CHAPTER 12. THE DARK HOUR.

The week which extended from December 10th to December 17th, 1899, was

the blackest one known during our generation, and the most disastrous

for British arms during the century. We had in the short space of seven

days lost, beyond all extenuation or excuse, three separate actions.

No single defeat was of vital importance in itself, but the cumulative

effect, occurring as they did to each of the main British forces in

South Africa, was very great. The total loss amounted to about three

thousand men and twelve guns, while the indirect effects in the way of

loss of prestige to ourselves and increased confidence and more numerous

recruits to our enemy were incalculable.

It is singular to glance at the extracts from the European press at that

time and to observe the delight and foolish exultation with which our

reverses were received. That this should occur in the French journals

is not unnatural, since our history has been largely a contest with that

Power, and we can regard with complacency an enmity which is the tribute

to our success. Russia, too, as the least progressive of European

States, has a natural antagonism of thought, if not of interests, to the

Power which stands most prominently for individual freedom and liberal

institutions. The same poor excuse may be made for the organs of the

Vatican. But what are we to say of the insensate railing of Germany,

a country whose ally we have been for centuries? In the days of

Marlborough, in the darkest hours of Frederick the Great, in the great

world struggle of Napoleon, we have been the brothers-in-arms of these

people. So with the Austrians also. If both these countries were

not finally swept from the map by Napoleon, it is largely to British

subsidies and British tenacity that they owe it. And yet these are the

folk who turned most bitterly against us at the only time in modern

history when we had a chance of distinguishing our friends from our

foes. Never again, I trust, on any pretext will a British guinea be

spent or a British soldier or sailor shed his blood for such allies. The

political lesson of this writer has been that we should make ourselves

strong within the empire, and let all outside it, save only our kinsmen

of America, go their own way and meet their own fate without let or

hindrance from us. It is amazing to find that even the Americans could

understand the stock from which they are themselves sprung so little

that such papers as the 'New York Herald' should imagine that our defeat

at Colenso was a good opportunity for us to terminate the war. The

other leading American journals, however, took a more sane view of the

situation, and realised that ten years of such defeats would not find

the end either of our resolution or of our resources.

In the British Islands and in the empire at large our misfortunes were

met by a sombre but unalterable determination to carry the war to a

successful conclusion and to spare no sacrifices which could lead to

that end. Amid the humiliation of our reverses there was a certain

undercurrent of satisfaction that the deeds of our foemen should at

least have made the contention that the strong was wantonly attacking

the weak an absurd one. Under the stimulus of defeat the opposition to

the war sensibly decreased. It had become too absurd even for the most

unreasonable platform orator to contend that a struggle had been forced

upon the Boers when every fresh detail showed how thoroughly they had

prepared for such a contingency and how much we had to make up. Many

who had opposed the war simply on that sporting instinct which backs

the smaller against the larger began to realise that what with the

geographical position of these people, what with the nature of their

country, and what with the mobility, number, and hardihood of their

forces, we had undertaken a task which would necessitate such a military

effort as we had never before been called upon to make. When Kipling at

the dawn of the war had sung of 'fifty thousand horse and foot going to

Table Bay,' the statement had seemed extreme. Now it was growing upon

the public mind that four times this number would not be an excessive

estimate. But the nation rose grandly to the effort. Their only fear,

often and loudly expressed, was that Parliament would deal too tamely

with the situation and fail to demand sufficient sacrifices. Such was

the wave of feeling over the country that it was impossible to hold

a peace meeting anywhere without a certainty of riot. The only London

daily which had opposed the war, though very ably edited, was overborne

by the general sentiment and compelled to change its line. In the

provinces also opposition was almost silent, and the great colonies were

even more unanimous than the mother country. Misfortune had solidified

us where success might have caused a sentimental opposition.

On the whole, the energetic mood of the nation was reflected by the

decided measures of the Government. Before the deep-sea cables had told

us the lists of our dead, steps had been taken to prove to the world

how great were our latent resources and how determined our spirit. On

December 18th, two days after Colenso, the following provisions were

made for carrying on the campaign.

1. That as General Buller's hands were full in Natal the supervision and

direction of the whole campaign should be placed in the hands of Lord

Roberts, with Lord Kitchener as his chief of staff. Thus the famous old

soldier and the famous young one were called together to the assistance

of the country.

2. That all the remaining army reserves should be called out.

3. That the 7th Division (10,000 men) should be despatched to Africa,

and that an 8th Division should be formed ready for service.

4. That considerable artillery reinforcements, including a howitzer

brigade, should go out.

5. That eleven Militia battalions be sent abroad.

6. That a strong contingent of Volunteers be sent out.

7. That a Yeomanry mounted force be despatched.

8. That mounted corps be raised at the discretion of the

Commander-in-Chief in South Africa.

9. That the patriotic offers of further contingents from the colonies be

gratefully accepted.

By these measures it was calculated that from seventy to a hundred

thousand men would be added to our South African armies, the numbers of

which were already not short of a hundred thousand.

It is one thing, however, to draw up paper reinforcements, and it is

another, in a free country where no compulsion would be tolerated, to

turn these plans into actual regiments and squadrons. But if there were

any who doubted that this ancient nation still glowed with the spirit

of its youth his fears must soon have passed away. For this far-distant

war, a war of the unseen foe and of the murderous ambuscade, there

were so many volunteers that the authorities were embarrassed by their

numbers and their pertinacity. It was a stimulating sight to see those

long queues of top-hatted, frock-coated young men who waited their turn

for the orderly room with as much desperate anxiety as if hard fare,

a veld bed, and Boer bullets were all that life had that was worth the

holding. Especially the Imperial Yeomanry, a corps of riders and shots,

appealed to the sporting instincts of our race. Many could ride and not

shoot, many could shoot and not ride, more candidates were rejected

than were accepted, and yet in a very short time eight thousand men from

every class were wearing the grey coats and bandoliers. This singular

and formidable force was drawn from every part of England and Scotland,

with a contingent of hard-riding Irish fox-hunters. Noblemen and

grooms rode knee to knee in the ranks, and the officers included many

well-known country gentlemen and masters of hounds. Well horsed and well

armed, a better force for the work in hand could not be imagined. So

high did the patriotism run that corps were formed in which the men

not only found their own equipment but contributed their pay to the war

fund. Many young men about town justified their existence for the first

time. In a single club, which is peculiarly consecrated to the jeunesse

doree, three hundred members rode to the wars.

Without waiting for these distant but necessary reinforcements, the

Generals in Africa had two divisions to look to, one of which was

actually arriving while the other was on the sea. These formed the 5th

Division under Sir Charles Warren, and the 6th Division under General

Kelly-Kenny. Until these forces should arrive it was obviously best that

the three armies should wait, for, unless there should be pressing need

of help on the part of the besieged garrisons or imminent prospects of

European complications, every week which passed was in our favour. There

was therefore a long lull in the war, during which Methuen strengthened

his position at Modder River, Gatacre held his own at Sterkstroom,

and Buller built up his strength for another attempt at the relief of

Ladysmith. The only connected series of operations during that time were

those of General French in the neighbourhood of Colesberg, an account of

which will be found in their entirety elsewhere. A short narrative may

be given here of the doings of each of these forces until the period of

inaction came to an end.

Methuen after the repulse at Magersfontein had fallen back upon the

lines of Modder River, and had fortified them in such a way that he felt

himself secure against assault. Cronje, on the other hand, had extended

his position both to the right and to the left, and had strengthened the

works which we had already found so formidable. In this way a condition

of inaction was established which was really very much to our advantage,

since Methuen retained his communications by rail, while all supplies

to Cronje had to come a hundred miles by road. The British troops, and

especially the Highland Brigade, were badly in need of a rest after the

very severe ordeal which they had undergone. General Hector Macdonald,

whose military record had earned the soldierly name of 'Fighting Mac,'

was sent for from India to take the place of the ill-fated Wauchope.

Pending his arrival and that of reinforcements, Methuen remained quiet,

and the Boers fortunately followed his example. From over the northern

horizon those silver flashes of light told that Kimberley was dauntless

in the present and hopeful of the future. On January 1st the British

post of Kuruman fell, by which twelve officers and 120 police were

captured. The town was isolated, and its capture could have no effect

upon the general operations, but it is remarkable as the only capture of

a fortified post up to this point made by the Boers.

The monotony of the long wait was broken by one dashing raid carried

out by a detachment from Methuen's line of communications. This force

consisted of 200 Queenslanders, 100 Canadians (Toronto Company), 40

mounted Munster Fusiliers, a New South Wales Ambulance, and 200 of the

Duke of Cornwall's Light Infantry with one horse battery. This singular

force, so small in numbers and yet raked from the ends of the earth, was

under the command of Colonel Pilcher. Moving out suddenly and rapidly

from Belmont, it struck at the extreme right of the Boer line, which

consisted of a laager occupied by the colonial rebels of that part of

the country. Nothing could exceed the enthusiasm of the colonists at

the prospect of action. 'At last!' was the cry which went up from the

Canadians when they were ordered to advance. The result was an absolute

success. The rebels broke and fled, their camp was taken, and forty of

them fell into our hands. Our own loss was slight, three killed and a

few wounded. The flying column occupied the town of Douglas and hoisted

the British flag there; but it was decided that the time had not yet

come when it could be held, and the force fell back upon Belmont. The

rebel prisoners were sent down to Cape Town for trial. The movement was

covered by the advance of a force under Babington from Methuen's force.

This detachment, consisting of the 9th and 12th Lancers, with some

mounted infantry and G troop of Horse Artillery, prevented any

interference with Pilcher's force from the north. It is worthy of record

that though the two bodies of troops were operating at a distance of

thirty miles, they succeeded in preserving a telephonic connection,

seventeen minutes being the average time taken over question and reply.

Encouraged by this small success, Methuen's cavalry on January 9th made

another raid over the Free State border, which is remarkable for the

fact that, save in the case of Colonel Plumer's Rhodesian Force, it

was the first time that the enemy's frontier had been violated. The

expedition under Babington consisted of the same regiments and the

same battery which had covered Pilcher's advance. The line taken was a

south-easterly one, so as to get far round the left flank of the Boer

position. With the aid of a party of the Victorian Mounted Rifles

a considerable tract of country was overrun, and some farmhouses

destroyed. The latter extreme measure may have been taken as a warning

to the Boers that such depredations as they had carried out in parts of

Natal could not pass with impunity, but both the policy and the humanity

of such a course appear to be open to question, and there was some cause

for the remonstrance which President Kruger shortly after addressed to

us upon the subject. The expedition returned to Modder Camp at the end

of two days without having seen the enemy. Save for one or two similar

cavalry reconnaissances, an occasional interchange of long-range shells,

a little sniping, and one or two false alarms at night, which broke the

whole front of Magersfontein into yellow lines of angry light, nothing

happened to Methuen's force which is worthy of record up to the time of

that movement of General Hector Macdonald to Koodoosberg which may be

considered in connection with Lord Roberts's decisive operations, of

which it was really a part.

The doings of General Gatacre's force during the long interval which

passed between his disaster at Stormberg and the final general advance

may be rapidly chronicled. Although nominally in command of a division,

Gatacre's troops were continually drafted off to east and to west, so

that it was seldom that he had more than a brigade under his orders.

During the weeks of waiting, his force consisted of three field

batteries, the 74th, 77th, and 79th, some mounted police and irregular

horse, the remains of the Royal Irish Rifles and the 2nd Northumberland

Fusiliers, the 1st Royal Scots, the Derbyshire regiment, and the

Berkshires, the whole amounting to about 5500 men, who had to hold the

whole district from Sterkstroom to East London on the coast, with a

victorious enemy in front and a disaffected population around. Under

these circumstances he could not attempt to do more than to hold his

ground at Sterkstroom, and this he did unflinchingly until the line of

the Boer defence broke down. Scouting and raiding expeditions, chiefly

organised by Captain De Montmorency--whose early death cut short the

career of one who possessed every quality of a partisan leader--broke

the monotony of inaction. During the week which ended the year a

succession of small skirmishes, of which the town of Dordrecht was the

centre, exercised the troops in irregular warfare.

On January 3rd the Boer forces advanced and attacked the camp of the

Cape Mounted Police, which was some eight miles in advance of Gatacre's

main position. The movement, however, was a half-hearted one, and was

beaten off with small loss upon their part and less upon ours. From then

onwards no movement of importance took place in Gatacre's column until

the general advance along the whole line had cleared his difficulties

from in front of him.

In the meantime General Buller had also been playing a waiting game,

and, secure in the knowledge that Ladysmith could still hold out, he

had been building up his strength for a second attempt to relieve the

hard-pressed and much-enduring garrison. After the repulse at Colenso,

Hildyard's and Barton's brigades had remained at Chieveley with the

mounted infantry, the naval guns, and two field batteries. The rest of

the force retired to Frere, some miles in the rear. Emboldened by their

success, the Boers sent raiding parties over the Tugela on either flank,

which were only checked by our patrols being extended from Springfield

on the west to Weenen on the east. A few plundered farmhouses and a

small list of killed and wounded horsemen on either side were the sole

result of these spasmodic and half-hearted operations.

Time here as elsewhere was working for the British, for reinforcements

were steadily coming to Buller's army. By the new year Sir Charles

Warren's division (the 5th) was nearly complete at Estcourt, whence it

could reach the front at any moment. This division included the 10th

brigade, consisting of the Imperial Light Infantry, 2nd Somersets, the

2nd Dorsets, and the 2nd Middlesex; also the 11th, called the Lancashire

Brigade, formed by the 2nd Royal Lancaster, the 2nd Lancashire

Fusiliers, the 1st South Lancashire, and the York and Lancaster. The

division also included the 14th Hussars and the 19th, 20th, and 28th

batteries of Field Artillery. Other batteries of artillery, including

one howitzer battery, came to strengthen Buller's force, which amounted

now to more than 30,000 men. Immense transport preparations had to be

made, however, before the force could have the mobility necessary for a

flank march, and it was not until January 11th that General Buller's new

plans for advance could be set into action. Before describing what these

plans were and the disappointing fate which awaited them, we will

return to the story of the siege of Ladysmith, and show how narrowly the

relieving force escaped the humiliation--some would say the disgrace--of

seeing the town which looked to them for help fall beneath their very

eyes. That this did not occur is entirely due to the fierce tenacity and

savage endurance of the disease-ridden and half-starved men who held on

to the frail lines which covered it.

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