expressed to me a desire of returning to the service in America,
though not entirely cured of his wound, which occasioned his voyage to
Europe, I endeavored to dissuade him from the undertaking. But he
having procured a letter to me from M. de Vergennes, of which I send
your Excellency a copy herewith, I have been induced to advance him
twentyfive louis d'ors towards enabling him to proceed. To justify his
long absence, he intends laying before Congress some letters from
William Lee, which he thinks will be sufficient for that purpose.
With great respect, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
* * * * *
TO AN AGENT OF AMERICAN CRUISERS.
Passy, May 30th, 1780.
Sir,
In my last, of the 27th instant, I omitted one thing I had intended,
viz. to desire you would give absolute orders to your cruisers not to
bring in any more Dutch vessels, though charged with enemy's goods,
unless contraband. All the neutral States of Europe seem at present
disposed to change what had before been deemed the law of nations, to
wit; that an enemy's property may be taken wherever found; and to
establish a rule that free ships shall make free goods. This rule is
itself so reasonable, and of a nature to be so beneficial to mankind,
that I cannot but wish it may become general. And I make no doubt but
that the Congress will agree to it, in as full an extent as France and
Spain. In the meantime, and until I have received their orders on the
subject, it is my intention to condemn no more English goods found in
Dutch vessels, unless contraband; of which I thought it right to give
you this previous notice, that you may avoid the trouble and expense
likely to arise from such captures, and from the detention of them for
a decision. With great regard, and best wishes for the success of your
enterprise,
I have the honor to be, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Passy, May 31st, 1780.
Sir,
I wrote to your Excellency the 4th of March past, to go by this ship,
the Alliance, then expected to sail immediately. But the men refusing
to go till paid their shares of prize money, and sundry difficulties
arising with regard to the sale and division, she has been detained
thus long to my great mortification, and I am yet uncertain when I
shall be able to get her out. The trouble and vexation which these
maritime affairs give me is inconceivable. I have often expressed to
Congress my wish to be relieved from them, and that some person better
acquainted with them, and better situated, might be appointed to
manage them; much money as well as time would, I am sure, be saved by
such an appointment.
The Alliance is to carry some of the cannon long since ordered and as
much of the powder, arms and clothing, (furnished by government here)
as she, together with a frigate, the Ariel, we have borrowed, can
take. I hope they may between them take the whole, with what has been
provided by Mr Ross. This gentleman has, by what I can learn served
the Congress well in the quality and prices of the goods he has
purchased. I wish it had been in my power to discharge his balance
here, for which he has importuned me rather too much. We furnished him
with about twenty thousand pounds sterling to discharge his first
accounts, which he was to replace as soon as he received remittance
from the Committee of Commerce. This has not been done, and he now
demands another nearly equal sum, urging as before, that the credit
of the States as well as his own will be hurt by my refusal.
Mr Bingham too complains of me for refusing some of his drafts, as
very hurtful to his credit, though he owns he had no orders from
Congress to authorise those drafts. I never undertook to provide for
more than the payment of the interest bills of the first loan. The
Congress have drawn on me very considerably for other purposes, which
has sometimes greatly embarrassed me, but I have duly accepted and
found means to pay their drafts; so that their credit in Europe has
been well supported. But if every agent of Congress in different parts
of the world is permitted to run in debt, and draw upon me at pleasure
to support his credit, under the idea of its being necessary to do so
for the honor of Congress, the difficulty upon me will be too great,
and I may in fine be obliged to protest the interest bills. I
therefore beg that a stop may be put to such irregular proceedings.
Had the loans proposed to be made in Europe succeeded, these practices
might not have been so inconvenient, but the number of agents from
separate States running all over Europe, and asking to borrow money,
has given such an idea of our distress and poverty as makes every body
afraid to trust us. I am much pleased to find that Congress has at
length resolved to borrow of our own people, by making then future
bills bear interest. This interest duly paid in hard money, to such as
require hard money, will fix the value of the principal, and even make
the payment of the interest in hard money for the most part
unnecessary, provided always that the quantity of principal be not
excessive.
A great clamor has lately been made here by some merchants, who say
they have large sums in their hands of paper money in America, and
that they are ruined by some resolution of Congress, which reduces its
value to one part in forty. As I have had no letter explaining this
matter, I have only been able to say, that it is probably
misunderstood, and that I am confident the Congress have not done, nor
will do, anything unjust towards strangers, who have given us credit.
I have indeed been almost ready to complain, that I hear so little and
so seldom from Congress, or from the Committee of Correspondence, but
I know the difficulty of communication, and the frequent interruption
it meets in this time of war. I have not yet received a line this
year, and the letters written by the Confederacy, as I suppose some
must have been written by her, have not yet come to hand.
I mentioned, in a former letter, my having communicated to Mr Johnson
of Nantes, the order of Congress appointing him to examine the
account, and his acceptance of that appointment. Nothing, however, has
yet been done in pursuance of it; for Mr Deane having written that he
might be expected here by the middle of March, and as his presence
would be very useful in explaining the mercantile transactions, I have
waited his arrival to request Mr Johnson's coming to Paris, that his
detention here from his affairs at Nantes might be as short as
possible. Mr Deane is not yet come; but as we have heard of the
arrival of the Fendant in Martinique, in which ship he took his
passage, we imagine he may be here in some of the first ships from
that island.
The medal for M. de Fleury is done and delivered to his order, he
being absent; I shall get the others prepared as soon as possible by
the same hand, if I cannot find a cheaper equally good, which I am
now inquiring after. Two thousand livres appear to me a great sum for
the work.
With my last I sent a copy of my memorial to the Court of Denmark. I
have since received an answer from the Minister of that Court for
Foreign Affairs, a copy of which I enclose. It referred me to the
Danish Minister here, with whom I have had a conference on the
subject. He was full of professions of the good will of his Court to
the United States, and would excuse the delivery of our prizes to the
English, as done in conformity to treaties, which it was necessary to
observe. He had not the treaty to show me, and I have not been able to
find such a treaty on inquiry. After my memorial, our people left at
Bergen were treated with the greatest kindness by an order from Court,
their expenses during the winter that they had been detained there all
paid, necessaries furnished to them for their voyage to Dunkirk, and a
passage thither found for them all at the King's expense. I have not
dropped the application for a restitution, but shall continue to push
it, not without some hopes of success. I wish, however, to receive
instructions relating to it, and I think a letter from Congress to
that Court might forward the business; for I believe they are sensible
they have done wrong, and are apprehensive of the inconveniences that
may follow. With this I send the protests taken at Bergen against the
proceeding.
The Alliance, in her last cruise, met with and sent to America a Dutch
ship, supposed to have on board an English cargo. The owners have made
application to me. I have assured them, that they might depend on the
justice of our courts, and that if they could prove their property
there, it would be restored. M. Dumas has written to me about it. I
enclose his letter, and wish despatch may be given to the business, as
well to prevent the inconveniences of a misunderstanding with Holland,
as for the sake of justice.
A ship of that nation has been brought in here by the Black Prince,
having an English cargo. I consulted with Messrs Adams and Dana, who
informed me that it was an established rule with us in such cases to
confiscate the cargo, but to release the ship, paying her freight, &c.
This I have accordingly ordered in the case of this ship, and hope it
may be satisfactory. But it is a critical time with respect to such
cases, for whatever may formerly have been the law of nations, all the
neutral powers at the instance of Russia seem at present disposed to
change it, and to enforce the rule that _free ships shall make free
goods_, except in the case of contraband. Denmark, Sweden, and
Holland, have already acceded to the proposition, and Portugal is
expected to follow. France and Spain, in their answers, have also
expressed their approbation of it. I have, therefore, instructed our
privateers to bring in no more neutral ships, as such prizes occasion
much litigation, and create ill blood.
The Alliance, Captain Landais, took two Swedes in coming hither, who
demand of us for damages, one, upward of sixty thousand livres, and
the other near five hundred pounds sterling; and I cannot well see how
the demand is to be settled. In the newspapers that I send, the
Congress will see authentic pieces expressing the sense of the
European powers on the subject of neutral navigation. I hope to
receive the sense of Congress for my future government, and for the
satisfaction of the neutral nations now entering into the confederacy,
which is considered here as a great stroke against England.
In truth, that country seems to have no friends on this side of the
water; no other nation wishes it success in its present war, but
rather desires to see it effectually humbled; no one, not even their
old friends the Dutch, will afford them any assistance. Such is the
mischievous effect of pride, insolence, and injustice on the affairs
of nations, as well as on those of private persons!
The English party in Holland is daily diminishing, and the States are
arming vigorously to maintain the freedom of their navigation. The
consequence may possibly be a war with England, or a serious
disposition in that mad nation to save what they can by a timely
peace.
Our cartel for the exchange of American prisoners has been some time
at a stand. When our little squadron brought near five hundred into
Holland, England would not at first exchange Americans for them there,
expecting to take them in their passage to France. But at length an
agreement was made between the English and French ambassadors, and I
was persuaded to give them up, on a promise of having an equal number
of English delivered to my order at Morlaix. So those were exchanged
for Frenchmen. But the English now refuse to take any English in
exchange for Americans, that have not been taken by American cruisers.
They also refuse to send me any Americans in exchange for their
prisoners released, and sent home by the two flags of truce from
Boston. Thus they give up all pretensions to equity and honor, and
govern themselves by caprice, passion, and transient views of present
interest.
Be pleased to present my duty to Congress, and believe me to be with
great respect, your Excellency's, &c.
B. FRANKLIN
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS
Passy, June 1st, 1780
Sir,
Commodore Jones, who by his bravery and conduct has done great honor
to the American flag, desires to have that also of presenting a line
to the hands of your Excellency. I cheerfully comply with his request,
in recommending, him to the notice of Congress, and to your
Excellency's protection, though his actions are a more effectual
recommendation, and render any from me unnecessary. It gives me,
however, an opportunity of showing my readiness to do justice to
merit, and of professing the esteem and respect with which I am
Your Excellency's, &c.
B. FRANKLIN
* * * * *
TO C. W. F. DUMAS.
Passy June 5th, 1780
Dear Sir,
The gentleman whose name you wished to know, in one of your late
letters, is _M. Westhuysen, Echevin et Conseiller de la Ville de
Harlem_. I shall probably send an order to that place for some of the
types, of which you have sent me the prices, _before I leave Europe_.
I think them very good and not dear.
A Dutch ship belonging to Messrs Little, Dale, & Co. of Rotterdam,
being brought into France as having an English cargo on board, I have
followed your opinion with regard to the condemnation of the cargo,
which I think the more right, as the English have in the West Indies
confiscated several of our cargoes found in Dutch ships. But to show
respect to the declaration of the Empress of Russia, I have written to
the owners of our privateers, a letter of which I enclose a copy,
together with a copy of the judgment, for your use, if you hear of any
complaint. I approve much of the principles of the confederacy of the
neutral powers, and am not only for respecting the ships as the house
of a friend, though containing the goods of an enemy, but I even wish
for the sake of humanity, that the law of nations may be further
improved, by determining, that even in time of war, all those kinds of
people who are employed in procuring subsistence for the species, or
in exchanging the necessaries or conveniences of life, which are for
the common benefit of mankind, such as husbandmen on their lands,
fishermen in their barques, and traders in unarmed vessels, shall be
permitted to prosecute their several innocent and useful employments
without interruption or molestation, and nothing taken from them, even
when wanted by an enemy, but on paying a fair price for the same.
I think you have done well to print the letter of Clinton, for though
I have myself had suspicions whether some parts of it were really
written by him, yet I have no doubt of the facts stated, and think the
piece valuable, as giving a true account of the state of British and
American affairs in that quarter. On the whole, it has the appearance
of a letter written by a general, who did not approve of the
expedition he was sent upon, who had no opinion of the judgment of
those who drew up his instructions, who had observed, that the
preceding commanders, Gage, Burgoyne, Keppel, and the Howes, had all
been censured by the Ministers for having unsuccessfully attempted to
execute injudicious instructions with unequal force, and he therefore
wrote such a letter, not merely to give the information contained in
it, but to be produced in his vindication, when he might be recalled,
and his want of success charged upon him as a crime; though, in truth,
owing to the folly of the Ministers, who had ordered him on
impracticable projects, and persisted in them, notwithstanding his
faithful informations, without furnishing the necessary number of
troops he had demanded. In this view much of the letter may be
accounted for, without supposing it fictitious; and therefore if not
genuine, it is ingeniously written. But you will easily conceive, that
if the state of public facts it contains were known in America to be
false, such a publication there would have been absurd, and of no
possible use to the cause of the country.
I have written to M. Neufville concerning the bills you mention: I
have no orders or advice about them, know nothing of them, and
therefore cannot prudently meddle with them; especially as the funds
in my power are not more than sufficient to answer the Congress bills
for interest and other inevitable demands. He desired to know whether
I would engage to reimburse him, if he should accept and pay them; but
as I know not the amount of them, I cannot enter into any such
engagement; for though, if they are genuine Congress bills, I am
persuaded all possible care will be taken by Congress to provide for
their punctual payment, yet there are so many accidents, by which
remittances are delayed or intercepted in the time of war, that I dare
not hazard for these new bills the possibility of being rendered
unable to pay the others.
With great esteem, I am, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
* * * * *
COUNT DE VERGENNES TO B. FRANKLIN.
Versailles, June 30th, 1780.
Sir,
I did not until this day receive the letter, which you did me the
honor to write to me on the 24th of this month.
You request, in consequence of an application made to you by Mr Adams,
that the orders given to the Chevalier de la Luzerne relative to a
resolution of Congress of the 18th of March last should be revoked, or
at least suspended, as that Plenipotentiary is able to prove, that
those orders are founded on false reports.
Mr Adams on the 22d sent me a long dissertation on the subject in
question, but it contains only abstract reasonings, hypothesis, and
calculations, which have no real foundation, or which at least do not
apply to the subjects of the King, and in fine principles, than which
nothing can be less analogous to the alliance subsisting between his
Majesty and the United States.
By this, Sir, you can judge that the pretended proofs mentioned by Mr
Adams are not of a nature to induce us to change our opinion, and
consequently cannot effect a revocation or suspension of the orders
given to the Chevalier de la Luzerne. The King is so firmly persuaded,
Sir, that your private opinion respecting the effects of that
resolution of Congress as far as it concerns strangers, and especially
Frenchmen, differs from that of Mr Adams, that he is not apprehensive
of laying you under any embarrassments by requesting you to support
the representations, which his Minister is ordered to make to
Congress. And that you may be enabled to do this with a complete
knowledge of the case, his Majesty has commanded me to send you a copy
of my letter to Mr Adams, the observations of that Plenipotentiary,
and my answer to him.
The King expects that you will lay the whole before Congress, and his
Majesty flatters himself that that assembly, inspired with principles
different from those which Mr Adams has discovered, will convince his
Majesty, that they know how to prize those marks of favor, which the
King has constantly shown to the United States.
However, Sir, the King does not undertake to point out to Congress the
means which may be employed to indemnify the French, who are holders
of the paper money. His Majesty, with respect to that, relies entirely
on the justice and wisdom of that assembly.
I have the honor to be, &c.
DE VERGENNES.
* * * * *
COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS TO B. FRANKLIN.
Philadelphia, July 11th, 1780.
Sir,
After the repeated remonstrances, which you have made to Congress on
the subject of bills of exchange, the enclosed resolution we are well
aware will need an apology. We regret, that you should have so much
trouble, and be put to so many expedients in matters of this kind,
well knowing how delicate a point it is to solicit further advances,
after so many have already been made. Congress, attending to your
letters and representations, have taken this step with reluctance; but
the present crisis, when not only the preparations for a vigorous
campaign call for large expenditures, but the expectation of a
co-operating force makes great additions necessary, has induced them
to risk the sum mentioned. The bills will not be drawn faster than
indispensable exigencies may require, and it is to be hoped, that this
mode of commanding cash will not be again resorted to.
We are, Sir, &c.
JAMES LOVELL,
W. C. HOUSTON.
* * * * *
THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS TO B. FRANKLIN.
Philadelphia, July 11th, 1780.
Sir,
Congress having appointed the Honorable Henry Laurens to solicit a
loan of money in the United Provinces of the Low Countries, in order
to facilitate his success the enclosed resolution has been passed. We
need say nothing to explain or urge it, except that it is thought a
mark of attention and confidence due to those powers named in it, that
their interest, if the state of politics inclines them to exert it,
will have a good effect; and, that the want of money makes this loan a
very capital object to the United States. You will, we are sure, give
Mr Laurens every assistance in your power, and solicit the countenance
of the Court where you reside to forward his negotiations.
Until Mr Laurens shall arrive, Mr Adams is commissioned and empowered
to undertake that business, and, in case of his disability, Mr Dana is
in like manner commissioned and empowered.
We are, Sir, your humble servants,
JAMES LOVELL,
W. C. HOUSTON.
* * * * *
THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS TO B. FRANKLIN.
Philadelphia, July 11th, 1780.
Sir,
We are to communicate to you, that Congress entertain a favorable
sense of the attention and services of Mons. de Chezaulx, His Most
Christian Majesty's Consul at the port of Bergen in Norway, in the
late affair of the prizes sent in there by the squadron commanded by
Captain Jones, and we beg you will present, through the proper
channel, the acknowledgment to be made for the polite respect shown to
the interests of the citizens of these States.
We are, Sir, your very humble servants,
JAMES LOVELL,
W. C. HOUSTON.
* * * * *
COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS TO H. DOHRMAN, MERCHANT, LISBON.
Philadelphia, July 11th, 1780.
Sir,
Mr George Anderson, of Virginia, having informed us of the humane and
benevolent attention uniformly given by you to the citizens of these
States, who have been so unfortunate as to be captivated at sea and
carried into the ports of Portugal, we represented the same to
Congress, to whom it gave much pleasure to know, that those men had
found a patron and friend disposed to alleviate their distresses.
The enclosed Resolve constitutes you an Agent of Congress, and you
will, from time to time, receive powers and instructions from that
body through this Committee. At present we need only say in general,
that the affairs of the citizens of America, applying for relief in
captivity, are committed to your discretion, and your countenance and
advice in matters of business are solicited for others.
We wish to learn from you in what manner you would be repaid, trusting
that though the war in which this republic is engaged oppresses it
with expense, and calls now for all its resources, you will by no
means fail in the end of compensation.
You must be governed in your advances on account of these United
States more by that economy, which their circumstances make essential,
than by the liberality of your own habits, which American subjects in
distress will probably but too often stimulate. You ought to know that
Doctor Franklin and others, who have advanced monies to Americans
under the misfortune of captivity, have transmitted receipts
regularly, so that due charges may be made against those who are in
public service, and repayment may be had of those who are in condition
to make it while in private employ.
You will correspond with our Ministers and Agents in France, Spain,
and Holland, whenever you may thereby promote the interests of these
United States, for which you have manifested already so much regard.
We are, Sir, your most humble servants,
JAMES LOVELL,
WILLIAM C. HOUSTON.
* * * * *
DAVID HARTLEY TO B. FRANKLIN.
London, July 17th, 1780.
My Dear Friend,