anything occurs on my arrival in London. I am to leave this with Mr
Adams for forwardance; and for the present, I have only to beg a line
acknowledging the receipt of it. If your letter is put under a cover
to Mr Stockdale, Bookseller, Piccadilly, London, it will the more
readily get to hand.
I am, with great respect, Sir, your very obedient servant,
T. DIGGES.
_P. S. Ostend, March 26th._--On my last visit to Mr Adams, Friday
evening, to explain to him the substance of the foregoing letter, and
ask his forwardance of it to you, we had some further conversation on
the matter, the ultimate conclusion of which was, that it was thought
better I did not send the annexed letter to you, or mention my
business with him, until my going in person from England. Mr Adams's
reasons were these. That if I made the communication _then_, he should
be necessitated to state the matter in a long letter to you and others
of his colleagues; that the matter as it then stood was not of such
importance, but he could save himself the trouble of the explanation;
and that as he recommended any future questions or applications to be
made directly to you, your situation making it more convenient sooner
to inform the French Court thereof, he thought my letter had better be
postponed, and the substance of it given in person as soon as I could
possibly get from London to Paris. I acquiesced, though reluctantly,
and having thought much on the matter on my journey hither, I have at
length determined to forward the foregoing letter with this
postscript, and at the same time to inform Mr Adams of my exact
feelings on the matter, viz. that my wishes and intentions, which,
when I left England, were to see and make known the matter to you,
that through Mr Hartley or some other channel you must hear that I had
been at Amsterdam, and my seemingly turning my back upon you might be
thought oddly of; and finally, that I could not answer for carrying
the enclosure from Mr Hartley back to England, not knowing the
consequence it might be of. I hope and think I have done right in this
matter.
The purpose for my moving in the business I went to Mr Adams upon,
has, I own, been with a double view of serving myself in a matter of
much consequence to me, for after delivering the explanations I carry,
I can with some degree of right, and a very great probability of
success, claim as a gratuity for the trouble and expense I have been
at, the restoration of my papers; the situation of which I have
already explained to Lord Beauchamp, in order to get him to be a mover
for them, and I have very little doubt that a few days will restore
them to me, and give me an opportunity to speedily speak to you on a
matter, which gives me much uneasiness, vexation, and pain. Excuse the
hurry in which I write, for I am very near the period of embarkation.
Paul Wentworth embarked this day for England. I trod on his heels the
chief of the way from the Hague, which he left suddenly. General
Fawcett is on his road hence to Hanover.
T. D.
* * * * *
JOHN ADAMS TO B. FRANKLIN.
The Hague, March 26th, 1782.
Sir,
One day last week I received at Amsterdam a card from Mr Digges,
enclosing two letters to me from David Hartley. The card desired to
see me upon business of importance; and the letters from Mr Hartley
contained an assurance, that to his knowledge the bearer came from the
highest authority. I answered the card, that in the present situation
of affairs here and elsewhere, it was impossible for me to see any one
from England without witness; but if he were willing to see me in the
presence of Mr Thaxter, my secretary, and that I should communicate
whatever he should say to me to Dr Franklin, and the Count de
Vergennes, I should wait for him at home at ten o'clock; but that I
had rather he should go to Paris without seeing me, and communicate
what he had to say to Dr Franklin, whose situation enabled him to
consult the Court without any loss of time. At ten, however, he came,
and told me a long story about consultations with Mr Penn, Mr Hartley,
Lord Beauchamp, and at last Lord North, by whom he was finally sent,
to inquire of me, if I, or any other, had authority to treat with
Great Britain of a truce. I answered, that "I came to Europe with full
powers to make peace, that those powers had been announced to the
public upon my arrival, and continued in force until last summer,
when Congress sent a new commission, containing the same powers to
four persons, whom I named; that if the King of England were my
father, and I the heir apparent to his throne, I could not advise him
ever to think of a truce, because it would be but a real war under a
simulated appearance of tranquillity, and would end in another open
and bloody war, without doing any real good to any of the parties."
He said that "the Ministry would send some person of consequence over,
perhaps General Conway, but they were apprehensive that he would be
ill treated or exposed." I said, "that if they resolved upon such a
measure, I had rather they would send immediately to Dr Franklin,
because of his situation near the French Court. But there was no
doubt, if they sent any respectable personage, properly authorised,
who should come to treat honorably, he would be treated with great
respect; but that if he came to me, I could give him no opinion upon
anything without consulting my colleagues, and should reserve a right
of communicating everything to them, and to our allies."
He then said, that "his mission was finished; that the fact to be
ascertained was simply, that there was a commission in Europe to treat
and conclude; but that there was not one person in Great Britain, who
could affirm or prove that there was such a commission, although it
had been announced in the gazettes."
I desired him, and he promised me, not to mention Mr Laurens to the
Ministry without his consent, (and without informing him, that it was
impossible he should say anything in the business, because he knew
nothing of our instructions) because, although it was possible that
his being in such a commission might induce them to release him, yet
it was also possible it might render them more difficult concerning
his exchange.
The picture he gives of the situation of things in England is gloomy
enough for them. The distresses of the people, and the distractions in
administration and Parliament, are such as may produce any effect
almost that can be imagined.
The only use of all this I think is to strike the decisive strokes at
New York and Charleston. There is no position so advantageous for
negotiation, as when we have all an enemy's army prisoners. I must beg
the favor of you, Sir, to send me, by one of the Count de Vergennes'
couriers to the Duc de la Vauguyon, a copy in letters of your peace
instructions. I have not been able to decypher one quarter part of
mine. Some mistake has certainly been made.
Ten or eleven cities in Holland have declared themselves in favor of
American independence; and it is expected that today or tomorrow this
Province will take the decisive resolution of admitting me to my
audience. Perhaps some of the other Provinces may delay it for three
or four weeks. But the Prince has declared, that he has no hopes of
resisting the torrent, and, _therefore_, that he shall not attempt it.
The Duc de la Vauguyon has acted a very friendly and honorable part in
this business, without, however, doing any ministerial act in it.
With great respect, I have the honor to be, Sir, your most obedient
and most humble servant,
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
Passy, March 30th, 1782.
Sir,
In mine of the ninth instant I acknowledged the receipt of yours of
January 7th, and I have not since received any of later date. The
newspapers, which I send you by this conveyance, will acquaint you
with what has, since my last, passed in Parliament. You will there see
a copy of the bill, brought in by the Attorney General, for empowering
the King to make peace with the colonies. They still seem to flatter
themselves with the idea of dividing us; and rather than name the
Congress, they empower him generally to treat with any _body or bodies
of men, or any person or persons, &c._ They are here likewise
endeavoring to get us to treat separately from France, at the same
time they are tempting France to treat separately from us, equally
without the least chance of success. I have been drawn into a
correspondence on this subject, which you shall have with my next.
I send you a letter of Mr Adams's, just received, which shows also
that they are weary of the war, and would get out of it if they knew
how. They had not then received the certain news of the loss of St
Christopher's, which will probably render them still more disposed to
peace. I see that a bill is also passing through the House of Commons,
for the exchange of American prisoners, the purport of which I do not
yet know.
In my last, I promised to be more particular with respect to the
points you mentioned, as proper to be insisted on in the treaty of
peace. My ideas on those points are, I assure you, full as strong as
yours. I did intend to have given you my reasons for some addition,
and if the treaty were to be held on your side the water, I would do
it; otherwise, it seems on second thoughts to be unnecessary, and, if
my letter should be intercepted, may be inconvenient. Be assured, I
shall not willingly give up any important right or interest of our
country, and unless this campaign should afford our enemies some
considerable advantage, I hope more may be obtained than is yet
expected.
I have purchased for you all the books you desired, except four, which
we have sent for to England. I shall request our excellent friend, the
Marquis de Lafayette, to take them under his care, and I hope they
will get safe to hand. The others shall follow by the first
opportunity, after I receive them.
Our affairs go on, generally, well in Europe. Holland has been slow,
Spain slower, but time will I hope smooth away all difficulties. Let
us keep up, not only our courage, but our vigilance, and not be laid
asleep by the pretended half peace the English make with us without
asking our consent. We cannot be safe while they keep armies in our
country.
With great esteem, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
* * * * *
TO JOHN ADAMS.
Passy, March 31st, 1782.
Sir,
I received yours of the 10th instant, and am of opinion with you, that
the English will evaluate New York and Charleston, as the troops
there, after the late resolutions of Parliament, must be useless, and
are necessary to defend their remaining islands, where they have not
at present more than three thousand men. The prudence of this
operation is so obvious, that I think they can hardly miss it;
otherwise, I own, that considering their conduct for several years
past, it is not reasoning consequentially to conclude they will do a
thing, because the doing it is required by common sense.
Yours of the 26th is just come to hand. I thank you for the
communication of Digges's message. He has also sent me a long letter,
with two from Mr Hartley. I shall see M. de Vergennes tomorrow, and
will acquaint you with everything material that passes on the subject.
But the Ministry, by whom Digges pretends to be sent, being changed,
we shall, by waiting a little, see what tone will be taken by their
successors. You shall have a copy of the instructions by the next
courier. I congratulate you cordially on the progress you have made
among those slow people. Slow however as they are, Mr Jay finds
his[33] much slower. By an American, who goes in about ten days to
Holland, I shall send you a packet of correspondence with Mr Hartley,
though it amounts to little.
With great esteem, I have the honor to be your Excellency's most
obedient and most humble servant,
B. FRANKLIN.
[33] The Spaniards.
* * * * *
TO DAVID HARTLEY.
Passy, March 31st, 1782.
Dear Sir,
I have just received your favors of March the 11th and 12th, forwarded
to me by Mr Digges, and another of the 21st per post. I congratulate
you on the returning good disposition of your nation towards America,
which appears in the resolutions of Parliament, that you have sent me;
and I hope the change of your Ministry will be attended with salutary
effects. I continue in the same sentiments expressed in my former
letters; but as I am but one of five in the commission, and have no
knowledge of the sentiments of the others, what has passed between us
is to be considered merely as private conversation. The five persons
are Messrs Adams, Jay, Laurens, Jefferson, and myself; and in case of
the death or absence of any, the remainder have power to act or
conclude. I have not written to Mr Laurens, having constantly expected
him here, but shall write to him next post; when I shall also write
more fully to you, having now only time to add, that I am ever, with
great esteem and affection, dear Sir, your most obedient and most
humble servant,
B. FRANKLIN.
* * * * *
TO DAVID HARTLEY.
Passy, April 5th, 1782.
My Dear Friend,
I wrote a few lines to you the 31st past, and promised to write more
fully. On perusing again your letters of the 11th, 12th, and 21st, I
do not find any notice taken of one from me, dated February the 16th.
I therefore now send you a copy made from it in the press. The
uncertainty of free transmission discourages a free communication of
sentiments on these important affairs; but the inutility of discussion
between persons, one of whom is not authorised, but in conjunction
with others, and the other not authorised at all, as well as the
obvious inconveniences that may attend such previous handling of
points, that are to be considered, when we come to treat regularly, is
with me a still more effectual discouragement, and determines me to
waive that part of the correspondence.
As to Digges, I have no confidence in him, nor in anything he says, or
may say, of his being sent by Ministers. Nor will I have any
communication with him, except in receiving and considering the
justification of himself, which he pretends he shall be able and
intends to make, for his excessive drafts on me, on account of the
relief I have ordered to the prisoners, and his embezzlement of the
money.
You justly observe in yours of the 12th, that the first object is to
procure a "meeting of qualified and authorised persons," and that you
understand the Ministry will be ready to proceed towards opening a
negotiation as soon as the bill shall pass, and therefore it is
necessary to consult time and place, and manner and persons, on each
side. This you wrote while the old Ministry existed. If the new have
the same intentions, and desire a general peace, they may easily
discharge Mr Laurens from those engagements, which make his acting in
the commission improper, and except Mr Jefferson, who remains in
America, and is not expected here, we the Commissioners of Congress
can easily be got together ready to meet yours, at such place as shall
be agreed to by the powers at war, in order to form the treaty. God
grant, that there may be wisdom enough assembled to make, if possible,
a peace that shall be perpetual, and that the idea of any nations
being natural enemies to each other, may be abolished for the honor of
human nature.
With regard to those who may be commissioned from your government,
whatever personal preferences I may conceive in my own mind, it cannot
become me to express them. I only wish for wise and honest men. With
such, a peace may be speedily concluded. With contentious wranglers
the negotiation may be drawn into length, and finally frustrated.
I am pleased to see in the votes and Parliamentary speeches, and in
your public papers, that in mentioning America, the word
_reconciliation_ is often used. It certainly means more than a mere
peace. It is a sweet expression. Revolve in your mind, my dear friend,
the means of bringing about this _reconciliation_. When you consider
the injustice of your war with us, and the barbarous manner in which
it has been carried on, the many suffering families among us from your
burning of towns, scalping by savages, &c. &c., will it not appear to
you, that though a cessation of the war may be a peace, it may not be
a reconciliation? Will not some voluntary acts of justice, and even of
kindness on your part, have excellent effects towards producing such a
_reconciliation_? Can you not find means of repairing in some degree
those injuries? You have in England and Ireland twelve hundred of our
people prisoners, who have for years bravely suffered all the
hardships of that confinement, rather than enter into your service, to
fight against their country. Methinks you ought to glory in
descendants of such virtue. What if you were to begin your measures of
_reconciliation_ by setting them at liberty? I know it would procure
for you the liberty of an equal number of your people, even without a
previous stipulation; and the confidence in our equity, with the
apparent good will in the action, would give very good impressions of
your change of disposition towards us. Perhaps you have no knowledge
of the opinions lately conceived of your king and country, in America;
the enclosed copy of a letter will make you a little acquainted with
them, and convince you how impossible must be every project of
bringing us again under the dominion of such a sovereign.
With great esteem, I am, dear Sir, your most obedient and most humble
servant,
B. FRANKLIN.
* * * * *
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
Passy, April 8th, 1782.
Sir,
Since my last, an extraordinary revolution has taken place in the
Court of England. All the old Ministers are out, and the chiefs of the
opposition are in their places. The newspapers that I send will give
you the names as correctly as we yet know them. Our last advices
mention their kissing hands, but they had yet done nothing in their
respective offices, by which one might judge of their projected
measures, as whether they will ask a peace, of which they have great
need, the nation having of late suffered many losses, men grown
extremely scarce, and Lord North's new taxes proposed as funds for the
loan meeting with great opposition; or whether they will strive to
find new resources, and obtain allies to enable them to please the
King and nation by some vigorous exertions against France, Spain, and
Holland.
With regard to America, having while in opposition carried the vote
for making no longer an offensive war with us, they seem to have tied
their own hands from acting against us. Their predecessors had been
tampering with this Court for a separate peace. The King's answer
gave me great pleasure. It will be sent to M. de la Luzerne, and by
him communicated to Congress. None of their attempts to divide us meet
with the least encouragement, and I imagine the present set will try
other measures.
My letters from Holland give pleasing accounts of the rapid progress
our affairs are making in that country. The packet from M. Dumas,
which I forward with this, will give you the particulars. The Prince
de Broglie will do me the favor of delivering this to you. He goes
over to join the French army with the more pleasure, as it is employed
in the cause of liberty, a cause he loves, and in establishing the
interests of America, a country for which he has much regard and
affection. I recommend him earnestly to the civilities and services it
may be in your power to render him, and I request you would introduce
him to the President of Congress, and to the principal members civil
and military.
Our excellent friend, the Marquis de Lafayette, will sail in about
three weeks. By that time we may have more interesting intelligence
from England, and I shall write you fully.
With great esteem, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
* * * * *
TO HENRY LAURENS.
Passy, April 12th, 1782.
Sir,
I should sooner have paid my respects to you by letter, if I had not
till lately expected you here, as I understood it to be your
intention. Your enlargement gave me great pleasure, and I hope that
the terms exacted by the late Ministry will now be relaxed,
especially when they are informed, that you are one of the
Commissioners appointed to treat of peace. Herewith I send you a copy
of the commission; the purport of which you can communicate to the
Ministers if you find it proper. If they are disposed to make peace
with us and our allies at the same time, I will, on notice from you,
send to Mr Jay to prepare for meeting at such time and place as shall
be agreed on.
As to our treating separately, and quitting our present alliance,
which the late ministry seemed to desire, it is impossible. Our
treaties and our instructions, as well as the honor and interest of
our country, forbid it. I will communicate those instructions to you,
as soon as I have the pleasure of seeing you. If you have occasion for
money, please to acquaint me with the sum you desire, and I will
endeavor to supply you.
With very great esteem and respect, I have the honor to be, Sir, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
* * * * *
M. DE RAYNEVAL TO B. FRANKLIN.
Translation.
Versailles, April 12th, 1782.
Sir,
I have laid before the Count de Vergennes, the different letters,
which Mr Hartley had written to you, as well as your proposed reply;
the Minister has given his entire approbation to the manner in which
you have expressed yourself. I subjoin a postscript concerning Mr
Forth;[34] the Count de Vergennes, who has given it a perusal, finds
that you may without impropriety transmit it to your correspondent.
[34] Mr Forth was a secret agent sent over to France by the British
Ministry, to propose a separate treaty with the French Court.
I have the honor to be, Sir, with the most sincere attachment, your
very humble and obedient servant,
DE RAYNEVAL.
_P. S._ Since my letter was written, Sir, I have considered anew the
different overtures which it embraces. In your opinion, the late
English Minister sincerely desired a reconciliation with us, and
proposed with this view a separate peace. At the time you were
transmitting this wish of Lord North to me, this exminister employed
an emissary here to sound the Minister of France on the pacific
disposition of his Court, and offer very advantageous propositions.
You will be able to judge from this, Sir, of the opinion which I ought
to have of the intention of Lord North and his colleagues. To convince
you of the truth of the suggestions which I communicate, I will
confide to you, that the emissary was a Mr Forth, and that he was
charged to reply to the English Minister, "_that the King of France is
as desirous of peace as the King of England; and that he would accede
to it as soon as he could with dignity and safety; but it is a matter
of the last importance for His Most Christian Majesty to know, whether
the Court of London is disposed to treat on equal terms with the
allies of France_." Mr Forth has set out for London with this answer;
but it is probable he will not arrive till after the Ministers, who
have sent him, have retired from office.
You may, Sir, without the least hesitation, make use of these details
if you judge it expedient. They will make known to the Minister in
place the principles of the Court of France, and they will convince
him, I hope, that the project of disuniting us will be as illusory as
it will prove injurious to us. As to the reply sent by Mr Forth, I
cannot foresee (if the new ministers are instructed on this point) in
what manner they will think they ought to consider it; if they love
peace, as they have persuaded the English nation and all Europe, they
need not be embarrassed; France has opened a way in which they can, in
my opinion, act without wounding the dignity of their master; if they
do not adopt it, they flatter themselves, without doubt, that the
chance of war will procure for England the success, which heretofore
has been denied her; it will be for Providence to crown or frustrate
their hopes.
* * * * *
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
Passy, April 12th, 1782.
Sir,