ranks with all possible distinction. He daily gains in the general
esteem and affection, and promises to be a great man here. He is
warmly attached to our cause; we are on the most friendly and
confidential footing with each other, and he is really very
serviceable to me in my applications for additional assistance.
I have done what I could in recommending Messieurs Duportail and
Gouvion, as you desired. I did it with pleasure, as I have much esteem
for them.
I will endeavor to procure a sketch of an emblem for the purpose you
mention. This puts me in mind of a medal I have had a mind to strike,
since the late great event you gave me an account of, representing the
United States by the figure of an infant Hercules in his cradle,
strangling the two serpents; and France by that of Minerva, sitting by
as his nurse, with her spear and helmet, and her robe specked with a
few _fleurs de lis_. The extinguishing of two entire armies in one war
is what has rarely happened, and it gives a presage of the future
force of our growing empire.
I thank you much for the newspapers you have been so kind as to send
me. I send also to you, by every opportunity, packets of the French,
Dutch, and English papers. Enclosed is the last _Courier of Europe_,
wherein you will find a late curious debate on continuing the war with
America, which the Minister carried in the affirmative only by his own
vote. It seems the nation is sick of it; but the King is obstinate.
_There is a change made of the American Secretary_, and another is
talked of in the room of Lord Sandwich. But I suppose we have no
reason to desire such changes. If the King will have a war with us,
his old servants are as well for us as any he is likely to put in
their places. The Ministry you will see declare, that the war in
America is for the future to be only _defensive_. I hope we shall be
too prudent to have the least dependence on this declaration. It is
only thrown out to lull us; for, depend upon it, the King hates us
cordially, and will be content with nothing short of our extirpation.
I shall be glad to receive the account you are preparing of the wanton
damages done our possessions. I wish you could also furnish me with
one, of the barbarities committed on our people. They may both be of
excellent use on certain occasions. I received the duplicate of yours
in cypher. Hereafter, I wish you would use that in which those
instructions were written, that relate to the future peace. I am
accustomed to that, and I think it very good and more convenient in
the practice.
The friendly disposition of this Court towards us continues. We have
sometimes pressed a little too hard, expecting, and demanding,
perhaps, more than we ought, and have used improper arguments, which
may have occasioned a little dissatisfaction, but it has not been
lasting. In my opinion, the surest way to obtain liberal aid from
others, is vigorously to help ourselves. People fear assisting the
negligent, the indolent, and the careless, lest the aids they afford
should be lost. I know we have done a great deal, but it is said we
are apt to be supine after a little success, and too backward in
furnishing our contingents. This is really a generous nation, fond of
glory, and particularly that of protecting the oppressed. Trade is not
the admiration of their noblesse, who always govern here. Telling them
their _commerce_ will be advantaged by our success, and that it is
their _interest_ to help us, seems as much as to say, help us, and we
shall not be obliged to you. Such indiscreet and improper language has
been sometimes held here by some of our people, and produced no good
effects.
The constant harmony subsisting between the armies of the two nations
in America, is a circumstance that has afforded me infinite pleasure.
It should be carefully cultivated. I hope nothing will happen to
disturb it. The French officers, who have returned to France this
winter, speak of our people in the handsomest and kindest manner; and
there is a strong desire in many of the young noblemen to go over to
fight for us; there is no restraining some of them; and several
changes among the officers of their army have lately taken place in
consequence.
You must be so sensible of the utility of maintaining a perfect good
understanding with the Chevalier de la Luzerne, that I need say
nothing on that head. The affairs of a distant people in any Court of
Europe will always be much affected, by the representations of the
Minister of that Court residing among them.
We have here great quantities of supplies, of all kinds, ready to be
sent over, and which would have been on their way before this time, if
the unlucky loss of the transports, that were under M. de Guichen, and
other demands for more ships, had not created a difficulty to find
freight for them. I hope, however, that you will receive them with the
next convoy.
The accounts we have of the economy introduced by Mr. Morris begin to
be of service to us here, and will by degrees obviate the
inconvenience, that an opinion of our disorders and mismanagements had
occasioned. I inform him by this conveyance of the money aids we shall
have this year. The sum is not so great as we could wish; and we must
so much the more exert ourselves. A small increase of industry in
every American, male and female, with a small diminution of luxury,
would produce a sum far superior to all we can hope to beg or borrow
from all our friends in Europe.
There are now near a thousand of our brave fellows prisoners in
England, many of whom have patiently endured the hardships of that
confinement several years, resisting every temptation to serve our
enemies. Will not your late great advantages put it in your power to
do something for their relief? The slender supply I have been able to
afford, of a shilling a week to each, for their greater comfort during
the winter, amounts weekly to £50 sterling. An exchange would make so
many of our countrymen happy, add to our strength, and diminish our
expense. But our privateers who cruise in Europe will not be at the
trouble of bringing in their prisoners, and I have none to exchange
for them.
Generals Cornwallis and Arnold are both arrived in England. It is
reported, that the former, in all his conversations, discourages the
prosecution of the war in America; if so, he will of course be out of
favor. We hear much of audiences given to the latter, and of his being
present at councils.
You desire to know whether any intercepted letters of Mr Deane have
been published in Europe? I have seen but one in the English papers,
that to Mr Wadsworth, and none in any of the French and Dutch papers,
but some may have been printed, that have not fallen in my way. There
is no doubt of their being all genuine. His conversation, since his
return from America, has, as I have been informed, gone gradually more
and more into that style, and at length come to an open vindication of
Arnold's conduct; and within these few days he has sent me a letter of
twenty full pages, recapitulating those letters, and threatening to
write and publish an account of the treatment he has received from
Congress, &c. He resides at Ghent, is distressed both in mind and
circumstances, raves and writes abundance, and I imagine it will end
in his going over to join his friend Arnold in England. I had an
exceeding good opinion of him when he acted with me, and I believe he
was then sincere and hearty in our cause. But he is changed, and his
character ruined in his own country and in this, so that I see no
other but England to which he can now retire. He says that we owe him
about £12,000 sterling, and his great complaint is, that we do not
settle his accounts and pay him. Mr Johnston having declined the
service, I proposed engaging Mr Searle to undertake it, but Mr Deane
objected to him, as being his enemy. In my opinion he was, for that
reason, even fitter for the service of Mr Deane, since accounts are of
a mathematical nature, and cannot be changed by an enemy, while that
enemy's testimony, that he had found them well supported by authentic
vouchers, would have weighed more than the same testimony from a
friend.[32]
With regard to negotiations for a peace, I see but little probability
of their being entered upon seriously this year, unless the English
Minister had failed in raising his funds, which it is said he has
secured, so that we must provide for another campaign, in which I hope
God will continue to favor us, and humble our cruel and haughty
enemies; a circumstance which, whatever Mr Deane may say to the
contrary, will give pleasure to all Europe.
This year opens well, by the reduction of Port Mahon, and the garrison
prisoners of war, and we are not without hopes, that Gibraltar may
soon follow. A few more signal successes in America will do much
towards reducing our enemies to reason. Your expressions of good
opinion with regard to me, and wishes of my continuance in this
employment, are very obliging. As long as the Congress think I can be
useful to our affairs, it is my duty to obey their orders; but I
should be happy to see them better executed by another, and myself at
liberty, enjoying, before I quit the stage of life, some small degree
of leisure and tranquillity.
With great esteem, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
[32] See Deane's Correspondence, Vol. 1, p. 217.
* * * * *
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
Passy, March 9th, 1782.
Sir,
I have just received the honor of yours dated January the 7th. Your
communications of the sentiments of Congress, with regard to many
points that may come under consideration in a treaty of peace, give me
great pleasure, and the more, as they agree so perfectly with my own
opinions, and furnish me with additional arguments in their support. I
shall be more particular on this subject in my next, for having notice
from Captain Barry last night, that he will not go to Brest, as I
expected, to take in some of our goods, but will sail immediately on
the return of the post, which sets out today, I am obliged to be
short.
You will see in the enclosed newspapers the full debate in the House
of Commons, on the subject of declining the war with North America. By
private advices I learn, that the whole opposition, now become the
majority, went up in a body with the address to the King, who answered
that he would pay a due regard to the advice of his faithful Commons,
and employ his forces with more vigor against the ancient enemies of
the nation, or to that purpose; and that orders were immediately given
for taking up a great number of large transports, among which are many
old India ships, whence it is conjectured, that they intend some great
effort in the West Indies, and perhaps mean to carry off their troops
and stores from New York and Charleston. I hope, however, that we
shall not, in expectation of this, relax in our preparations for the
approaching campaign. I will procure the books you write for, and send
them as soon as possible.
Present my duty to the Congress, and believe me to be, with sincere
esteem, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
* * * * *
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO B. FRANKLIN.
Philadelphia, March 9th, 1782.
Dear Sir,
The enclosed letter from the Superintendent of Finance was written in
consequence of the resolutions of which I sent you a copy in my last.
I then detailed so fully on the subject, that I can give you no
further information on that head, than is contained in the enclosed,
which, as I was just going out of town, I have requested Mr Morris to
put in his cypher.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
* * * * *
DAVID HARTLEY TO B. FRANKLIN.
London, March 11th, 1782.
My Dear Friend,
Mr Digges, who will deliver this to you, informs me, that having been
applied to for the purpose of communicating with Mr Adams, on the
subject of his commission for treating of peace, he is now setting out
for Amsterdam, and that he intends afterwards to go to Paris to wait
upon you. I understand the occasion to have arisen, by some mention
having been made in Parliament by General Conway, of persons not far
off having authority to treat of peace, which was supposed to allude
to Mr Adams, and some friends of his in London. The Ministry were
therefore induced to make some inquiries themselves. This is what I am
informed of the matter.
When the proposal was made to Mr Digges, he consulted me, I believe
from motives of caution, that he might know what ground he had to
stand upon; but not in the least apprized that I had been in any
degree in course of corresponding with you on the subject of
negotiation. As I had informed the Ministry from you, that other
persons besides yourself were invested with powers of treating, I have
nothing to say against their consulting the several respective
parties. That is their own concern. I shall at all times content
myself with observing the duties of my own conduct, attending to all
circumstances with circumspection, and then leaving the conduct of
others to their own reasons. I presume that Ministry have only done
what others would have done in their situation, to procure the most
ample information that the case will admit. I rest contented to act in
my own sphere, and if my exertions can be applied to any public good,
I shall always be ready to take my part with sincerity and zeal.
I am, my dear friend, your ever affectionate,
D. HARTLEY.
* * * * *
DAVID HARTLEY TO B. FRANKLIN.
London, March 12th, 1782.
My Dear Friend,
Enclosed with this I transmit to you the public Parliamentary
proceedings respecting the American war. If you will compare these
proceedings with some others in several of the counties of this
kingdom about two years ago, you will at once see the reason why many
persons, who from principles of general and enlarged philanthropy do
most certainly wish universal peace to mankind, yet seem restrained in
their mode of endeavoring to obtain that object. We must accommodate
our endeavors to practicabilities, in the strong hope, that if the
work of peace was once begun, it would soon become general. Parliament
having declared their sentiments by their public proceedings; a
general bill will soon pass to enable administration to treat with
America, and to conclude.
As to the sincerity of the Ministry, that will be judged of by their
conduct in any treaty. The first object is to procure a meeting of
qualified and authorised persons. You have told me that four persons
are empowered by a special commission to treat of peace. Are we to
understand that each separately has power to conclude, or in what
manner? The four persons whom you have mentioned are in four different
parts of the world, viz. three of them are in hostile States, and the
fourth under circumstances very peculiar for a negotiator. When I told
Mr Laurens that his name was in the commission, I found him entirely
ignorant of every circumstance relating to it. I understand that the
Ministry will be ready to proceed towards opening a negotiation as
soon as the bill shall pass, and therefore it is necessary to consult
time, and place, and manner, and persons, on each side. The
negotiation itself will speak the rest.
I have been informed, that some gentlemen in this country (not in
administration) have lately entered into a correspondence with Mr
Adams, relating to his commission of treating for peace, and that then
previous inquiries having been spoken of in public, the Ministry have
been induced to make some inquiry themselves from Mr Adams on that
subject. In whatever way a fair treaty may be opened, by whomsoever or
with whomsoever, I shall heartily wish good success to it for the
common good and peace of mankind. I know these to be your sentiments,
and I am confident that they will ever remain so, and hope that you
will believe the same of me.
I am ever your most affectionate,
D. HARTLEY.
* * * * *
DAVID HARTLEY TO B. FRANKLIN.
London, March 21st, 1782.
My Dear Friend,
You will have heard before this can reach you, that Lord North
declared yesterday in the House of Commons, that his Majesty intended
to change his Ministers. The House is adjourned for a few days to give
time for the formation of a new Ministry. Upon this occasion,
therefore, I must apply to you, to know whether you would wish me to
transfer the late negotiation to the successors of the late Ministry;
in these terms; (_vide_ yours to me of January 15th, 1782,) viz. "that
you are empowered by a special commission to treat of peace, whenever
a negotiation for that purpose shall be opened. That it must be always
understood, that it is to be in conjunction with your allies,
conformable to the solemn treaties made with them. That the formal
acknowledgment of the independence of America is not made necessary."
And may I add, that upon these terms you are disposed to enter into a
negotiation. It is not known who will succeed the late Ministry, but
from the circumstances which preceded its dissolution, we are to hope
that they will be disposed to enter into a negotiation of peace, upon
fair and honorable terms. I have no doubt that there were some persons
in the late Ministry of that disposition.
I told you in my last letters to you, of the 11th and 12th instant,
that I had received information, whilst I was in the course of
correspondence with the Ministry myself, on the subject of peace, that
some part of the Ministry were transmitting some communications or
inquiries upon that subject with Mr Adams, unknown to me. I had
informed the Ministry from you, of the names of the four persons
empowered to treat. I saw the Minister upon the occasion. (I should
now call him the late Minister.) I took the liberty of giving him my
opinion upon the matter itself. So far as it related personally to me,
I expressed myself fully to him, that there was no occasion that such
a step should have been taken unknown to me, for that I was very free
to confess, that if they thought my partiality towards peace was so
strong, that they could drive a better bargain through another
channel, I could not have any right of exclusion upon them. I relate
this to you, because I would wish to have you make a corresponding
application to your own case. If you should think _that my strong
desire for peace_, although _most laudable and virtuous in itself,
should mislead me_, and that my being as you may suppose misled, may
be of any prejudice to the cause committed to your trust, I desire by
no means to embarrass your free conduct by any considerations of
private or personal regard to myself. Having said thus much, I will
now add, that I am not unambitious of the office of a peace maker;
that I flatter myself the very page which I am now writing will bear
full testimony from both sides, of the impartiality of my conduct. And
I will add once more, what I often said and repeated to each side,
viz. that no fallacy or deception, knowing, or suspecting it to be
such, shall ever pass through my hands.
Believe me, I sympathise most cordially and sincerely with you in
every anxiety of yours for peace. I hope things are tending (although
not without rubs) yet in the main, to that end--soon! as soon as the
course of human life may be expected to operate on the great scale and
course of national events, or rather in the creation and establishment
of a new world. I am sometimes tempted to think myself in patient
expectation the elder sage of the two; I say the elder, not the
better.
Yours, &c.
D. HARTLEY.
* * * * *
T. DIGGES TO B. FRANKLIN.
Amsterdam, March 22d, 1782.
Sir,
I left England a few days back, and until my conversation and some
consultations with Mr Adams, on a matter which will be mentioned to
you by him, and more particularly explained in this letter, my
determination was to have seen you, as well on that business as on a
matter of much consequence to my private reputation. I feel the
disadvantages under which I labor, when writing to you on a matter,
which cannot be explained or cleared up but by personal conversation.
I do not give up my intended purpose of personally speaking to you;
but it being found better and more convenient to my purpose to return
immediately hence to England, and from thence to Paris, in preference
to going first to Paris, it must be unavoidably delayed for some days.
It would take up more than the length of a letter to explain the whole
opening and progression of a matter I am here upon, which was and is
meant to be jointly communicated to you with Mr Adams; I will
therefore take the liberty to give you an abbreviation of it in as few
words as I can.
About a fortnight ago a direct requisition from the Ministry, through
Lord Beauchamp, was made to Mr R. Penn, to know if he could ascertain
_that any person or persons in Europe were commissioned by Congress to
treat for peace, whether they were_ now _willing to avail themselves
of such commission, and of the present sincere disposition in the
Ministry to treat, and whether they would receive an appointed
Commissioner to speak for a truce, and mention a place for the
meeting, &c._
Mr Penn's referring Lord Beauchamp to me, as knowing the nature of Mr
Adams's former commission, was the sole cause of my being privy to, or
a party, in the matter. I had various meetings with Lord Beauchamp in
company with Mr Penn on the subject; the particular memorandums of
which, and Lord Beauchamp's statement of what the Ministry wanted to
obtain, together with every other circumstance relative to the matter,
I regularly consulted Mr Laurens and Mr D. Hartley upon; and the
result was, my taking the journey hither, and to Paris, in order to
put the questions (as they are before stated from Lord B. to Mr Penn)
and to bring an answer thereto. I am well convinced, by Lord
Beauchamp's pledge of his personal honor, as well as from Mr Hartley's
telling me he knew the matter to come directly from Lord North, (for
he visited him more than once to ascertain the fact) that it is a
serious and sincere requisition from the Ministry, and that they will
immediately take steps to open a treaty, provided I go back with
assurances, that there is a power vested in Americans in Europe to
treat and conclude, and that they are willing to avail themselves of
such power when properly applied to.
I have stated the whole transaction to Mr Adams, read every memorandum
I had made, informed him of every circumstance I knew, and when I put
the questions (as they are before stated from Lord Beauchamp to Mr
Penn) he replied, "that there were certainly Commissioners in Europe,
of which body he was one, who had powers to treat and conclude upon
peace; that he believed them willing to enter into such a treaty,
provided a proper offer was made; but that no questions now, or to be
made in future, could be answered by him, without previously
consulting his colleagues, and afterwards acquainting the Ministers of
the belligerent powers thereof." Mr Adams recommended that any future
questions might be made directly to you, for that the present, as well
as any subsequent propositions, would be immediately communicated to
you and to M. de Vergennes.
His answers to my questions were nearly what I foretold and expected,
and are substantially what Lord Beauchamp seemed so anxious to
procure. When I relate this answer to his Lordship, my business will
be finished in that quarter. I will here explain to you my only motive
for being a messenger from him, whom I had never known nor been in
company with before. It will enable me to say, "I have done one favor
for you, and I claim of you another, viz. to obtain a restoration of
my papers from Lord Hillsborough's office, which were in a most
illegal and unjustifiable manner seized from me near a twelvemonth
ago, and are yet withheld, notwithstanding the personal applications
for them from Lord Coventry, Lord Nugent, and Mr Jackson, each of whom
has explained the injury and very extraordinary mischief the want of
my papers for so long a time has and is now doing me."
On my first conversation with Mr Adams, I had concluded to go to you,
partly by his advice to do so, but as the expense of two journeys,
where one may serve, is of some import to me, and from supposing your
answer would be substantially the same as that from Mr Adams, I have
thought it better to go back immediately to London, and then set out
for Paris, with the probability of being able to bear my papers.