preference in favor of a separate treaty above a general treaty, or
above any plans of separate but concomitant treaties, like the
treaties of Munster and Osnaburgh, but only to draw out the line of
negotiating a separate treaty, in case the British Ministry should
think it necessary to adhere to that mode. But in all cases it should
seem indispensable to express some disposition, on the part of Great
Britain, to adopt either one mode or the other. An absolute refusal to
treat at all must necessarily drive America into the closest connexion
with France, and all other foreign hostile powers, who would take that
advantage for making every possible stipulation to the future
disadvantage of British interests, and above all things would probably
stipulate, that America should never make peace with Great Britain,
without the most formal and explicit recognition of their
independence, absolute and unlimited.
* * * * *
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO B. FRANKLIN.
Philadelphia, May 22d, 1782.
Dear Sir,
I expected to have written you a long letter, more particularly as it
is some time since you have received any information from this
country, the enemy having effectually blocked up our ports for some
months past. But I find myself so extremely hurried, that I have
hardly leisure to write this, the vessel by which it is to be sent
going sooner than I apprehended.
You will receive herewith a letter to His Most Christian Majesty,
which you will present, and a copy, which you will be pleased to
deliver to the Count de Vergennes. This I believe is the usual form.
You will also receive in the enclosed papers an account of the marks
of respect, with which the annunciation of the birth of the Dauphin
was received. These are of some importance, at a time when Great
Britain is endeavoring to represent us as weary of the alliance, and
anxiously wishing to return to our connexion with them. It is
probable, that the late changes in the British Administration, and the
conciliatory measures they propose, may excite apprehensions of our
firmness. I have the pleasure of assuring you, that it has not
produced the least effect; all orders of people seem to agree, that it
should redouble our vigilance, and while it argues the weakness of the
enemy, it serves as a spring to our exertions.
Sir Guy Carleton, shortly after his arrival, wrote a complimentary
letter to General Washington, sending him an account of his
appointment, and the prints which contained the Parliamentary debates,
and requesting leave to send his Secretary with despatches to
Congress. The General refused the passport, till he had the sense of
Congress thereon; and upon Sir Guy's letter being laid before them,
they came to the resolution enclosed.
The papers I send you contain also resolutions of the State of
Maryland, and of the Executive Council of Pennsylvania, which I
believe speak the language of all the States, which will, I doubt not,
make similar declarations when their legislatures shall be convened.
So that you may safely assure His Majesty's Ministers, that no art
which Great Britain can put in practice will have the least influence
in lessening the attachment of the people of this country to the
principles of the alliance. It is true their expectations of powerful
assistance this campaign are very high. They saw with some pain last
year, that the fleet was withdrawn when the enemy were absolutely at
their feet, and when one month's stay would have reduced either New
York or Charleston. They look eagerly for the return of the fleet.
They generally believe this to be the last campaign in America. There
is no knowing what effect a disappointment in this hope would have. I
believe, from the present view of things, that they would bear it with
fortitude, but I should be sorry to see it put to the trial.
Our trade has suffered astonishingly of late; the influence which this
will have upon our internal resources is much to be apprehended. It is
to be wished, that France would see the great advantages she would
derive from keeping a superiority on this coast, where her fleets
would be maintained cheaply while they protected our commerce, and
compelled England either to risk her army, or to keep a regular fleet
here at five times their expense. Enclosed is a statement of our trade
drawn up by Mr Morris. You are requested to communicate this to the
Court of Versailles, and to use every means in your power to bring the
Court to concur in adopting it.
I also enclose a resolution of Congress, to request you to apply for
the prisoners due to us, in order that they may be sent here and
exchanged for our seamen, who are confined without the hope of relief.
Is it impossible to devise some means for the enlargement of those,
who are confined in England? Can no cartel be settled? Or no means
devised for sending them here to be exchanged? Their case is really
pitiable.
I have the honor to be, &c. &c.
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
* * * * *
DAVID HARTLEY TO B. FRANKLIN.
London, May 25th, 1782.
My Dear Friend,
Yours of the 13th instant I received by Mr Oswald. I did not doubt but
that the news of a general and absolute release of the American
prisoners, which Lord Shelburne was so good as to communicate to me,
in answer to that part of your letter of the 5th of April, in which
you speak so pathetically of _sweet reconciliation_, would give you
much sincere and heartfelt pleasure. God send that it may be the happy
omen of final _reconciliation_ and _durable peace_. I should be very
happy to hear that good news from you, and in any way to contribute to
it. Having on that subject communicated the preliminaries, dated May,
1782, to Lord Shelburne, you may be assured that I have no
reservations upon that head respecting America, in any circumstances
or condition whatever. You know all my thoughts upon that subject, and
the principles upon which they are founded, and therefore that they
are not changeable.
It would give me the greatest pleasure, if I could hope for any
opportunity of seeing you. I could say many things, which are
otherwise incommunicable, and which perhaps would contribute to
facilitate the road to peace. I think I see in many parts much matter
to work with, out of which a peace, honorable to all parties and upon
durable principles, might be established. _No degrading or mortifying
conditions to shorten peace and rekindle war._ Perhaps I might not say
too much if I were to add, that simply the adoption of _reason_ among
nations, and the mere rectification of obsolete and gothic
absurdities, which carry no gratification, would afford a fund of
remuneration to all parties for renouncing those objects of mutual
contention, which, _in the eye of reason_, are no better than
creatures of passion, jealousy, and false pride. Until the principles
of _reason_ and equity shall be adopted in national transactions,
peace will not be durable amongst men.
These are reflections general to all nations. As to the mutual
concerns between Great Britain and North America, _reconciliation_ is
the touchstone to prove those hearts, which are without alloy. If I
can be of any assistance to you, in any communications or explanations
conducive to peace, you may command my utmost services. Even if a
French Minister were to overhear such an offer, let him not take it in
jealous part. Zealously and affectionately attached to my own country
and to America, I am nevertheless most perfectly of accord with you,
that justice and honor should be observed towards all nations. Mr
Oswald will do me the favor to convey this to you. I heartily wish him
success in his pacific embassy.
Yours ever most affectionately,
DAVID HARTLEY.
* * * * *
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO B. FRANKLIN.
Philadelphia, May 30th, 1782.
Dear Sir,
Since my last of the 22d instant, I have been honored with yours of
the 30th of March, together with the letter from Mr Adams to you
enclosed, and the papers, for which I am extremely obliged to you.
I am not at all disappointed at the manner in which the British
administration have declared their wish for peace, or at the
reluctance they show in parting with this country. To a proud nation
the loss of 3,000,000 subjects is mortifying. Every journeyman weaver
in every petty village in England conceived himself a sovereign, even
while working for the slaves of his supposed subjects. It requires a
degree of magnanimity, of which they are incapable, to surrender with
dignity what they are no longer able to hold. But they must suppose
the politics of the rest of the world to move upon weaker principles
than their own, if they imagine the offers they propose to hold out to
the belligerent powers will detach them from their alliance with each
other, till all the objects of it are attained. Of what avail would
the cessions they made in the West Indies be to France, if we were
again connected with England. What security would she have for those
cessions, or even for the rest of her islands? What she has offered to
Spain I know not. To us she has offered nothing, as I have yet heard,
but her friendship and the blessings of her government. A seven years'
enmity has taught us to put very little value on the former; and the
present happiness of the people of England and Ireland has enabled us
to form a just estimate of the latter.
I have told you, that we have nothing to apprehend here from the
offers of Britain. I have had no reason since to change that opinion.
The way, however, to put it out of doubt is to enable us to expel the
enemy from this continent. The task is not difficult, and the object
is sufficiently important not to let it depend upon other operations.
I am instructed to prepare a memorial to the Court of Versailles, on
the subject of the prize money due to Paul Jones, and the officers and
men that sailed under his command. Continual complaints are made on
that subject. Surely M. de Chaumont has had sufficient time to settle
this business. I must beg the favor of you to press it, and to draw
and present a memorial to the Court, if it cannot otherwise be
accomplished. Mr Barclay will have orders to receive the money for
them. I enclose an exstract of a letter from Captain Jones on the
subject, together with the list of the ships and their force,
agreeable to which the division should be made.
I also send his account of the detention of the brigantine
Berkenbosch, together with a copy of De Nief's certificate, that the
property belonged to British owners. This I think at first view is a
sufficient justification of his conduct, and I hope will be deemed
satisfactory, especially when it is considered that our courts are
open for a further prosecution of the inquiry, if any injury has been
unjustly sustained. I shall take the earliest opportunity to inquire
into the other cases you mention. If I am rightly informed, the insult
to the Court of Norway is already avenged, the vessels, which are said
to have committed it, having been lost at sea. This puts a stop to any
further inquiry about it. I shall however endeavor to get this fact
more fully ascertained, and write to you again. I should be glad to
know on what principle these applications are made to the Court of
France. If the powers, who suppose themselves injured, consider us as
the subjects of Great Britain, they should carry their complaints to
the Court of St James's. If they consider us as independent of them,
they should address themselves to us or to you directly.
I am very happy to find you have not lost sight of the prizes detained
by the Danish Court, and that you so happily availed yourself of the
opportunity they afforded you, to renew your application. This object
ought to be pushed, not so much on account of the value of the
vessels, as to show that we know what is due to _ourselves_.
Enclosed is a resolution of Congress on the subject of accounts, which
you will be pleased to take the earliest opportunity to carry into
execution.
You draw an agreeable picture of the French Court, and their favorable
dispositions. They stand very high in the esteem of this country; and
though we sometimes entertain the hope of repaying by our commerce and
alliance the friendship they have shown us, we are not on that account
the less sensible of our obligation to them. The distrust and
jealousies, which secret enemies have endeavored to excite, have died
away. One successful exertion in our favor will secure to them forever
the affections of this country. I take an interest in the happiness of
the Marquis de Lafayette, which makes me learn with great pleasure the
reception he has met with. No man is more worthy of the esteem he
enjoys, both at home and here. I have forborne to write to him for
some time, in expectation that he was on his way. The same reasons
restrain me now. Should any extraordinary event have detained him, you
will be so obliging as to mention this as my apology. I am charmed
with your idea of a medal to perpetuate the memory of York and
Saratoga. The thought is simple, elegant, and strikingly expressive of
the subject. I cannot however but flatter myself, that before it can
be executed, your Hercules will have tasked your invention for a new
emblem.
I enclose a number of letters, that have passed between Generals
Washington, Clinton, Robinson, and Sir Guy, chiefly on the subject of
Captain Huddy, who, having been taken prisoner and confined some time
at New York, was carried by a Captain Lippincott and a party of
soldiers to the Jersey shore, and there hanged without the least
pretence. You will see an account of the whole transaction in some of
the papers I sent. The General, in pursuance of his determination, has
ordered the lot to be cast among the British Captains. It has fallen
upon the Honorable Captain Asgill of the Guards, who is now on his way
to camp. A friend of his, Captain Ludlow, is gone to New York to see
if anything can be done to save him. It is really a melancholy case,
but the repeated cruelties of this kind, that have been practised,
have rendered it absolutely necessary to execute the resolution to
retaliate, which we have so often taken, and so frequently been
prevented, by our feelings, from carrying into execution.
We are yet totally ignorant of the event of the battle fought on the
12th of April, in the West Indies, of which you will see various and
contradictory accounts in our papers. You will have more certain
information in Europe. Providence is taken by the Spaniards. Gillon
commanded the fleet on the occasion. He yesterday came to this port
with a number of the Havana vessels, for which we were in great pain.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
* * * * *
RICHARD OSWALD TO B. FRANKLIN.
Paris, June 5th, 1782.
Sir,
While Mr Laurens was under confinement in England, he promised, that
on condition of his being liberated upon his parole, he would apply to
you for an exchange in favor of Lord Cornwallis, by a discharge of his
Lordship granted upon the surrender of his garrison at the village of
York in Virginia; and, in case of your being under any difficulty in
making such exchange, he undertook to write to the Congress, and to
request it of that assembly, making no doubt of obtaining a favorable
answer, without loss of time.
This proposal, signed by Mr Laurens's hand, I carried and delivered, I
think, in the month of December last, to his Majesty's then
Secretaries of State, which was duly attended to; and in consequence
thereof Mr Laurens was soon after set at full liberty. And though not
a prisoner under parole, yet it is to be hoped, a variation in the
mode of discharge will not be supposed of any essential difference.
And with respect to Mr Laurens, I am satisfied he will consider
himself as much interested in the success of this application, as if
his own discharge had been obtained under the form, as proposed by the
representation, which I delivered to the Secretaries of State, and, I
make no doubt, will sincerely join my Lord Cornwallis in an
acknowledgment of your favor and good offices, in granting his
Lordship a full discharge of his parole abovementioned.
I have the honor to be, with much respect, Sir, your most obedient
humble servant,
RICHARD OSWALD.
_P. S._ Major Ross has got no copy of Lord Cornwallis's parole. He
says it was in the common form, as in like cases.
Since writing the above, I recollect I was under a mistake, as if the
proposal of exchange came first from Mr Laurens; whereas, it was made
by his Majesty's Secretaries of State to me, that Mr Laurens should
endeavor to procure the exchange of Lord Cornwallis, so as to be
discharged himself. Which proposal I carried to Mr Laurens, and had
from him the obligation abovementioned, upon which the mode of his
discharge was settled.
R. O.
* * * * *
TO RICHARD OSWALD.
Passy, June 5th, 1782.
Sir,
I received the letter you did me the honor of writing to me,
respecting the parole of Lord Cornwallis. You are acquainted with what
I wrote some time since to Mr Laurens. Tomorrow is post day from
Holland, when possibly I may receive an answer, with a paper drawn up
by him for the purpose of discharging that parole, to be signed by us
jointly. I suppose the staying at Paris another day will not be very
inconvenient to Major Ross, and if I do not hear tomorrow from Mr
Laurens, I will immediately, in compliance with your request, do what
I can towards the liberation of Lord Cornwallis.
I have the honor to be, with great respect, Sir, your most obedient
humble servant,
B. FRANKLIN.
* * * * *
JOHN ADAMS TO B. FRANKLIN.
The Hague, June 13th, 1782.
Sir,
I had yesterday, at Amsterdam, the honor of receiving your
Excellency's letter of June the 2d.
The discovery, that Mr Grenville's power was only to treat with
France, does not surprise me at all. The British Ministry are too
divided among themselves, and have too formidable an opposition
against them, in the King and the old Ministers, and are possessed of
too little of the confidence of the nation, to have courage to make
concessions of any sort, especially since the news of their successes
in the East and West Indies. What their vanity will end in God only
knows; for my own part, I cannot see a probability, that they will
ever make peace, until their finances are ruined, and such distresses
brought upon them, as will work up their parties into a civil war.
I wish their enemies could by any means be persuaded to carry on the
war against them in places, where they might be sure of triumphs,
instead of insisting on pursuing it where they are sure of defeat. But
we must take patience, and wait for time to do what wisdom might
easily and soon do.
I have not as yet taken any engagements with the Dutch not to make
peace without them; but I will take such engagements in a moment, if
the Dutch will take them, and I believe they would very cheerfully. I
shall not propose it, however, till I have the concurrence of the Duc
de la Vauguyon, who will do nothing without the instructions of his
Court. I would not delay it a moment from any expectation, that the
English will acknowledge our independence and make peace with us,
because I have no such expectations. The permanent friendship of the
Dutch may be easily obtained by the United States; that of England,
never; it is gone with the days before the flood. If we ever enjoy the
smallest degree of sincere friendship again from England, I am totally
incapable of seeing the character of a nation or the connexion of
things; which however may be the case for what I know. They have
brought themselves into such a situation! Spain, Holland, America, the
armed neutrality, have all such pretensions and demands upon them,
that where is the English Minister, or Member of Parliament, that
dares vote for the concession to them? The pretensions of France I
believe would be so moderate, that possibly they might be acceded to.
But it is much to be feared, that Spain, who deserves the least, will
demand the most; in short, the work of peace appears so impracticable
and chimerical, that I am happy in being restrained to this country,
by my duty, and by this means excused from troubling my head much
about it.
I have a letter from America, that informed me, that Mr Jay had
refused to act in the commission for peace; but if he is on the way to
Paris, as you suppose, I presume my information must be a mistake,
which I am very glad of. Mr Laurens did me the honor of a very short
visit, in his way to France, but I was very sorry to learn from him,
that in a letter to your Excellency from Ostend, he had declined
serving in the commission for peace. I had vast pleasure in his
conversation, for I found him possessed of the most exact judgment
concerning our enemies, and of the same noble sentiments in all
things, which I saw in him in Congress.
What is the system of Russia? Does she suppose, that England has too
many enemies upon her, and that their demands and pretensions are too
high? Does she seek to embroil affairs, and to light up a general war
in Europe? Is Denmark in concert with her, or any other power? Her
conduct is a phenomenon. Is there any secret negotiation or intrigue
on foot to form a party for England among the powers of Europe, and to
make a balance against the power of the enemies of England?
The States of Holland and several other provinces have taken a
resolution against the mediation for a separate peace; and this nation
seems to be well fixed in its system, and in the common cause.
My best respects and affections to my old friend, Mr Jay, if you
please. I have the honor to be, Sir, your most obedient and most
humble servant,
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO B. FRANKLIN.
Philadelphia, June 23d, 1782.
Dear Sir,
This will be sent with duplicates of some of my former letters to the
southward, to embrace the first opportunity, that shall offer from
thence. By so uncertain a conveyance you can expect nothing. Nor
indeed does our present situation furnish anything, that calls for
your immediate attention, unless it be the unanimity with which the
people of all ranks agree in determining to listen to no proposals
from England, which have not the alliance with France for their basis.
Perhaps the joy they have discovered, in celebrating the birth of the
Dauphin, will be considered as a proof of their sincere attachment to
the present illustrious monarch of France and his family.
Leslie has endeavored to bring General Greene to agree to a suspension
of arms for the Southern Department, which he has very prudently
refused.
Nothing has yet been determined, or rather executed, with respect to
Captain Asgill. The enemy are holding a Court Martial on Lippincott,
the executioner of Captain Huddy; on their decision the life of
Captain Asgill will depend. Such is the melancholy necessity, which
the cruelty of the enemy has imposed.
You enclosed a letter from the Count de Vergennes, on the subject of
the pension due M. Tousard. Congress are too sensible of that
gentleman's merit to deprive him of it. But as it is necessary, that
everything of this kind be transacted at one office, it is proper that
he direct some person as his agent to apply to the Treasury office
here, and produce your certificate of the time to which the last
payment was made, or at least transmit a statement of his account, on
which the balance will be paid, and his pension regularly settled with
his attorney in future.
The case of the brigantine Ernten has been decided upon in the
inferior courts, and in the Court of Appeals. The latter have been
prevailed upon at my request to give a rehearing, which is not yet
determined. Should its determination be against the vessel or cargo,
on a conviction, that she was British property, Congress will not
choose to interfere in the execution of the sentence, which the court
they have instituted is competent to award.
I could wish to know from you what allowance you make to your private
Secretary, and to have an accurate estimate of those contingent
expenses of your office, which you think ought to be charged as
distinct from your salary.
I enclose a copy of a letter from Mr Deane to Governor Trumbull, with
his answer, which you will please to forward. A copy of the answer is
also enclosed.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON
* * * * *
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
Passy, June 25th, 1782.
Sir,
I have received your respective letters of January 26th and February
13th. The first was accompanied with a form of a convention for the
establishment of consuls. Mr Barclay having been detained these six
months in Holland, though in continual expectation of returning
hither, I have yet done nothing in that business, thinking his
presence might be of use in settling it. As soon as he arrives I shall
move the completion of it.