proposed in the House of Commons on the 27th of last month. It was
rejected. You and I have had so much intercourse upon the subject of
restoring peace between Great Britain and America, that I think there
is nothing further left to be said upon the subject. You will perceive
by the general tenor of the bill, that it proposes a general power to
treat. It chalks out a line of negotiation in very general terms. I
remain in the sentiments which I ever have, and which I believe I ever
shall entertain, viz. those of seeking peace upon honorable terms. I
shall always be ready, and most desirous to join in any measures which
may facilitate peace.
I am ever your most affectionate,
D. HARTLEY.
[22] _Draft of a proposed Bill for Conciliation with America._
A Bill to invest the Crown with sufficient Powers to treat,
consult, and finally to agree upon the Means of restoring Peace
with the Provinces of North America.
Whereas many unfortunate subjects of contest have of late years
subsisted between Great Britain and the several Provinces of North
America, hereinafter recited, viz. New Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay,
Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, the
three lower counties on Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina,
South Carolina, and Georgia, which have brought on the calamities of
war between Great Britain and the aforesaid provinces, to the end
therefore that the further effusion of blood may be prevented, and
that peace may be restored, may it please your Majesty that it be
enacted, and be it enacted by the King's Most Excellent Majesty, by
and with the advice and consent of the Lords spiritual and temporal,
and Commons in this present Parliament assembled, and by the authority
of the same, that it shall and may be lawful for his Majesty, by
letters patent, under the great seal of Great Britain, to authorise
and empower any person or persons, to treat, consult, and finally to
agree with any person or persons properly authorised on the part of
the aforesaid provinces of North America, upon the means of restoring
peace between Great Britain and the aforesaid provinces, according to
the powers in this act contained.
And be it further enacted, that in order to facilitate the good
purposes of this act, his Majesty may lawfully enable any such person
or persons, so appointed by his Majesty's letters patent, as
aforesaid, to order and proclaim a cessation of hostilities, on the
part of his Majesty's forces, by sea and land, for any time, and under
any conditions or restrictions.
And be it further enacted, that in order to lay a good foundation for
a cordial reconciliation and lasting peace between Great Britain and
the aforesaid provinces of North America, by restoring an amicable
intercourse between the same as soon as possible his Majesty may
lawfully enable any such person or persons, so appointed by his
Majesty's letters patent, as aforesaid, to enter into and to ratify
from time to time, any article or articles of intercourse and
pacification, which article or articles, so entered into and ratified
from time to time, shall remain in full force and effect for the
certain term of ten years, from the first day of August, one thousand
seven hundred and eighty.
Provided also, and be it further enacted, by the authority aforesaid,
that in order to remove any obstructions, which may arise to the full
and effectual execution of any article or articles of intercourse and
pacification, as before mentioned, that it shall and may be lawful for
his Majesty, by any instrument under his sign manual, countersigned by
one or more of his Majesty's principal Secretaries of State, to
authorise and empower any such person or persons, so appointed by his
Majesty's letters patent, as aforesaid, to suspend for the term of ten
years from the first day of August, one thousand seven hundred and
eighty, the operation and effect of any act or acts of Parliament,
which are now in force, respecting the aforesaid provinces of North
America, or any clause or clauses, proviso or provisos, in any such
act or acts of Parliament contained; inasmuch as they, or any of them,
may obstruct the full effect and execution of any such article or
articles of intercourse and pacification, which may be entered into
and ratified as beforementioned, between Great Britain and the
aforesaid provinces of North America.
And be it further enacted, that in order to establish perpetual
reconcilement and peace between Great Britain and the aforesaid
provinces of North America, it is hereby required, and be it enacted,
that all or any article or articles of intercourse and pacification,
which shall be entered into and ratified, for the certain term of ten
years, as beforementioned, shall from time to time be laid before the
two Houses of Parliament, for their consideration, as the perpetual
basis of reconcilement and peace between Great Britain and the
aforesaid provinces of North America; and that any such article or
articles of intercourse and pacification as beforementioned when the
same shall have been confirmed in Parliament, shall remain in full
force and effect forever.
And be it further enacted, that this act shall continue to be in force
until the thirtyfirst day of December, one thousand seven hundred and
eightyone.
* * * * *
TO C. W. F. DUMAS.
Passy, July 26th, 1780.
Dear Sir,
I wrote to Messrs de Neufville by the last post, in answer to theirs
of the 14th. I hope they received my letter. It signified, that I
could accept the bills drawn on Mr Laurens. I find by a vote of
Congress on the 4th of March, that they then stopped drawing, and I am
informed no more bills have been issued since. I could not relish
those gentlemen's proposal of mortgaging _all our estates_, for the
little money Holland is likely to lend us. But I am obliged to them
for their zeal in our cause.
I received, and thank you for the protest relating to the election of
the coadjutor. You seem to be too much affected with the taking of
Charleston. It is so far a damage to us, as it will enable the enemy
to exchange a great part of the prisoners we had in our hands,
otherwise their affairs will not be much advanced by it. They have
successively been in possession of the capitals of five provinces,
viz. Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island, Pennsylvania, New York, and
Georgia; but were not therefore in possession of the provinces
themselves. New York and Georgia still continue their operations as
free States; and so I suppose will South Carolina. The cannon will be
recovered with the place; if not, our furnaces are constantly at work
in making more. The destroying of our ships by the English, is only
like shaving our beards, which will grow again. Their loss of
provinces is like the loss of a limb, which can never again be united
to their body. I was sorry to hear of your indisposition. Take care of
yourself. Honey is a good thing for obstructions in the reins. I hope
your health is by this time re-established.
I am less committed than you imagine in the affair between Jones and
Landais. The latter was not dispossessed by me of his command, but
quitted it. He afterwards took it into his head to resume it, which
the former's too long stay at Paris gave him an opportunity of
effecting. Captain Jones is going in the Ariel frigate to America,
where they may settle their affairs as they can.
The captain commandant of Dunkirk, who occasioned the loss of our
despatches, is himself taken by the English. I have no doubt of the
truth of what Mr White told you about the facility with which the tax
was collected.
The same Baron de Wulffen has not pleased me, having left little debts
behind him unpaid, though I furnished him with twenty guineas. As he
had been with his brother at Venloo, before he saw you, where he might
get money, I wonder at his borrowing of you.
This will be delivered to you by his Excellency John Adams, whom I
earnestly recommend to your best civilities. He has never been in
Holland, and your counsels will be of use to him.
My best wishes attend you, being ever, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Passy, August 9th, 1780.
Sir,
With this your Excellency will receive a copy of my last, dated May
31st, the original of which, with copies of preceding letters, went by
the Alliance, Captain Landais, who sailed the beginning of last month,
and who I wish may arrive safe in America, being apprehensive that by
her long delay in port, from the mutiny of the people, who after she
was ready to sail refused to weigh anchor till their wages were paid,
she may fall in the way of the English fleet now out, or that her
crew, who have ever been infected with disorder and mutiny, may carry
her into England. She had, on her first coming out, a conspiracy for
that purpose, besides which, her officers and Captain quarrelled with
each other, the Captain with Commodore Jones, and there have been so
many broils among them, that it was impossible to get the business
forward while she staid, and she is at length gone, without taking the
quantity of stores she was capable of taking, and was ordered to take.
I suppose the conduct of that Captain will be inquired into by a Court
Martial. Captain Jones goes home in the Ariel, a ship we have borrowed
of government here, and carries one hundred and fortysix chests of
arms, and four hundred barrels of powder. To take the rest of the
stores, I have been obliged to freight a ship, which being well armed
and well manned will, I hope, get in safe. The clothes for ten
thousand men are, I think, all made up; there are also arms for
fifteen thousand, new and good, with two thousand barrels of powder.
Besides this, there is a great quantity of cloth I have bought, of
which you will have the invoices sent by Mr Williams; another large
quantity purchased by Mr Ross; all going in the same ship.
The little authority we have here to govern our armed ships, and the
inconvenience of distance from the ports, occasion abundance of
irregularities in the conduct of both men and officers. I hope,
therefore, that no more of those vessels will be sent hither, till our
code of laws is perfected respecting ships abroad, and proper persons
appointed to manage such affairs in the sea ports. They give me
infinite trouble; and though I endeavor to act for the best, it is
without satisfaction to myself, being unacquainted with that kind of
business. I have often mentioned the appointment of a consul or
consuls. The Congress have, perhaps, not yet had time to consider that
matter.
Having already sent you, by different conveyances, copies of my
proceedings with the Court of Denmark, relative to the three prizes
delivered up to the English, and requested the instructions of
Congress, I hope soon to receive them. I mentioned a letter from the
Congress to that Court, as what I thought might have a good effect. I
have since had more reasons to be of that opinion.
The unexpected delay of Mr Deane's arrival has retarded the settlement
of the joint accounts of the commission, he having had the chief
management of the commercial part, and being therefore best able to
explain difficulties. I have just now the pleasure to hear that the
Fier Rodrique, with the convoy from Virginia, arrived at Bordeaux all
safe except one tobacco ship, that foundered at sea, the men saved,
and I have a letter from Mr Deane that he is at Rochelle, proposes to
stop a few days at Nantes, and then proceed to Paris, when I shall
endeavor to see that business completed with all possible expedition.
Mr Adams has given offence to the Court here, by some sentiments and
expressions contained in several of his letters written to the Count
de Vergennes. I mention this with reluctance, though perhaps it would
have been my duty to acquaint you with such a circumstance, even were
it not required of me by the Minister himself. He has sent me copies
of the correspondence, desiring I would communicate them to Congress;
and I send them herewith.[23] Mr Adams did not show me his letters
before he sent them. I have, in a former letter to Mr Lovell,
mentioned some of the inconveniences that attend the having more than
one Minister at the same Court, one of which inconveniences is, that
they do not always hold the same language, and that the impressions
made by one, and intended for the service of his constituents, may be
effaced by the discourse of the other. It is true, that Mr Adams's
proper business is elsewhere, but the time not being come for that
business, and having nothing else here wherewith to employ himself, he
seems to have endeavored supplying what he may suppose my negotiations
defective in. He thinks, as he tells me himself, that America has
been too free in expressions of gratitude to France; for that she is
more obliged to us than we to her; and that we should show spirit in
our applications. I apprehend that he mistakes his ground, and that
this Court is to be treated with decency and delicacy. The King, a
young and virtuous Prince, has, I am persuaded, a pleasure in
reflecting on the generous benevolence of the action in assisting an
oppressed people, and proposes it as a part of the glory of his reign.
I think it right to increase this pleasure by our thankful
acknowledgments, and that such an expression of gratitude is not only
our duty, but our interest. A different conduct seems to me what is
not only improper and unbecoming, but what may be hurtful to us. Mr
Adams, on the other hand, who, at the same time means our welfare and
interest as much as I, or any man can do, seems to think a little
apparent stoutness, and a greater air of independence and boldness in
our demands, will procure us more ample assistance. It is for the
Congress to judge and regulate their affairs accordingly.
[23] These letters will be found in Mr Adams's Correspondence in the
month of June, 1780.
M. de Vergennes, who appears much offended, told me yesterday that he
would enter into no further discussions with Mr Adams, nor answer any
more of his letters. He is gone to Holland to try, as he told me,
whether something might not be done to render us less dependent on
France. He says the ideas of this Court and those of the people in
America are so totally different, that it is impossible for any
Minister to please both. He ought to know America better than I do,
having been there lately, and he may choose to do what he thinks will
best please the people of America. But when I consider the expressions
of Congress in many of their public acts, and particularly in their
letter to the Chevalier de la Luzerne, of the 24th of May last, I
cannot but imagine that he mistakes the sentiments of a few for a
general opinion. It is my intention, while I stay here, to procure
what advantages I can for our country, by endeavoring to please this
Court; and I wish I could prevent anything being said by any of our
countrymen here, that may have a contrary effect, and increase an
opinion lately showing itself in Paris, that we seek a difference, and
with a view of reconciling ourselves to England. Some of them have of
late been very indiscreet in their conversations.
I have received, eight months after their date, the instructions of
Congress relating to a new article for guarantying the fisheries. The
expected negotiations for a peace appearing of late more remote, and
being too much occupied with other affairs, I have not hitherto
proposed that article. But I purpose doing it next week. It appears so
reasonable and equitable, that I do not foresee any difficulty. In my
next I shall give you an account of what passes on the occasion.
The silver medal ordered for the Chevalier de Fleury, has been
delivered to his order here, he being gone to America. The others for
Brigadier General Wayne, and Colonel Stewart, I shall send by the next
good opportunity.
The two thousand pounds I furnished to Messrs Adams and Jay, agreeable
to an order of Congress, for themselves and Secretaries, being nearly
expended, and no supplies to them arriving, I have thought it my duty
to furnish them with further sums, hoping the supplies promised will
soon arrive to reimburse me, and enable me to pay the bills drawn on
Mr Laurens in Holland, which I have engaged for, to save the public
credit, the holders of those bills threatening otherways to protest
them. Messrs de Neufvilles of Amsterdam had accepted some of them. I
have promised those gentlemen to provide for the payment before they
become due, and to accept such others as shall be presented to me. I
hear, and hope it is true, that the drawing of such bills is stopped,
and that their number and value is not very great.
The bills drawn in favor of M. de Beaumarchais for the interest of his
debt are paid.
The German Prince, who gave me a proposal some months since for
furnishing troops to the Congress, has lately desired an answer. I
gave no expectation that it was likely you would agree to such a
proposal, but being pressed to send it to you, it went with some of my
former letters.
M. Fouquet, who was employed by Congress to instruct people in making
gunpowder, is arrived here, after a long passage; he has requested me
to transmit a memorial to Congress, which I do enclosed.
The great public event in Europe of this year, is the proposal by
Russia of an armed neutrality for protecting the liberty of commerce.
The proposition is accepted now by most of the maritime powers. As it
is likely to become the law of nations, _that free ships should make
free goods_, I wish the Congress to consider, whether it may not be
proper to give orders to their cruisers not to molest foreign ships,
but conform to the spirit of that treaty of neutrality.
The English have been much elated with their success at Charleston.
The late news of the junction of the French and Spanish fleets, has a
little abated their spirits; and I hope that junction, and the arrival
of the French troops and ships in North America, will soon produce
news, that may afford us also in our turn some satisfaction.
Application has been made to me here, requesting that I would solicit
Congress to permit the exchange of William John Mawhood, a Lieutenant
in the 17th regiment, taken prisoner at Stony Point, July 15th, 1779,
and confined near Philadelphia, or if the exchange cannot conveniently
be made, that he may be permitted to return to England on his parole.
By doing this at my request, the Congress will enable me to oblige
several friends of ours, who are persons of merit and distinction in
this country.
Be pleased, Sir, to present my duty to Congress, and believe me to be,
with great respect, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
_P. S._ A similar application has been made to me in favor of Richard
Croft, Lieutenant in the 20th regiment, a prisoner at Charlottesville.
I shall be much obliged by any kindness shown to that young gentleman,
and so will some friends of ours in England, who respect his father.
B. F.
* * * * *
TO JAMES LOVELL.
Passy, August 10th, 1780.
Sir,
I received on the 12th of June, 1780, copies of your several favors of
April the 29th, 1779, June the 13th, 1779, July the 9th and 16th,
August and September the 16th, 1779. You will see by this what delays
our correspondence sometimes meets with. I have lately received two of
fresher date, viz. February the 24th, and May the 4th. I thank you
much for the newspapers and journals you have from time to time sent
me; I endeavor to make full returns in the same way. I could furnish a
multitude of despatches with confidential informations taken out of
the papers I send you, if I chose to deal in that kind of manufacture;
I know the whole art of it, for I have had several volunteer
correspondents in England, who have in their letters for years
together communicated to me secrets of state, extracted from the
newspapers, which sometimes came to hand in those papers by the same
post, and sometimes by the post before. You and I send the papers
themselves. Our letters may appear the leaner, but what fat they have
is their own.
I wrote to you the 17th of October, and the 16th of March, and have
sent duplicates, some of which I hope got to hand. You mention
receiving one of September the 30th, and one of December the 30th, but
not that of October the 17th. The cypher you have communicated, either
from some defect in your explanation, or in my comprehension, is not
yet of use to me; for I cannot understand by it the little specimen
you have written in it. If you have that of M. Dumas, which I left
with Mr Morris, we may correspond by it when a few sentences are
required only to be written in cypher, but it is too tedious for a
whole letter.
I send herewith copies of the instruments annulling the 11th and 12th
articles of the treaty.[24] The treaty printed here by the Court
omitted them, and numbered the subsequent articles accordingly.
[24] For these instruments, see the Correspondence of the
Commissioners in Paris, Vol. I. p. 432.
I write fully to the President. The frequent hinderances the Committee
of Correspondence meet with in writing as a committee, which appear
from the excuses in your particular letters, and the many parts of my
letters, that have long been unanswered, incline me to think, that
your foreign correspondence would be best managed by one secretary,
who could write when he had an opportunity, without waiting for the
concurrence or opinions of his brethren, who cannot always be got
conveniently together. My chief letters will, therefore, for the
future be addressed to the President, till further orders.
I send you enclosed some more of Mr Hartley's letters. He continues
passionately to desire peace with America, but wishes we could be
separated from France.
With great esteem, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
* * * * *
JAMES LOVELL TO B. FRANKLIN.
Philadelphia, August 15th, 1780.
Sir,
Though I cannot procure the signatures of the Committee of Foreign
Affairs at this moment, nor the resolve of Congress respecting bills
to be drawn on you for one hundred thousand dollars, passed two or
three days ago, the bills payable at ninety days sight, yet I should
be blameable if I did not thus far notify you. The breach upon our
taxes at the southward by the possession, which the enemy have there,
made this disagreeable step necessary for the express purpose of
supporting General Gates in that department.
Notwithstanding the mention made in our journals long ago of giving
you a Secretary, no vote has lately been taken for the purpose.
Mr Laurens will be able, on any questions from you in corresponding,
to give you whatever the gazettes do not convey. I am, Sir, your most
humble servant,
JAMES LOVELL,
_For the Committee of Foreign Affairs_.
_P. S. August 27th, 1780._ I now add the resolves.
* * * * *
JAMES LOVELL TO B. FRANKLIN.
September 7th, 1780.
Sir,
With triplicate and duplicate of former dates I have to enclose to you
some further proceedings of Congress, respecting bills of exchange
drawn upon you, and to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of May
the 31st. I think I can venture now to assure you, that not a single
draft more will be made upon you, let the occasion be ever so
pressing; but you must be entreated to work with all energy as to the
past. You cannot conceive of the whole train of necessities, which led
to such decisions, after what you had written. Congress have lately
called for three millions more than formerly, estimating in silver, to
be paid by the last of December. Nothing but the weight of taxes will
put an end to the levity with which our currency is treated.
New York has empowered its delegates to cede part of her western
claims, and it is recommended to others to relinquish also a portion,
and Maryland is anew invited to close the ratification of the
confederating articles. We must as a whole show more vigor than of
late.
I am, Sir, your most humble servant,
JAMES LOVELL,
_For the Committee of Foreign Affairs_.
* * * * *
TO C. W. F. DUMAS.
Passy, October 2d, 1780.
Dear Sir,
I received duly your several letters of the 12th, 15th, 17th, 19th,
and 21st of September. I am much pleased with the intelligence you
sent me, and with the papers you have had printed.