Our friend, the officer, said Bulle was right, and that it would be the

part of wisdom for us all to fall back to the station, where we would be

near the car in case anything happened. He started off at a good pace,

and as we were in no mood to argue we went meekly along in his wake. We

overtook Bulle engaged in an altercation with a very drunken soldier,

who wanted to see his papers and was insulting about it. Instead of

taking the easy course and showing his papers Bulle was opening a debate

on the subject, when we arrived and took a hand. Our officer waded into

the soldier in a way that would have caused a mutiny in any other army,

and the soldier, very drunk and sullen, retreated, muttering, to his

armchair on the curb. We then moved on to the station.

Outside the station was a crowd of several hundred people, mostly women

and children, being herded on to trains by soldiers, to be run out of

the town. They seemed to be decently treated but were naturally in a

pitiable state of terror. Just inside the gates of the freight yard were

a couple of women telling their troubles to a group of officers and

soldiers. They had both lost their husbands in the street-fighting, and

were in a terrible state. The officers and men were gathered about them,

evidently distressed by their trouble, and trying to comfort them. They

had put the older woman in an armchair and were giving her a little

brandy in a tea cup. And the same men may have been the ones who killed

the husbands....

We went on into the freight yards and were greeted by a number of

officers with hopeful talk about a train coming from Brussels with food.

We were given chairs and an orderly was despatched for a bottle of wine

so that a drink could be given to Bulle, who said that after what he had

been through he would appreciate a glass of something comforting.

We settled down and listened to the stories of the past few days. It was

a story of clearing out civilians from a large part of the town; a

systematic routing out of men from cellars and garrets, wholesale

shootings, the generous use of machine guns, and the free application of

the torch--the whole story enough to make one see red. And for our

guidance it was impressed on us that this would make people _respect_

Germany and think twice about resisting her.

Suddenly several shots rang out apparently from some ruins across the

street and the whole place was instantly in an uproar. The lines of

civilians were driven helter-skelter to cover--where, I don't know. The

stands of arms in the freight yard were snatched up, and in less time

than it takes to tell it, several hundred men were scattered behind any

sort of shelter that offered, ready for the fray.

I took one quick look about and decided that the substantial freight

station was the most attractive thing in sight. In no time I was inside,

closely followed by my own crowd and a handful of soldiers. First, we

lay down upon the platform, and then, when we got our bearings, rolled

over on to the track among a lot of artillery horses that were tethered

there.

Apparently a number of civilians, goaded to desperation by what they had

seen, had banded together, knowing that they were as good as dead, and

had determined to sell their lives as dearly as they could. They had

gathered in the ruins of the houses fronting on the station and had

opened up on us. There was a brisk interchange of shots, with an

occasional tinkle of broken glass and a good deal of indiscriminate

cursing by the soldiers, who had taken refuge with us.

The artillery horses did not welcome us very cordially and began to get

restive in a way that made us debate whether we preferred staying up on

the platform with a chance of being potted or staying under cover and

being ingloriously trampled to death. A joint debate on this important

question kept us occupied for several minutes. We finally compromised by

fishing down a few boxes from the platform and erecting a barricade of

sorts to protect us against any stray kicks.

As we sat in the undignified position imposed on us by circumstances, we

exchanged various frivolous remarks, not because we felt particularly

gay, but because we had to do something to keep ourselves interested and

to keep our courage up. Bulle resented this, and raised his head to look

at me reproachfully over the barricade, and say: "Don't talk like that;

it is nothing short of tempting Providence."

After a time Blount and I decided to make a reconnaissance in force and

see how the car was getting on. We crawled along the floor to a place

from which we could see out into the square. The soldiers were flat on

their stomachs behind a low wall that extended around the small circular

park in the centre of the square, and behind any odd shelter they could

find. The car lay in the line of fire but had not been struck. We were

sufficiently pessimistic to be convinced that it would go up in smoke

before the row was over, and took a good look at our shoes to see

whether they would last through a walk back to Brussels.

Our officer came out from behind his barricade and showed us where the

attacking force was concealed--at least he told us that they were there

and we were willing to take his word for it without going across the

street to make a first-hand investigation.

He tried to impress us with the black sinfulness of people who would

fire upon the German troops, and called our particular attention to the

proof now offered us that civilians had started the row by firing on

German troops. According to the German story, which was the only one we

had heard, civilians had been hunted down like rats in garrets and

cellars and shot down in cold blood in the streets when they sought

safety in flight. To my mind it was not surprising that men driven to

desperation by seeing their friends and neighbours murdered in cold

blood, should decide to do any harm possible to the enemy. Three days of

the reign of terror that had been described to us was enough to account

for anything, and the fact that civilians were firing now did not in any

sense prove that they were guilty of starting the trouble. For all we

could tell they may have started it or they may not, but firing by them

three days after the row began was no proof to any one with the

slightest sense of the value of evidence. On the other hand, the story

freely told us by the Germans as to their own behaviour, is enough to

create the darkest presumptions as to how the trouble started, and would

seem to place the burden of proof on them rather than on the Belgians.

While we were talking about this there came another rattle of fire, and

we scuttled back to our shelter, among the horses. Every now and then a

surly soldier with two huge revolvers came and looked over the ledge at

us, and growled out: _Was machen Sie denn hier?_ followed by some

doubting remarks as to our right to be on the premises. As he was

evidently very drunk and bad-tempered I was not at all sure that he

would not decide on his own responsibility to take no chances and put

us out of our misery. After several visits, however, he evidently found

something else more interesting, and came back to trouble us no more.

When the row began a motor had been despatched toward Brussels to recall

some troops that had left a few hours before. Now and then our officer

came in to tell us what he thought of their chances of getting back.

On one of these visits, Blount remarked by way of airy persiflage, that

that drink of wine that had been sent for was a long time coming.

Anything as subtle as that was lost on our friend, for he walked

solemnly away, only to reappear in a few minutes with a bottle and

several glasses which he set up on the edge of the platform and filled

with excellent Burgundy. We stood up among the horses and drained a

bumper of the stuff, while the officer wandered back to his work. He had

gone calmly out into the thick of things to rescue this bottle, and took

it as a matter of course that we should claim the drink that had been

promised us.

Presently, with a good deal of noise, a fairly large force of troops

came marching down the boulevard, and took up positions around the

station. Our officer returned, waving a smoking revolver, and told us to

lie down as flat as we could among the horses, and not to move unless

they got restive. He said it looked as though an attempt would be made

to take the station by storm, and that there might be a brisk fight.

However, there were only a few scattering shots, and then our friend

came back and told us that we had better get out and start for home

before things began again. He added, however, that we must have the

permission of the commanding officer who was on the other side of the

station, but offered to pilot us to the great man and help us get the

permission. The way lay straight out into the square, in full view of

the houses across the way, along the front of the station just behind

the troops and into the railroad yard on the other side.

That station seemed about four miles long, and the officer was possessed

of a desire to loiter by the way, recounting anecdotes of his school

days. He would walk along for a few steps and then pause to tell Bulle

some long and rambling yarn about his uncle. Bulle would take him by the

arm and get him in motion again. Then the old chap would transfer his

conversational fire to another member of the party, and we were obliged

almost to pull him the length of the square.

The commanding officer was a pleasant-faced little man who stood in the

shelter of a water tank and received us in a puzzled way, as though he

wondered what civilians were doing in that neighbourhood anyway.

Permission was readily granted for us to leave, with the ludicrous

proviso that we did so "at our own risk." Then Bulle put everybody in

good humour by inquiring innocently if there was any danger. Everybody

burst into peals of laughter, and we were escorted to our car by the

same slow-moving officer, who insisted on exchanging cards with us and

expressing the hope that we should meet again, which we could not

honestly reciprocate. Then, after an hour and a half in the station, we

got away amid a great waving of hands.

The boulevards were deserted save for the troops coming back into the

town. New houses were burning that had been intact in the afternoon.

After passing the Porte de Tirlemont, we began to see people

again--little groups that had come out into the streets through a

craving for company, and stood huddled together listening to the

fighting in the lower part of the town.

In harmony with the policy of terrorising the population, the Germans

have trained them to throw up their hands as soon as any one comes in

sight, in order to prove that they are unarmed and defenseless. And the

way they do it, the abject fear that is evident, shows that failure to

comply with the rule is not lightly punished.

Our worst experience of this was when in coming around a corner we came

upon a little girl of about seven, carrying a canary in a cage. As soon

as she saw us, she threw up her hands and cried out something we did not

understand. Thinking that she wanted to stop us with a warning of some

sort, we put on the brakes and drew up beside her. Then she burst out

crying with fear, and we saw that she was in terror of her life. We

called out to reassure her, but she turned and ran like a hunted animal.

It was hard to see the fear of others--townspeople, peasants, priests,

and feeble old nuns who dropped their bundles and threw up their hands,

their eyes starting with fear. The whole thing was a nightmare.

We were dreadfully depressed, and rode along in silence until Bulle

turned around from the front seat and inquired in a matter-of-fact

voice:

"What sort of wine was that we drank at the station?"

We told him, and then he shook his head and said as though to himself:

"I drank a big glass of it, but I was so frightened that I didn't taste

it at all."

That broke the edge of the strain we were under, and we had a good laugh

in which Bulle joined.

And so back to the Legation without further mishap, to find everybody

worrying about us, and the Minister putting his foot down and announcing

that there were to be no more expeditions of the sort, no matter what

the reason for them.

* * * * *

NOTE--The foregoing is an impression of one afternoon at Louvain, taken

from a journal written at the time. It was intended to pass on the

question of responsibility for precipitating the orgy of murder and

bestiality indulged in by the German army from the 25th of August until

the 30th, when orders were received from Berlin to stop the destruction

and restore public order.

Many subsequent visits to Louvain, and conversations with people who

were there when the trouble began, have only served to strengthen the

impression that the whole affair was part of a cold-blooded and

calculated plan to terrorise the civilian population.

While we were there, it was frankly stated that the town was being wiped

out; that its destruction was being carried out under definite orders.

When the German Government realised the horror and loathing with which

the civilised world learned of the fate of Louvain, the orders were

cancelled and the story sent out that the German forces had tried to

prevent the destruction, had fought the fire, and by good fortune had

been able to save the Hôtel de Ville. Never has a government lied more

brazenly. When we arrived, the destruction of the town was being carried

on in an orderly and systematic way that showed careful preparation. The

only thing that saved the Hôtel de Ville was the fact that the German

troops had not progressed that far with their work when the orders were

countermanded from Berlin.

It was only when he learned how civilisation regarded his crimes, that

the Emperor's heart began to bleed.

The true facts as to the destruction of Louvain will startle the

world--hardened though it has become to surprise at German crimes.

Unfortunately, however, it is impossible to publish the details at this

time without endangering the lives of people still in Belgium under

German domination. But these people will speak for themselves when the

Germans have been driven from Belgian soil, and they are once more free

to speak the truth.

* * * * *

During the afternoon Count Clary had come over and announced that

Austria-Hungary had declared war on Belgium, and that he had to leave at

once. He has turned his Legation over to us. I went around to see him

late in the evening, and made the final arrangements. This afternoon the

Danish Minister came in and turned his Legation over to us, as he

expects to go in a day or two. That will make four Legations besides our

own under our protection.

Austrian guns have been in action for some days, and now it has been

thought worth while to regularise the situation. The Austrian Minister

has, therefore, under instructions from his Government addressed the

following note to the Belgian Government:

_August 28, 1914._

"Whereas Belgium, having refused to accept the proposals made to

her on several occasions by Germany, is affording her military

assistance to France and Great Britain, both of which Powers have

declared war upon Austria-Hungary, and whereas, as has just been

proved (_no indication as to how or when it has been proved_),

Austrian and Hungarian subjects in Belgium have been obliged to

submit, under the very eyes of the Belgian authorities, to

treatment contrary to the most primitive demands of humanity and

inadmissible even toward subjects of an enemy State, therefore

Austria is obliged to break off diplomatic relations and considers

herself from this moment in a state of war with Belgium. I am

leaving the country with the staff of the Legation, and am

entrusting the protection of Austrian interests to the United

States Minister in Belgium. The Austro-Hungarian Government is

forwarding his passports to Count Errembault de Dudzeele.

CLARY."

This is the first we have heard of any mistreatment of Austrians in this

country, but then they probably had to advance some sort of reason for

going to war.[4]

[Footnote 4: The Belgian Government sent the following reply to the

Austrian declaration of war.

_Antwerp, August 29, 1914._

Belgium has always entertained friendly relations with all her

neighbours without distinction. She has scrupulously fulfilled the

duties imposed upon her by her neutrality. If she has not been able

to accept Germany's proposals, it is because those proposals

contemplated the violation of her engagements toward Europe,

engagements which form the conditions of the creation of the

Belgian Kingdom. She has been unable to admit that a people,

however weak they may be, should fail in their duty and sacrifice

their honour by yielding to force. The Government have waited, not

only until the ultimatum had expired, but also until Belgian

territory had been violated by German troops, before appealing to

France and Great Britain, guarantors of her neutrality, under the

same terms as are Germany and Austria-Hungary, to coöperate in the

name and in virtue of the treaties in defense of Belgian territory.

By repelling the invaders by force of arms, she has not even

committed a hostile act as laid down by the provisions of Article

10 of The Hague Convention, respecting the Rights and Duties of

Neutral Powers.

Germany has herself recognised that her attack constitutes a

violation of international law, and being unable to justify it,

she has pleaded her strategical interests.

Belgium formally denies the allegation that Austrian and Hungarian

subjects have suffered treatment in Belgium contrary to the most

primitive demands of humanity.

The Belgian Government, from the very beginning of hostilities,

have issued the strictest orders for the protection of

Austro-Hungarian persons and property.

DAVIGNON.]

The ---- Chargé came around this afternoon to ask about getting to

Antwerp, where he wants to flee for protection. He was very indignant

because the Military Governor had refused to allow him to go. When I

asked him on what ground the permission had been refused, he said that

it had not exactly been refused, but that he could go only on his own

responsibility. He wanted us to protest against this. I meanly suggested

to him that he would be in much more serious danger if he had an escort

of German troops to take him to the Belgian lines, and he left in a

terrible state of mind.

Mr. Whitlock and the Spanish Minister went to call on the Military

Governor this afternoon to get off some telegrams which he had promised

to send, and to talk over the general situation. After that they went to

call on the Burgomaster, and came back with a pretty good idea of what

was happening in our fair city.

The Governor loaded them up with a large budget of official news,

showing that Germany was victorious all along every line; that she was

not only chasing the French and English armies around in circles, but

that Uhlans were within forty kilometers of Paris, and that five Russian

army corps had been beaten in Eastern Prussia. It really looks as though

things were going pretty badly for the Allies, but we have absolutely

nothing but German news and cannot form an accurate opinion.

The Germans are particularly bitter against the Belgian clergy and

insist that the priests have incited the people to attack the German

troops and mistreat the wounded. So far as I can learn, this is utter

rubbish. The authorities of the church have publicly exhorted the people

to remain calm and to refrain from hostile acts, pointing out that any

provocation would bring sure punishment from the German military

authorities. The priests I have seen have been at great pains to set an

example that the Germans should be the first to commend.

The clergy has a tremendous influence in Belgium, and is sincerely

respected. They will be a vital force in holding the people together in

their patriotic devotion, and in maintaining public tranquillity.

A new Governor-General is to be sent us here. The Minister could not

remember his name. I am curious. Von Lüttwitz will remain for the

present at least.

The Burgomaster reports that the inhabitants of Brussels are calm and

that there need be no fear of trouble unless they are allowed to go

hungry. A committee has been formed to revictual the town, and is

working night and day. Monsieur Solvay has given a million francs, and

other Belgians given large sums. Soup kitchens are being started for the

poor and the question of bringing food supplies from neutral countries

is being taken up and pushed with activity. These Belgians are admirable

in the way they handle things of this sort. They all realise the

importance of keeping quiet so as to avoid any possibility of a

repetition of the Louvain business. It would take very little to start

something of the sort here and the result would be the same--the

destruction of the city. Naturally everybody is turning to and trying to

head off any excuse for violence.

* * * * *

_Brussels, Sunday, August 30, 1914._--Our place has got to be the local

diplomatic corner grocery, where all the village loafers come to do

their heavy loafing. They bring in all the fantastic rumours that are

abroad in the land, and discuss them with all solemnity. In the last day

or so we have had it "on the best authority" that the Queen of Holland

has had her consort shot because of his pro-German sympathies; that the

Kaiser has given up all hope and taken refuge in Switzerland; that the

United States had declared war on Germany and Austria; that the King and

Queen of the Belgians had fled to Holland, and that all was over. These

are just a few.

Troops have been pouring through the town steadily all day on the way to

Vilvorde, where the Belgians are still fighting, and to the south, where

there is heavy cannonading going on. The Belgians are making a big fight

on the Antwerp road, evidently to hold the attention of one German army

corps and lighten France's load by just that much. It is a hopeless

fight so far as they themselves are concerned, but it throws their

courage and fighting qualities into higher relief.

We are now the pampered pets of both sides. The German troops cheer our

flag when the motor noses its way through them. The people of the town

are equally enthusiastic, and many of them are wearing small American

flags in their buttonholes. How long it will last there is no telling,

but while it does, our work is made just that much easier.

Lunched at the Palace Hôtel with Bulle and Blount. Riseis, the Italian

Secretary, came in and joined us. Bulle told him the story of our trip

to Louvain with embellishments that made my eyes start from my head. I

had not realised what a desperate adventure we had been on until I heard

it as it should be told. It made the real thing seem mild.

Before lunch we drove to Blount's to learn whether the cannonading to

the south was still going on. It was--heavy booming of German guns; no

French guns to be heard. Late in the afternoon Blount and I drove off

into the country to see whether we could locate the fighting to the

south. We got as far as Nivelles, but all was as peaceful as it should

be on a perfect Sunday afternoon. The people there were surprised that

anyone should have thought there was fighting there. It was still much

farther to the south. We drove around in search of evidence of fighting,

but could find none. And this after circumstantial accounts of

hand-to-hand struggle through all this part of the country!

* * * * *

_August 31st._--This morning began with a troop of people in to tell us

that the rough work was about to begin, and that Brussels was to go up

in smoke. There is a good deal of unrest in the lower end of town and

trouble may break out at any time. Bad feeling has grown a good deal in

the past few days and one good row would throw the fat in the fire. I

went through the rough part of town late this afternoon and found

patrols everywhere, heavily armed and swaggering about in groups of

four. For their own sake I hope the people will not do anything foolish.

People are making another effort to get away and are not finding it

easy. At six this morning a crowd left here for Ninove, twenty

kilometers to the west. Twenty-five hundred of them clung all over the

trams that make the trip. At Ninove they walked a mile or so, carrying

their belongings, and caught a train to Alost, where they changed for

another train for Ghent. Goodness knows how many changes they had ahead

of them after that. The trip was supposed to end safely in Ostend some

time this evening. It usually takes two hours.

Hearing that the train service was open and that boats were running from

Ostend to Folkstone, we decided to verify the tidings and then get off

some of our people, who should have gone long ago.

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