day, being Sunday, the general and all his men went on shore, where
they heard mass, and received the sacrament very devoutly, having
confessed the evening before. After this they re-embarked and set sail
the same day. Having no hope of procuring the other pilot, the general
ordered to release him whom he had confined, and carried him on the
voyage. But he, willing to be revenged for the indignity he had
experienced, determined on carrying the Portuguese fleet to the island of
Quiloa, which was all peopled with Moors; and, as it seemed, intended to
inform the king of that place that our ships belonged to the Christians,
that he might destroy them and kill the crews. For this purpose, he
craftily persuaded the general not to be in trouble for want of the other
pilot, as he would carry him to a great island, on hundred leagues from
thence, which was inhabited half by Moors, and half by Christians, who
were always in war with each other, and where he might easily find pilots
to conduct him to Calicut. Though the general was much pleased with this
information, he yet did not give implicit credit to the Moor, but
promised him high rewards if he carried him in safety to that country,
and so went forward on the voyage with a scant wind.
On the Tuesday the fleet was still in sight of the land from which they
took their departure, and remained becalmed all that day and the next. On
Wednesday night, a gentle breeze sprung up from the eastward, on which
the fleet stood off to seaward, but on Thursday morning, on again making
the land, they were four leagues to leeward of Mozambique, whence plying
to windward, they came back that evening to the island where they had
heard mass on the Sunday before, where they cast anchor and remained
eight days waiting for a fair wind. While here at anchor, a white Moor,
who was a _molah_ or minister among the Moors of Mozambique, came on
board the generals ship, representing that the governor was much grieved
at the breach of peace and friendship between them, which he would now
gladly renew. To this the general made answer, that he would make no
peace with the governor unless he sent him the other pilot whom he had
hired and paid. With this answer the _molah_ departed, and never came
back. After this, while still waiting for a fair wind, there came another
Moor on board, accompanied with his son, a boy, and asked the general to
give him a passage to the city of Melinda, which he said was on his way
to Calicut. He said that he was a native of the country near Mecca,
whence he had piloted a ship to Mozambique, and would gladly go with him,
that he might return to his own country; and farther, he counselled the
general not to remain in expectation of any answer from the _zeque_, who
he was sure would make no peace with him, on account of his hatred to the
Christians. The general was rejoiced at the coming of this Moor,
expecting to acquire information from him concerning the straits of the
Red Sea, and of the towns on the coast between Mozambique and Melinda, by
which he had to sail, and therefore gave orders to receive this Moor and
his son on board.
As the ships were rather short of water, the general and the other
captains determined upon entering the harbour of Mozambique, to take in
what they needed; but ordered strict watch to be kept, lest the Moors
should set the ships on fire. They entered therefore again into the
harbour on Thursday; and when night came, they went in their boats in
search of water, which the Moorish pilot assured them was to be found on
the firm land, and offered to guide them to the place. Leaving Paulo de
la Gama in charge of the ships, and taking Nicholas Coello and the pilot
along with him in the boats, the general went on shore about midnight to
the place where the pilot said that water was to be had. But it could not
be found; whether that the pilot misled them in hope of escaping, or
finding he could not escape, did so out of malice. Having spent the whole
night fruitlessly in search of water, and day beginning to dawn, the
general returned to the ships for more force, lest the Moors might set
upon him and his small company at a disadvantage. Having furnished his
boats with a larger force of armed men, he returned to the shore, still
accompanied by Coello and the Moorish pilot, who, seeing no means of
escaping, now pointed out the watering-place close by the shore. At this
place they observed about twenty Moors armed with darts, who shewed as if
they meant to prevent them from taking water. The general therefore gave
orders to fire three guns, to force them from the shore, that our men
might be able to land unopposed. Amazed and frightened by the noise and
the effect of the shot, the Moors ran away and hid themselves in the
bushes; and our people landed quietly, and took in fresh water, returning
to the ships a little before sunset. On arriving, the general found his
brother much disquieted, because a Negro, belonging to John Cambrayes,
the pilot of Paulo de la Gama, had run away to the Moors, though himself
a Christian.[34]
Upon Saturday the 24th of March, being the eve of the annunciation of our
Lady, a Moor appeared early in the morning on the shore, abreast of the
ships, calling out in a loud and shrill voice, "that if our men wanted
any more water they might now come for it, when they would find such as
were ready to force their return." Irritated at this bravado, and
remembering the injury done him in withholding the promised pilot, and
the loss of the Negro, the general resolved to batter the town with his
ordnance in revenge, and the other captains readily agreed to the measure.
Wherefore they armed all their boats, and came up before the town, where
the Moors had constructed a barricade of boards for their defence on the
shore, so thick that our men could not see the Moors behind. Upon the
shore, between that defence and the sea, an hundred Moors were drawn up,
armed with targets, darts, bows, arrows, and slings, who began to sling
stones at the boats as soon as they came within reach. They were
immediately answered with shot from our ordnance, on which they retired
from the shore behind their barricade, which was soon beaten down, when
they ran into the town, leaving two of their men slain. The general and
his men now returned to the ships to dinner, and the Moors were seen
running from that town to another; and so much were they afraid of the
Portuguese, that they abandoned the island, going by water to another
place on the opposite side. After dinner, our people went with their
captains on shore, to endeavour to take some of the Moors, with the hope
of procuring restitution of the Negro belonging to Cambrayes, who had run
away from the ships, and they were likewise desirous of recovering two
Indians, who were said by the Moorish pilot to be detained as captives in
Mozambique.
On this occasion, Paulo de la Gama seized four Moors who were in a boat;
but a great many Moors in other boats escaped, by hastening on shore and
leaving their boats behind, in which our men found much cotton cloth, and
several books of their Mahometan law, which the general ordered to be
preserved. The general and the other captains ranged in their boats along
side of the town, but did not venture on shore, not having sufficient
force, nor could they get any speech of the Moors. Next day they went on
shore at the watering-place, where they took what was needed without any
opposition from the Moors. Being now hopeless of recovering the Negro, or
of procuring the Indian captives, it was determined to depart; but the
general resolved to be revenged on the town and people for their enmity.
For which reason, he went against it next day with ordnance, and
destroyed it in such sort that the Moors had to abandon it, and flee into
another island within the country.[35] This being done, the fleet weighed
anchor on Tuesday the 27th of March, and departed from Mozambique, whence
they proceeded to two little rocks, which they called St George, and
where they came to anchor in waiting for a wind, which was now contrary.
Soon afterwards the wind came fair and they departed, but the wind was so
light, and the currents so strong, that they were forced in a retrograde
course.
The general was much pleased to find that one of the Moors taken by his
brother at Mozambique was a pilot, and was acquainted with the navigation
to Calicut. Proceeding on their voyage, they came, on Sunday the first of
April, to certain islands very near the coast, to the first of which they
gave the name of _Ilha da Açoutado_, because the Moorish pilot of
Mozambique was here severely whipt by order of the general, for having
falsely said that these islands were part of the continent, and likewise
for not shewing the way to the watering-place at Mozambique, as before
related. Being cruelly whipt, the Moor confessed that he had brought them
to this place expressly that they might perish on the rocks and shoals of
these islands, which were so numerous and so close together, that they
could hardly be distinguished from each other. On this the general stood
out to sea, and on Friday the 4th of April,[36] standing to the north-
west, he came in sight, before noon, of a great land, with two islands
near the coast, around which were many shoals. On nearing the shore, the
Moorish pilots recognized it, and said that the Christian island of
Quiloa was three leagues astern; on which the general was much grieved,
believing certainly that the natives of Quiloa had been Christians, as
represented by the pilots, and that they had purposely taken a wrong
course that the ships might not come there. The pilots, to conceal their
treachery, alleged that the winds and currents had carried the ships
farther than they reckoned. But in truth, they were more disappointed in
this than even the general, as they had reckoned upon being here revenged
upon the Portuguese, by having them all slain. In this God preserved our
people from the intended danger most miraculously, for if they had gone
to Quiloa they had all surely perished; as the general was so fully
persuaded of the natives being Christians, as reported by the pilot, that
he would doubtless have landed immediately on his arrival, and have
thereby run headlong to a place where he and all his people would have
been slain. Both parties being thus sorry for having missed Quiloa, the
general because he hoped to have found Christians, and the Moorish pilots
because of their intended treachery, it was determined to put back with
the intention of seeking for it; but still the wind and currents opposed
their purpose, and they tried a whole day in vain. This doubtless
proceeded from the providence of God, and his merciful goodness to our
men, who were thus preserved by miracle from the malicious and devilish
intentions of the two Moorish pilots of Mozambique.
The fleet being thus baffled and tossed to and fro, it was determined to
bear away for the island of Mombaza, in which the pilots said there were
two towns, peopled both by Moors and Christians. But they gave out this
as before to deceive our people, and to lead them to destruction; for
that island was solely inhabited by Moors, as is the whole of that coast.
Understanding that Mombaza was seventy miles distant, they bore away for
that place, and towards evening, they came in sight of a great island
towards the north, in which the Moorish pilots pretended there were two
towns, one of Christians and the other of Moors; making this false
assertion to make our people believe that there were many Christians on
this coast. While pursuing their voyage towards Mombaza for some days,
the ship San Raphael chanced one morning, two hours before day, to get
aground on certain shoals, two leagues from the shore of the continent.
Paulo de Gama immediately made signals to apprize the other ships of his
situation and their danger; on which they had the good fortune to avoid
the shoals and got safely to anchor. The boats from the other ships were
immediately sent off to assist Paulo de Gama in the St Raphael; and, on
seeing that the tide was then low, the general was much rejoiced, as he
well knew she would float again with the tide of flood; whereas, before,
he was much afraid she might be totally lost. He therefore gave orders to
carry all their anchors out to deep water, to prevent her from getting
farther on the shoal. By the time this was done day broke, and soon after
at low water the St Raphael was quite dry on a sand bank, having taken no
harm in striking. While waiting for the tide of flood, our people named
these sands _Os baixos de Sam Rafael_, or the Shoals of St Raphael, and
named certain islands and hills of the continent, then in sight, the
islands and hills of St Raphael.
While the ship remained thus dry, and the people walking about on the
sand, they saw two boats full of Moors, who came to our ships, bringing
many sweet oranges, much better than those of Portugal. These men told
the general not to fear any damage to the ship which was aground, as she
would float uninjured with the next flood; and the general was so much
pleased with this good heartening, that he gave them several presents,
which they accepted with many thanks; and understanding that our fleet
intended to put in at Mombaza, they requested to be carried thither. The
general granted their request, and permitted them to remain on board, the
others returning from our ships to their own country.[37] When it was
full sea, the St Raphael floated and got off the shoal, and the fleet
proceeded on its voyage.
Following the coast to the north-eastwards, the fleet came to anchor
outside of the bar of the harbour of Mombaza, about sunset of Saturday
the 7th of April. Mombaza is on an island very near the shore of the
continent, and has plenty of provisions, such as millet, rice, and cattle,
both large and small, all well grown and fat, especially the sheep, which
are uniformly without tails; and it abounds in poultry. It is likewise
very pleasant, having many orchards, abounding in pomegranates, Indian
figs, oranges, both sweet and sour, lemons, and citrons, with plenty of
pot-herbs, and it has an abundant supply of excellent water. On this
island there is a city having the same name, Momabza, standing in lat.
4°S. which is handsomely built on a rocky hill washed by the sea. The
entrance of the haven has a mark or beacon, and on the very bar there is
a little low fort, almost level with the water.[38]
Most of the houses of this place are built of stone and lime, having the
ceilings finely constructed of plaster, and the streets are very handsome.
This city is subject to a king of its own, the inhabitants being Moors,
some of whom are white and others brown[39]. The trade of this city is
extensive, and its inhabitants are well dressed, especially the women,
who are clothed in silk, and decorated with gold and precious stones. The
harbour is good and much frequented by shipping, and it receives from the
African continent, in its neighbourhood, great quantities of honey, wax,
and ivory.
The general did not enter the harbour that night because it grew late,
but commanded to hoist the flags in compliment, which the people did with
much mirth and joy, in hope that they had come to an island in which
there were many Christians, and that next day they might hear mass on
shore. They had likewise great hope that the sick, who were almost the
whole crews, might here recover their health; though, indeed, they were
much reduced in number, many having died during the voyage. Soon after
our ships came to anchor, although night approached, a large boat,
containing about a hundred men, all armed with swords and targets, was
seen coming towards the fleet. On reaching the generals ship, they would
have all come on board with their weapons, but the general only permitted
four of their principals to come aboard, and even they unarmed; causing
them to be told in their own language, that they must excuse his
precaution, being a stranger, and not knowing therefore whom he might
trust. To those whom he permitted to come on board he gave courteous
entertainment, presenting them with such conserves as he had, of which
they readily partook; and he requested of them not to take ill that he
had thus refused entrance to so many armed men. They said that they had
merely come to see him, as a new and rare thing in their country, and
that their being armed was merely because such was the custom of the
country, whether in peace or war. They also said, that the king of
Mombaza expected his arrival, and would have sent to visit him, if it had
not been so late, but certainly would do so next day. Their king, they
added, was rejoiced at his arrival, and would not only be glad to see him,
but would load his ships with spices. They also said that there were many
Christians on the island, who lived by themselves; at which the general
was much pleased, believing their story, which agreed with what the two
pilots had said. Yet he entertained some jealous doubts, for all their
fair speeches, and wisely suspected the Moors had come to see if they
could lay a train to take our ships. In this he was perfectly right, as
it afterwards appeared that this was their sole intent. The king of
Mombaza had received perfect intelligence that we were Christians, and of
all that we had done at Mozambique, and plotted to be revenged, by taking
our ships and killing our men.
Next day, being Palm Sunday, still prosecuting his wicked purpose, the
king sent some white Moors with a message to the general, declaring his
great joy at our arrival, inviting him into the harbour, and engaging to
supply him with all things he might be in need of; and, in token of amity,
sent him a ring, a sheep, and many sweet oranges, citrons, and sugar
canes. These white Moors were likewise instructed to pretend that they
were Christians, and that there were many Christians in the island. All
this was so well counterfeited, that our people actually believed them to
be Christians, on which account the general received them with much
courtesy, and made them some presents, sending a message to the king that
he would certainly come farther into the harbour next day. He also sent a
present to the king of a fine branch of coral. And, for the greater
security, he sent along with these white Moors, two of our banished men,
who had been embarked expressly for such hazardous undertakings, or for
being left on shore where it might be deemed expedient, to become
acquainted with the circumstances of various places, and to be taken on
board again. These men, and the Moors who had been on board, were met in
landing by a number of people, curious to see and examine them, who
accompanied them all the way to the kings palace, where they had to pass
through three several doors, each guarded by an armed porter, before they
came to the place where the king was. They found the king in no very
great state, yet he received them well, and commanded the Moors who had
brought them on shore to show them the city. In going through the streets,
our men saw many prisoners in irons; but, not knowing the language, they
could not ask who or what these were, yet believed they might be
Christians, us our general was informed by the Moorish pilots, and the
kings two messengers, that there were Christians on the island, and that
the Christians and the Moors had wars together. Our men were likewise
carried to the house in which the merchants of India dwelt, who were said
to be Christians. These people, learning that our men were Christians,
shewed much joy at receiving them, embracing and banqueting them, and
shewed them a piece of paper on which the figure of the Holy Ghost was
painted, which they worshipped on their knees, with great shew of
devotion, as if they had been what they pretended. The Moors then
informed our men by signs, that there were many other Christians at
another place, too far for carrying them there; but that they should be
conducted to see them when our ships came into the harbour. All this was
done craftily to entice our people into the harbour, where they were
determined to destroy them all.
After our two men had seen the city, they were conducted back to the king,
who ordered them to be shewn ginger, pepper, cloves, and wheat, giving
them samples of them all to be carried to the general, with assurance
that he had great store of all these commodities, and would give him his
loading if he desired it. They were likewise told, that he had great
plenty of gold, silver, amber, wax, ivory, and other riches, which he
would sell at lower prices than they could be bought in any other place.
This message was brought off on Monday to the general; who, hearing the
kings offer to furnish him with a loading of these commodities, was much
rejoiced, and was much pleased with the information brought by the two
convicts, and their good report of the people, city, and country, and
more especially on account of the _two_ Christians whom they had seen in
the house of the Indian merchants. After a consultation with the other
captains, it was determined to enter the port next day, and to accept the
spices offered by the king of Mambaza, after which, to continue the
voyage to Calicut; and, if they could not procure similar articles there,
to return contented with what might be got in this place. In the meantime,
several of the Moors visited our ships, conducting themselves with much
gentleness and humility, and evincing an appearance of friendship and
kindness to our people, as if they had been long and familiarly
acquainted.
When the tide of flood was sufficiently advanced on the following morning,
the general gave orders to weigh anchor, intending to carry the ships
into the harbour. But the Almighty Disposer of events, not willing that
he and his company should fall into the snare which the Moors had laid
for their destruction, interposed to avert the danger, and to work their
safety. For, when the generals ship had weighed anchor, and was about to
enter the port, she touched on a shoal by the stern; upon which, he
immediately let fall his anchor again, which was likewise done by the
other captains. Seeing this, the Moors who were on board concluded that
he would not enter the harbour that day, and instantly took to their boat,
which was alongside, and made for the city: At the same time, the pilot
of Mozambique leapt from the stern of the admirals ship into the water,
and was taken into the boat by the Moors. The admiral called out to them
to bring him back, but all in vain; on which he began to suspect that the
Moors and their king had evil intentions towards him and his people, and
was thankful for the accident which had detained him from the harbour,
and preserved him from the purposed treachery. After explaining his
apprehensions to the other captains, he commanded, in the evening of this
day, that two of the Moors who had been made prisoners at Mozambique
should be put to the torture, to endeavour to ascertain whether any
treachery was intended, and to force them to disclose the same. This was
done by dropping melted bacon upon their flesh; and they immediately
confessed that treason was intended, and that the pilots had escaped by
swimming from the ship, as fearing the same had been discovered. On this
confession, the general resolved on no account to enter the harbour; yet
determined to put another Moor to the torture, to learn if he were in
confederacy with the rest. But this Moor, on seeing preparations made for
the purpose, although his hands were bound, leapt into the sea; which was
likewise done by another Moor before day-light.
Having thus discovered the secret mischiefs which had been prepared
against him, the general gave thanks to God, by whose good providence he
and his people had been delivered from imminent hazard of death among the
infidels; whereupon he and his company joined in the _Salve regina_ with
great devotion. After this, lest the Moors might attempt any thing
against their safety during the night, he ordered a strong and vigilant
armed watch to be kept. It is worthy of notice, that all the sick among
our people, who were indeed many, began presently to get well from their
first coming to Mombaza; so that in this time of their great necessity
and danger, they found themselves sound and strong, beyond all human hope,
and far above the ordinary course of nature; for which reason it can only
be attributed to the marvellous and supernatural power of God,
miraculously done at this peculiar instant time of need, for the
preservation of these poor and distressed persons, whose only hope of
safety was in him. After the night watch was set, those of the Berrio
felt the cable by which they lay at anchor swagging, as if shaken by a
great tunny, of which there were many in this place, very large and
excellent food: But, on giving more attention to the circumstance, they
perceived that this was occasioned by their enemies the Moors, some of
whom were swimming about the cable, and were cutting it with knives or
falchions, that the ship might drift on shore and fall a prey to them. On
seeing this, our men scared them away by crying out, and gave notice to
the other ships to be on their guard against similar attempts. Some
people from the San Raphael went immediately to the assistance of the
Berrio, and found some of the Moors about the chains and tacklings of the
foremast, who cast themselves into the sea, and swam, along with those
who had attempted to cut the cable, to certain boats that were in waiting
at a short distance, in which, as our people afterwards learnt, there
were a great number of the Moors, who now rowed away to the city in all
haste.
Our fleet still remained off the harbour of Mombaza, all the Wednesday
and Thursday following; during both of which nights the Moors came off in
boats, which always lay close by the shore, whence some of them swam to
the ships, endeavouring to cut our cables: But our men kept such strict
watch, that they were unable to succeed. Our people, however, were always
in much fear and perplexity, lest the Moors might burn our ships; and it
was wonderful they did not make the attempt by means of the ships they
had in the harbour, which, in all human probability, they had succeeded
in, killing and destroying us all. It was conjectured that they were
deterred from making this attempt, from fear of the ordnance in our ships;
but whatever might appear to us as the cause of their not using open
force, it was assuredly the good pleasure and favour of God, that put
their hearts in fear against making an open attack, by which we were
preserved from the execution of their cruel purposes towards us.
The reason of the general remaining during the two days off Mombaza was,
that he might endeavour to procure two pilots from thence to carry him to
Calicut, without which assistance the voyage would have been very
difficult, as our pilots had no knowledge of that country. But finding
none were to be had, he took his departure from that place on Friday
morning, though with a very light wind. On leaving the anchorage, he was
forced to leave one of his anchors behind, as the crew was so completely
exhausted by hauling up the rest, that they were unable to weigh this one.
It was afterwards found by the Moors, and carried into their city, where
it was deposited near the kings palace. When Don Francisco de Almeida,
first viceroy of the Indies, took this place from the Moors, this anchor
was there found, as I shall afterwards relate in the second book of this
work.
Departing thus from Mombaza, the fleet continued its voyage along the
coast to the north-east, and having very light wind, was obliged to come
to anchor in the evening near the shore, about eight leagues from Mombaza.
Towards the dawn of next day, two sambuccos, or little pinnaces, were
seen about three leagues to the leeward of the fleet, and out at sea; on
which, in hope of procuring some pilots who could carry him to Calicut,
the general ordered the anchors to be weighed, and he and the other
captains gave chase to the sambuccos the whole of that day. Towards
vespers, the general came up with and captured one of these pinnaces, but
the other escaped to the land. In the captured pinnace there were
seventeen Moors, among whom was an old man who seemed master over the
rest, and had his young wife along with him. In this boat there was great
store of silver and gold, and some victuals. On the same evening the
fleet came to anchor off Melinda, which is eighteen leagues from Mombaza,
and is in lat. 3° S. This place has no good harbour, being only an almost
open roadstead, having a kind of natural pier or reef of rocks on which
the sea beats with much violence, owing to which the ships have to ride
at a considerable distance from the shore. The city stands in a broad
open plain, along the shore, surrounded with many palms, and other sorts
of trees, which are green the whole year. It has also many gardens and
orchards, abounding with all kinds of herbs and fruits, and many
fountains of good water. Their oranges are particularly excellent, very
large and sweet. They have also abundance of millet and rice, plenty both
of cattle and sheep, and great store of fine poultry, which are very
cheap. Melinda is a large city, with fair streets, and many good houses
of stone and lime, containing several storeys, with windows, and having
terraced roofs made of lime and earth. The native inhabitants are black,
of well proportioned bodies, having curled hair; but many strangers
resort thither and dwell in the city, who are Moors from Arabia, who
conduct themselves in a commendable manner, especially the gentlemen or
better sort. These, from the girdle upwards, go naked; but below the
girdle they are dressed in silk, or fine stuffs of cotton, though some
wear short cotton cloaks, after the old fashion. On their heads they wear
certain cloths embroidered with silk and gold. They wear also rich
daggers, ornamented with silken tassels of many colours, and very
handsome swords. They are all left-handed, and go constantly armed with
bows and arrows, taking great delight in archery, at which they are very
expert. They account themselves good horsemen; yet there is a common
saying on this coast, _the horsemen of Mombaza, and the women of
Melinda_, as in Mombaza they are excellent horsemen, and the women of
Melinda are very handsome, and dress richly.
In this city also there are many Gentiles from the kingdom of Cambaya in
India, who are great merchants and trade to this place for gold, which is
found in this country, as likewise ambergris, ivory, pitch, and wax; all
of which commodities the inhabitants of Melinda exchange with the
merchants of Cambaya for copper, quicksilver, and cotton cloth, to the
profit and advantage of both parties. The king of this city is a Moor,
who is served with far more state than any of the kings on this coast to
the southwards. Being arrived over against this city, the general and all
the people of the fleet were much rejoiced at seeing a city resembling
those of Portugal, and gave thanks to God for their safe arrival. Being
desirous of procuring pilots to navigate the fleet to Calicut, the
general commanded to come to anchor, meaning to use his endeavours for
this purpose. For, hitherto, he could not learn from the Moors he had
lately captured, whether any of them were pilots; and though he had
threatened them with the torture, they always persisted in declaring that
none of them had any skill in pilotage.
Next day, being Easter eve, the old Moor who had been made prisoner in
the pinnace, told the general that there were four ships belonging to
Christians of the Indies at Melinda, and engaged, if the general would
allow him and the other Moors to go on shore, he would provide him, as
his ransom, Christian pilots, and would farther supply him with every
thing he might need. Well pleased with the speeches of the old Moor, the
general removed his ships to within half a league of the city, whence
hitherto no one came off to our fleet, as they feared our men might make
them prisoners; for they had received intelligence that we were
Christians, and believed our ships were men of war. On the Monday morning,
therefore, the general commanded the old Moor to be landed on a ledge, or
rock, opposite the city, and left there, expecting they would send from
the city to fetch him off; which they did accordingly as soon as our boat
departed. The Moor was carried directly to the king, to whom he said, as
instructed by the general, what he chiefly desired to have. He farther
said, that the general desired to have amity with the king, of whom he
had heard a good report, hoping by his aid, and with the will of God, he
might be enabled to discover the route to India. The king received this
message favourably, and sent back the Moor in a boat to the general,
accompanied by one of his own servants and a priest, saying, that he
would most willingly conclude a treaty of amity with him, and should
supply him with what pilots he needed. These messengers likewise
presented the general from the king, with three sheep, and a great many
oranges, and sugar canes, which he thankfully accepted; desiring the
messengers to acquaint their master, that he gladly agreed to the
profered amity, and was ready to confirm the same between them, and
promised to enter their harbour next day. He farther desired them to
inform the king, that he was the subject of a great and powerful
sovereign in the west, who had sent him to discover the way to Calicut,
with orders to enter into peace and amity with all kings and princes on
whose territories he might happen to touch by the way. That it was now
_two years_[40] since he left his own country, and that the king his
master was a prince of such puissance and worth as he was convinced the
king of Melinda would be glad to have for a friend. He then dismissed the
messengers, sending as a present to their king a hat of the fashion of
the time, two branches of coral, three brass basons, two scarfs, and some
small bells.
On the second day after Easter, the general removed his ships nearer the
city. The king knowing this, and believing that the king of Portugal must
be a high-spirited prince, and the general a worthy subject, who had
hazarded himself in so long and dangerous a voyage, became desirous of
seeing such men; wherefore, he sent a more honourable message to the
general, saying, that he proposed next day to visit him in person,
intending that their meeting should be on the water; and sent him a
present of six sheep, with a considerable quantity of cloves, ginger,
pepper, and nutmegs. Upon this message, the general removed his fleet
still nearer the city, and came to anchor close to the four ships of the
Indies, of which the old Moor had made mention as belonging to Christians.
When the owners of these ships learnt that we were Christians, they came
immediately to visit our general, who happened then to be in the ship of
Paulo de la Gama. These men were of a brown colour, but of good stature
and well proportioned, dressed in long white cotton gowns, having large
beards, and the hair of their heads long like women, and plaited up under
their turbans or head-dresses. The general received them with much
kindness and attention, asking, by means of an interpreter, who
understood the language of Algarve, or Arabic, whether they were
Christians. These men had some knowledge of that language, though it was
not their own tongue, but had learnt it in the course of their trade and
conversation with the Moors of Melinda, of whom they advised the general
to beware, lest their inward intentions might be far different from their
outward shew. Willing to make trial if these men were really Christians,
the general caused a picture to be shewn them, on which our Lady was
painted weeping, surrounded by some of the apostles, but without
informing them what this was meant to represent. Immediately on this
being set before them, they fell down and worshipped the picture, praying
for some time. The general then asked if they were of Calicut; on which
they answered they were of Grangalor[41], still farther off, and could
give him no information respecting Calicut. From this time, so long as
our fleet remained at Melinda, these people came every day on board the
ship of Paulo de la Gama, to pay their devotions before this picture,
offering to the images which it represented gifts of pepper and other
things. These Indian Christians, according to their own account, eat no
beef.
On the last day of the week after Easter, and in the afternoon, the king
of Melinda came off in a great boat to our fleet. He was dressed in a
cassock of crimson damask lined with green satin, and wore, a rich cloth
or turban on his head. He sat in a chair, of the ancient fashion, very
well made and wrought with wire, having a silk cushion; and on another
chair beside him, there lay a hat of crimson satin. An old man stood by
him as his page, who carried a very rich sword with a silver scabbard. In
the boat there were many sacbuts, and two ivory flutes eight spans long,
on which they played by a little hole in the middle, agreeing and
according well with the music of the sacbuts. The king was likewise
attended by about twenty Moorish gentlemen, all richly dressed. When the
king had nearly attained our ships, the general went to meet him in his
boat, gaily decorated with flags and streamers, himself dressed in his
best apparel, and attended by twelve of the principal officers of the
squadron, leaving his brother in charge of the ships. On the boats
meeting, the two parties made every demonstration of friendship and
respect; and the Moorish king immediately offered to come on board the
generals boat, that he might see him the better. The general accordingly
received him with all respect, and the king shewed as much honour and
courtesy to the general as if he had been likewise a king. The Moorish
king, after examining the dress and appearance of the general and his men
with the utmost attention, asked the general the name of his king, which
he commanded to be immediately written down. He particularly inquired
respecting the power of the king of Portugal, and the general gave the
most satisfactory answers to all his questions; particularly detailing
the reasons of his being sent to discover Calicut, that Portugal might be
thence supplied with spices, which were not to be had in his own country.
The king, after giving him some information on these points, and
respecting the straits of the Red Sea, promised to furnish the general
with a pilot to carry him to Calicut, and then earnestly solicited him to
accompany him to the city, where he might solace and refresh himself in
the palace, after the fatigues and dangers of so long a voyage; and
promised, if the general would do so, that he the king would visit him on
board. To this the general prudently answered that he was not authorised
by his instructions to go on shore, and that he could not answer for
deviating from the orders of his sovereign. On this the king observed,
that if he were to visit the ships, he could not well answer for his
conduct to the inhabitants of his city; yet, he was grieved that the
admiral refused to go into the city, which should be at his will and
pleasure, and that of the king his master, to whom he should either write
or send an ambassador, if the general would call in at Melinda on his
return from Calicut. The general gave the king thanks for his politeness,
and promised to return that way; and, while this conversation was going
on, he sent for the Moors who had been taken in the pinnace, whom he
presented to the king, saying, he would most gladly perform any other
service that lay in his power to the king. The king was greatly pleased
with this gift, which he valued as much as if the admiral had given him
another city equal to Melinda.
Having ended their conversation, and confirmed their mutual friendship,
the king rowed through among our ships, examining them with much pleasure
and admiration, and was saluted in passing by many discharges of the
ordnance, at which he and his attendants seemed much delighted. On this
occasion, the general attended upon him in his own boat out of respect,
and the king observed, that he never was so much pleased with any men as
with the Portuguese, and would most gladly have some of them to help him
in his wars. To this the general answered, that if his highness were to
have experience of what they were able to perform, he would like the
Portuguese still better; and that they should certainly give him aid, if
it should please the king of Portugal to send any of his war ships to
Calicut, which he did not doubt would be the case, if it were Gods will
to permit the discovery of that place. After the king had satisfied his
curiosity, he requested of the general, since he would not go himself
into the city, to permit two of his men to go and see the palace,
offering to leave his own son, and one of his chief priests, which they
named Caçis[42], in pledge for their safe return. To this request the
general consented, and sent two of our men along with the king: He, at
his departure, requested that the general would next day, in his boat,
come close to the shore, when he should be gratified with a sight of the
native horsemen going through their evolutions. After this they separated.
Next day, being Thursday, the general and Nicholas Coello went in their
boats well armed along the shore, according to the invitation of the king,
keeping at a small distance from each other for mutual defence in case of
need, where they saw many men skirmishing on the shore. As our boats
approached the royal palace, certain of the kings attendants brought him
in a chair down some stone stairs which led to the water; and, being then
very near the generals boat, the king entered into friendly conversation
with him, and once more entreated him to land and go to the palace;
saying, that his father, who was lame, was exceedingly desirous to see
him, and even offered, that, while the general remained on shore, he and
his children would go on board the ships as hostages for his security.
But our general, still dreading that some bitter treachery might lurk
beneath this honied speech, continued to excuse himself from landing, as
he had not permission from his own prince to do so, and must obey him, in
all things. After this, taking his leave of the king, he rowed past the
ships of the Indian merchants, which he saluted in passing with his
ordnance; and when they saw us pass, they held up their hands, exclaiming
Christe! Christe!
That night, having obtained leave from the king, our men made them a
great feast, with much diversion, also of squibs, firing of guns, and
loud cries. The fleet remained at anchor for two days without any message
from the shore, on which account the general was much distressed, fearing
the king had taken offence at his refusal to go on shore, and might break
the peace and amity between them, and not send him any pilot. But on
Sunday the 21st of April, a person who was in high credit with the king,
came off to visit the general, who was much disappointed when this person
brought no pilot, and again began to entertain suspicions of the kings
intentions. When the king learnt this, and that the general remained
merely for the purpose of having a pilot, he sent him one who was a
Gentile, called _Gosarate_[43] in their language, and whose name was
_Canaca_, sending an apology at the same time for not having sent this
person sooner. Thus the king and the general remained friends, and the
peace continued which had been agreed between them.
"De Barros and Faria give this pilot the name of _Malemo Cana_, and say
that he belonged to one of the Indian ships of Cambaya, then at Melinda.
De Barros adds, that he shewed De Gama a very small chart of the coast of
India, laid down with meridians and parallels, but without rhumbs of the
winds. This pilot shewed no surprise on seeing the large wooden and metal
astrolabes belonging to the Portuguese, as the pilots of the Red Sea had
long used brass triangular instruments and quadrants for astronomical
observations, and that he and others who sailed from Cambaya, and the
ports of India, navigated by the north and south stars, and the
constellations of the eastern and western hemispheres; and, though they
did not use these instruments in navigation, they employed one made of
three pieces of board, similar to the _balhestillia_, or cross-staff of
the Portuguese.
"In a collection of papers published in 1790, called _Documentos
Arabicos_, from the royal archives of Lisbon, chiefly consisting of
letters between the kings of Portugal and the tributary princes of the
east in the sixteenth century, the _zeque, sheik_, or king of Melinda,
with whom De Gama afterwards made a treaty of alliance, and whose
ambassador he carried into Portugal, was named Wagerage[44]."
Having thus procured a pilot, and provided all things necessary for the
voyage, De Gama departed from Melinda for Calicut, on Friday the 26th of
April 1498[45], and immediately made sail directly across the gulf which
separates Africa from India, which is 750 leagues[46]. This golf runs a
long way up into the land northwards; but our course for Calicut lay to
the east[47]. In following this voyage, our men saw the north star next
Sunday, which they had not seen of a long while; and they saw the stars
about the south pole at the same time. They gave thanks to God, that,
whereas it had been represented to them, that in this season, which was
the winter of the Indies, there were always great storms in this gulf,
they now experienced fair weather. On Friday the 18th of May, twenty-
three days after leaving Melinda, during all which time they had seen no
land, they came in sight of India, at eight leagues distance, the land
seeming very high. Canaca, the pilot, tried the lead and found forty-five
fathoms, upon which he altered his course to the south-east, having
fallen in with the land too far to the north. Upon the Saturday, he again
drew near the land, but did not certainly know it, as the view was
obscured by rain, which, always falls in India at this season, being
their winter. On Sunday the 20th of May, the pilot got view of certain
high hills which are directly behind the city of Calicut, and came so
near the land that he was quite sure of the place; on which he came up
with great joy to the general, demanding his _albrycias_, or reward, as
this was the place at which he and his company were so desirous to arrive.
The general was greatly rejoiced at this news, and immediately satisfied
the pilot, after which, he summoned all the company to prayers, saying
the _salve_, and giving hearty thanks to God, who had safely conducted
them to the long wished-for place of his destination. When prayer was
over, there was great festivity and joy in the ships, which came that
same evening to anchor two leagues from Calicut. Immediately upon
anchoring, some of the natives came off to the ships in four boats,
called _almadias_, inquiring whence our ships came, as they had never
before seen any resembling their construction upon that coast. These
natives were of a brown colour, and entirely naked, excepting very small
aprons. Some of them immediately came on board the general, and the
Guzerat pilot informed him these were poor fishermen; yet the general
received them courteously, and ordered his people to purchase the fish
which they had brought for sale. On conversing with them, he understood
that the town whence they came, which was in sight, was not Calicut,
which lay farther off, and to which they offered to conduct our fleet.
Whereupon the general requested them to do this; and, departing from this
first anchorage, the fleet was conducted by these fishermen to Calicut.
Calicut is a city on the coast of Malabar, a province of the second India,
which begins at the mount of Delhi, and ends at Cape Comory, being sixty-
one leagues in length, and fifteen leagues broad[48]. The whole of this
country is very low, and apt to be covered with water, having many
islands in its rivers, which flow into the Indian Sea. This country of
Malabar is divided from the kingdom of Narsinga by a very high hill. The
Indians report that this land of Malabar was covered by the sea of old,
which then reached to the foot of the hills, and thence to a hill, where
now the islands of the Maldives are found, which were then firm land; and
that in after times it destroyed that latter country, and laid bare the
country of Malabar, in which are many pleasant and rich cities, dependent
upon trade, which they carry on principally with Calicut, which exceeds
all cities of our days in riches and in vice. Its foundation and rise was
as follows: In ancient times, this country of Malabar was entirely ruled
by one king, who dwelt in the city of _Coulan_. In the reign of the last
king of this race, named _Saranaperimal_[49], who died 600 years ago, the
Moors of Mecca discovered India, and came to the province of Malabar,
then inhabited by idolaters, and governed by an idolatrous king. From the
time of the coming of these Moors, they began to reckon their years as we
do, from the birth of our Saviour[50]. After the coming of the Moors into
Malabar, they insinuated themselves so much into the confidence of the
before-mentioned king, that he became a convert to their law, renouncing
the religion of his country, and embracing Mahometism with such zeal,
that he resolved to go and end his days in the temple of Mecca. Having
thus resolved, out of love to the Mahometan sect, to abandon his kingdom,
he called his kindred together, and divided all his territories among
them, reserving only twelve leagues of country near the place where he
intended to embark, not then inhabited, which he bestowed upon one of his
cousins who acted as his page. To this kinsman he gave his sword and
turban, as ensigns of dignity; commanding all the other nobles, among
whom he had distributed the rest of his territories, to obey this person
as their emperor, the kings of Coulan and Cananor only excepted; whom
also, and all the others, he debarred from coining money, which was only
to be done by the king of Calicut. Having thus given away his whole
dignities and possessions, and set every thing in order, he embarked from
the place where Calicut now stands; and because this king embarked from
that place on his pilgrimage to Mecca, the Moors have ever since held
Calicut in so high devotion, that they and all their posterity would
never take their lading from any other port. From that time forwards,
they discontinued trade with the port of Coulan, which they had used
formerly, and that port therefore fell to ruin; especially after the
building of Calicut, and the settlement of many Moors in that place[51].
As the Moors are merchants of most extensive dealings, they have rendered
Calicut, as the centre of their trade, the richest mart of all the Indies;
in which is to be found all the spices, drugs, nutmegs, and other things
that can be desired, all kinds of precious stones, pearls and seed-pearls,
musk, sanders, aguila, fine dishes of earthen ware, lacker[52], gilded
coffers, and all the fine things of China, gold, amber, wax, ivory, fine
and coarse cotton goods, both white and dyed of many colours, much raw
and twisted silk, stuffs of silk and gold, cloth of gold, cloth of tissue,
grain, scarlets, silk carpets, copper, quicksilver, vermilion, alum,
coral, rose-water, and all kinds of conserves. Thus, every kind of
merchandize from all parts of the world is to be found in this place;
which, moreover, is very quiet, being situated along the coast, which is
almost open and very dangerous. Calicut is surrounded by many gardens and
orchards, producing all the herbs and fruits of this country in great
abundance, having also many palms and other sorts of trees, and abounds
in excellent water. This part of India produces but little rice, which is
a principal article of food in these parts, as wheat is with us; but it
procures abundance of that and all other kinds of provisions from other
countries. The city is large, but the dwellings consist only of straw
huts; their idol temples, and chapels, and the kings palace excepted,
which are: built of stone and lime and covered with tiles; for, by their
laws, no others are permitted to build their houses of any other material
than straw. At this time, Calicut was inhabited by idolaters of many
sects, and by many Moorish merchants, some of whom were so rich as to be
owners of fifty ships. These ships are made without nails, their planks
being sewed together with ropes of _cayro_, made of the fibres of the
cocoa-nut husk, pitched all over, and are flat-bottomed, without keels.
Every winter there are at least six hundred ships in this harbour, and
the shore is such, that their ships can be easily drawn up for repairs.
"The subjects of the following digression are so intimately connected
with the first establishment of the Portuguese in India, as to justify
its introduction in this place, which will greatly elucidate the
narrative of Castaneda; and its length did not admit of being inserted in
the form of notes. It is chiefly due to the ingenious and Reverend James
Stanier Clarke, in his Origin and Progress of Maritime Discovery,
extracted by him from various sources."
"The name of this country, Malabar, is said to be derived from _ulyam_,
which signifies, in the original language of that part of India,
_skirting the bottom of the hills_, corrupted into Maleyam or Maleam,
whence probably came Mulievar, and Mala-bar. In a MS. account of Malabar,
it is said that little more than 2300 years ago, the sea came up to the
foot of the _Sukien_ mountains, or the western _gauts_. The emerging of
the country from the waters is fabulously related to have been occasioned
by the piety or penitence of Puresram Rama, who prayed to _Varauna_, the
God of the ocean, to give him a track of land to bestow on the Bramins.
Varauna accordingly commanded the sea to withdraw from the _Gowkern_, a
hill near Mangalore, all the way to Cape Comorin; which new land long
remained marshy and scarcely habitable, and the original settlers were
forced to abandon it on account of the numerous serpents by which it was
infested: But they afterwards returned, being instructed to propitiate
the serpents by worshipping them."
"At first this country was divided into four _Tookrees_ or provinces,
these into _Naadhs_ or districts, and these again into _Khunds_ or small
precincts. The Bramins established a kind of republican or aristocratical
government, under a few principal chiefs; but jealousies and disturbances
taking place, they procured a _Permaul_ or chief governor from the prince
of Chaldesh, a sovereignty in the southern Carnatic: Yet it is more
likely that this sovereign took advantage of the divisions among the
chiefs of Malabar, to reduce them under his authority. These permauls or
viceroys were for a long while changed every twelve years; till at length
one of them, named Sheo-Ram, Cheruma Perumal, or Shermanoo Permaloo, the
Sarana-perimal of Castaneda, became so popular that he set his master
_Kishen Rao_, the rajah of Chaldesh, at defiance, and established his own
authority in Malabar. An army was sent into Malabar to reduce the country
again to obedience, but it was defeated, and from this event, which is
said to have happened 1000 years ago, all the rajahs, chief _nayres_, and
other lords of Malabar, date the sovereignty and independence of their
ancestors in that country."
"After some time, Shermanoo-Permaloo, either became weary of his
situation, or from attachment to the Mahometan religion, resolved to make
a division of Malabar among his dependents, from whom the present
chieftains are descended. Such is the current story among the inhabitants
of Malabar; yet it is more probable that his dependent chieftains,
disgusted with his conversion to the religion of Mahomet, revolted from
his authority, and contrived this story of his voluntary surrender and
division of his dominions, to justify their own assumptions. After this
division of his kingdom, it is said that an _erary_, or person of the
cast of cow-herds, originally from the banks of the Cavery, near Errode
in the Carnatic, who had been a chief instrument of the success of
Shermanoo-Permaloo in the war against rajah Kishen Rao, made application
to Shermanoo for some support. Having very little left to give away,
Shermanoo made him a grant of his own place of abode at Calicut, and gave
him his sword; ankle-rings, and other insignia of command, and presented
him with water and flowers, the ancient symbols of a transfer of property.
It is said that this cowherd rajah was ordained principal sovereign over
the other petty princes among whom Malabar was divided, with the title of
Zamorin, and was authorized by Shermanoo to extend his dominion over all
the other chieftains by force of arms. His descendants have ever since
endeavoured, on all occasions, to enforce this pretended grant, which
they pretend to hold by the tenure of possessing the sword of Shermanoo
Permaloo, and which they carefully preserve as a precious relic."
"From the period of the abdication of Shermanoo, to that of the arrival
of the Portuguese at Calicut, the Mahomedan religion had made
considerable progress in Malabar; and the Arabian merchants received
every encouragement from the Samoories or Zamorins, as they made Calicut
the staple of their Indian trade, and brought large sums of money yearly
to that place, for the purchase of spiceries and other commodities. As
the rajahs of Cochin and other petty sovereignties on the coast, were
exceedingly jealous of the superior riches and power of the zamorins, and
of the monopoly of trade enjoyed by Calicut, they gave every
encouragement to the Portuguese to frequent their ports; from whence
arose a series of warfare by sea and land, which has finally reduced them
all under subjection to the Europeans."
"According to an Arabian author, _Zeirreddien Mukhdom_, who is supposed
to have been sent to assist the zamorins and the Mahomedans in India, in
their wars with the Portuguese, Malabar is then said to have been divided
among a multiplicity of independent princes or rajahs, whom he calls
_Hakims_, some of whom commanded over one or two hundred men, and others
one, ten, fifteen, or even as high as thirty, thousand, or upwards.
The three greatest powers at that time were, the _Colastrian_[53] rajah
to the north, the zamorin of Calicut in the centre, and a rajah in the
south, who ruled from Coulan, Kalum, or Coulim, to Cape Comorin,
comprehending the country now belonging to the rajah of Travancore."
"We now return from this digression, to follow the narrative of the
Portuguese Discovery and Conquest of India, as related by Castaneda."
So great was the trade and population of Calicut and the surrounding
country, and the revenues of its sovereign through these circumstances,
that he was able to raise a force of thirty thousand men in a single day,
and could even bring an hundred thousand men into the field, completely
equipt for war, in three days. This prince, in the language of the
country, was styled the Zamorin, or Samoryn, which signifies Emperor; as
he was supreme over the other two kings of Malabar, the king of Coulan
and the king of Cananor. There were indeed other princes in this country,
who were called kings, but were not so. This zamorin or king of Calicut
was a bramin, as his predecessors had been, the bramins being priests
among the Malabars. It is an ancient rule and custom among these people,
that all their kings must die in a pagoda[54], or temple of their idols;
and that there must always be a king resident in the principal pagoda, to
serve those idols: Wherefore, when the king that serves in the temple
comes to die, he who then reigns must leave his government of temporal
affairs to take his place in the temple; upon which another is elected to
take his place, and to succeed in ruling the kingdom. If the king who is
in possession of the temporal authority should refuse to retire to the
pagoda, on the death of the king who officiated in spirituals, he is
constrained to do so, however unwilling.
The kings and nobles of Malabar are of a brown complexion, and go naked
from the waist upwards, all the under parts of their bodies being clothed
in silk or cotton Vestments; yet they sometimes wear short gowns on their
upper parts, called _basus_, of rich silk, or cloth of gold, or of
scarlet, splendidly ornamented with precious stones, of all which the
zamorin hath great store. They shave their beards, leaving only the hair
on their upper lips, and do not shave the head like the Turks. In general,
the natives of this country, even of the higher ranks, use little state
in their households, and are very sparing in their diet; but the zamorin
is served with considerable splendour. These kings or nobles never marry;
but every one has a mistress of the Nayre cast, which, among the Malabars,
are considered as the gentry; even the zamorin has only a mistress, who
has a house of her own near the palace, and a liberal allowance for the
charges of her household and maintenance at her own disposal. Upon any
dislike or difference, he may always leave her for another. The children
are only considered as the offspring of the mother, and have no right or
title to inherit the kingdom, or any thing else belonging to the father;
and when grown up, are only held in that rank or estimation which belongs
to the blood or parentage of their mother. Brothers succeed to brothers;
and in lack of these, the sons of their sisters, who do not marry, and
have no certainty respecting the fathers of their children; as they are
very free and dissolute in their manners, choosing paramours as they
please.
These sisters of the zamorin, and other kings of Malabar, have handsome
allowances to live upon; and when any of them reaches the age of ten,
their kindred send for a young man of the Nayre cast, out of the kingdom,
and give him great presents to induce him to initiate the young virgin;
after which he hangs a jewel round her neck, which she wears all the rest
of her life, as a token that she is now at liberty to dispose of herself
to any one she pleases as long as she lives.
When these kings are at war with each other, they often go personally
into the field, and even join personally in fight upon occasion. When one
of them dies, the body is carried out into the fields, and burned on a
pile of sanders, and of another sweet smelling wood called _aguila_, all
his brothers and kindred, and all the nobles of the country being present
at the ceremony; which is uniformly postponed to the third day after
death, that all may have time to gather from a distance, and may have an
opportunity of being assured whether his death was natural, or caused by
violence: Since, if he died by the hand of any one, all are bound to
prosecute revenge. After the body is burnt, and the ashes buried, the
whole company shaves every part of their bodies, even to the youngest
child of these idolaters. This is their token of mourning; and during the
ensuing thirteen days, they all refrain from chewing betel, any one
infringing this law being punished by cutting his lips. During this
period of thirteen days, he who is to succeed to the throne must abstain
from all exercise of government, that any one who pleases may have an
opportunity of urging any valid objection why he should not acquire the
vacant government. After, this the successor is sworn before all the
nobles of the country, to preserve and enforce all the laws and customs
of their ancestors, to pay the debts of his predecessor, and to use his
utmost endeavours to recover any portion of the kingdom that may have
been lost. While taking this oath, having his sword in his left hand, he
holds in his right hand a burning candle, on which is a gold ring, which
he touches with his fingers. After this they throw some grains of rice
over him, using many other ceremonies, and numerous prayers, and then
worship the sun three times. When all these ceremonies are gone through,
all the _Caymayles_, or lords of noble birth, taking hold of the candle,
take an oath to be true and faithful subjects to the new king.