seems to little purpose to make or consider propositions relating to
it. I have had so many such put into my hands, that I am tired of
them. I will however give your proposal of a ten years' truce this
answer, that, though I think a solid peace made at once a much better
thing, yet, if the truce is practicable and the peace not, I should be
for agreeing to it. At least I see at present no sufficient reasons
for refusing it, provided our allies approve of it. But this is merely
a private opinion of mine, which perhaps may be changed by reasons,
that at present do not offer themselves. This, however, I am clear in,
that withdrawing your troops will be best for you, if you wish a
cordial reconciliation, and that the truce should produce a peace. To
show that it was not done by compulsion, being required as a condition
of the truce, they might be withdrawn beforehand, for various good
reasons. But all this is idle chat, as I am persuaded, that there is
no disposition for peace on your side, and that this war will yet last
many years. I know nothing and believe nothing of any terms offered to
Sir Henry Clinton.
The prisoners taken in the Serapis and Countess of Scarborough being
all treated for in Holland, and exchanged there, I hope Mr Brown's
son is now safe at home with his father. It grieved me, that the
exchange there, which you may remember I immediately proposed, was so
long delayed. Much human misery might have been prevented by a prompt
compliance; and so might a great deal by the execution of parole
promises taken at sea; but since I see no regard is paid to them in
England, I must give orders to our armed ships that cruise in Europe
to secure their prisoners as well as they can, and lodge them in
French or Spanish prisons. I have written something on this affair to
Mr Hodgson, and sent to him the second passport for a cartel to
Morlaix, supposing you to be out of town. The number of prisoners we
now have in France is not easily ascertained. I suppose it exceeds one
hundred; yet you may be assured, that the number which may be brought
over by the two cartels shall be fully exchanged, by adding to those
taken by us as many as will make up the compliment out of those taken
by the French, with whom we have an account since the exchange in
Holland of those we carried in there. I wish therefore you would, as
was proposed, clear your prisons of the Americans, who have been so
long confined there. The cartels, that may arrive at Morlaix, will not
be detained.
You may have heard, that accounts upon oath have been taken in
America, by order of Congress, of the British barbarities committed
there. It is expected of me to make a school book of them, and to have
thirtyfive prints designed here by good artists, and engraved, each
expressing one or more of the different horrid facts, to be inserted
in the book, in order to impress the minds of children and posterity
with a deep sense of your bloody, and insatiable malice and
wickedness. Every kindness I hear of, done by an Englishman to an
American prisoner, makes me resolve not to proceed in the work, hoping
a reconciliation may yet take place. But every fresh instance of your
devilism weakens that resolution, and makes me abominate the thought
of a reunion with such a people. You, my friend, have often persuaded
me, and I believed it, that the war was not theirs, nor approved by
them. But their suffering it so long to continue, and the wretched
rulers to remain who carry it on, makes me think you have too good an
opinion of them.
Adieu, my dear friend, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
* * * * *
JAMES LOVELL TO B. FRANKLIN.
Philadelphia, February 24th, 1780.
Sir,
I forward the gazettes to Boston for you, as usual, without knowing
when they will find a passage from thence. Your letters of September
the 30th, and one from Arthur Lee, of December the 8th, came to hand
two days ago, your prior being May the 26th, received August the 17th.
I hope you have got newspapers from me often, though I have written
few letters. The Commercial Committee is impressed with your
sentiments respecting drafts. They are a mere name at present. I hope
that branch will, for a time, be conducted by the Admiralty Board,
till a new arrangement can be formed, to be executed by persons not
members of Congress. We are about calling on the States according to
their staples, so that the prospect of suitable remittances is
enlarged. This plan is consequent upon a resolve of December the 14th.
I am, with great respect, Sir, &c.
JAMES LOVELL.
_P. S._ The Chevalier de la Luzerne expressed to me anxiety because we
do not correspond in cypher. I early communicated to you from
Baltimore a very good one, though a little tedious, like that of M.
Dumas. I enclose you a sample at this time.
* * * * *
TO SAMUEL HUNTINGTON, PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Passy, March 4th, 1780.
Sir,
M. Gerard, under whose care I understand the despatches from Congress
to me were forwarded, is not yet arrived here, and I have not received
them. I cannot, therefore, at present answer anything that may be
contained in them. He is, however, expected next week, and I may
afterwards have time to write further by the Alliance. Mr Adams is
come, but did not bring duplicates of those despatches. I have, in
obedience to the order of Congress, which he produced to me, furnished
him with one thousand louis d'ors. I have also given a credit to Mr
Jay upon the correspondent of our banker at Madrid for an equal sum. I
have not yet heard of his arrival there. His letter to me was from
Cadiz, of the 28th of January.
In my last I gave some account of the success of our little squadron
under Commodore Jones. Three of their prizes sent into Bergen, in
Norway, were at the instance of the British Minister seized by order
of the Court of Denmark, and delivered up to him. I have, with the
approbation of the Ministry here, drawn up and sent to that Court a
memorial reclaiming those prizes. It went through the hands of the
French Minister residing there, who has delivered it; but I have yet
no answer. I understand from the French Consul at Bergen, that the
prizes remain still in that port, and it is said there is some hope
that the order may be reversed, but this is doubtful, and I suppose
the Congress will immediately consider this important affair, and give
me such instructions upon it as they may judge proper. With this, I
send a copy of the memorial.
During the cruise a mortal quarrel took place between the Commodore
and Captain Landais. On their arrival in Holland, M. de Sartine,
Minister of the Marine, proposed to me the sending for Landais, in
order to inquire into his conduct. I doubted the propriety of my
meddling in the affair, but Captain Landais' friends conceiving it a
measure that might be serviceable to him, and pressing it, I complied,
and he came accordingly to Paris. I send the minutes of the inquiry
for the consideration of Congress. I have not presumed to condemn or
acquit him, doubting as well my own judgment as my authority. He
proposes to demand a Court Martial in America. In his absence from the
ship, the Commodore took the command of her, and on quitting the Texel
made a cruise through the channel to Spain, and is since returned to
the L'Orient, where the ship is now refitting in order to return to
America. Captain Landais has not applied to me to be replaced in her,
and I imagine has no thought of that kind, having before on several
occasions expressed to me and others his dissatisfaction with his
officers, and his inclination on that account to quit her. Captain
Jones will therefore carry her home, unless he should be prevailed
with to enter another service, which, however, I think is not likely,
though he has gained immense reputation all over Europe for his
bravery.
As vessels of war under my care create me a vast deal of business, of
a kind too, that I am unexperienced in, and by my distance from the
coast is very difficult to be well executed, I must repeat my earnest
request, that some person of skill in such affairs may be appointed in
the character of Consul, to take charge of them. I imagine that much
would by that means be saved in the expense of their various
refittings and supplies, which to me appears enormous.
Agreeable to the order of Congress, I have employed one of the best
artists here in cutting the dies for the medal intended for M. de
Fleury. The price of such work is beyond my expectation, being a
thousand livres for each die. I shall try if it is not possible to
have the others done cheaper.
Our exchange of prisoners has been for some time past at a stand, the
English admiralty refusing, after long consideration, to give us any
men in return for those who had been dismissed by our armed vessels on
parole, and the actual prisoners we had being all exchanged. When the
squadron of Commodore Jones arrived in the Texel with five hundred
English prisoners; I proposed exchanging there; but this was declined,
in expectation, as I heard from England, of retaking them in their way
to France. The stay of our ships in Holland, through the favor of the
States, being prolonged, and the squadrons stationed to intercept us
being tired of cruising for us, the British Ministry consented at
length to a cartel with France, and brought Frenchmen to Holland to
exchange for those prisoners instead of Americans. These proceedings
have occasioned our poor people to be kept longer in confinement, but
the Minister of the Marine, having given orders that I should have as
many English, another cartel charged with Americans is now daily
expected, and I hope in a few months to see them all at liberty. This
for their sakes, and also to save expense; for their long and hard
imprisonment induces many to hazard attempts of escaping, and those
who get away through London and Holland, and come to Paris in their
way to some seaport in France, cost one with another, I believe, near
twenty pounds sterling a head.
The delays in the exchange have I think been lengthened by the
Admiralty, partly with the view of breaking the patience of our
people, and inducing them to enter the English service. They have
spared no pains for this purpose, and have prevailed with some. The
number of these has not indeed been great, and several of them lost
their lives in the blowing up of the Quebec. I am also lately informed
from London, that the flags of truce with prisoners from Boston, one
of which is seized as British property, will obtain no Americans in
exchange; the returned English being told, that they had no authority
or right to make such agreements with rebels, &c. This is not the only
instance in which it appears, that a few late successes have given
that nation another _hour of insolence_. And yet their affairs, upon
the whole wear a very unpromising aspect. They have not yet been able
to find any allies in Europe. Holland grows daily less and less
disposed to comply with their requisitions; Ireland is not satisfied,
but is making new demands; Scotland, and the Protestants in England
are uneasy, and the associations of counties in England, with
committees of correspondence to make reforms in the government, all
taken together, give a good deal of apprehension at present, even to
their mad Ministers, while their debt, on the point of amounting to
the amazing sum of two hundred millions, hangs as a millstone upon the
neck of their credit, and must ere long sink it beyond redemption.
The disposition of this Court continues as favorable as ever, though
it cannot comply with all our demands. The supplies required, in the
invoice sent me by the Committee, appeared too great and numerous to
be immediately furnished. Three millions of livres were, however,
granted me, with which, after deducting what will be necessary to pay
the interest bills, and other late drafts of Congress, I could not
venture on ordering more than ten thousand suits of clothes. With
these, we shall have fifteen thousand arms and accoutrements. A good
deal of the cloth goes over in the Alliance, purchased by Mr Ross,
which, it is computed, may make seven or eight thousand suits more.
But although we have not obtained that invoice of goods, this Court
being of immense expense in the preparations for the next campaign, I
have reason to believe that a part of those preparations will be
employed in essential assistance to the United States, and I hope
effectual, though at present I cannot be more particular.
I have sent to Mr Johnson the vote of Congress relative to the
settlement of the accounts. He has expressed his readiness to enter
on the service. Mr Deane is soon expected here, whose presence is very
necessary, and I hope with his help they may be gone through without
much difficulty. I could have wished it had suited Mr Lee to have been
here at the same time.
The Marquis de Lafayette, who, during his residence in France, has
been extremely zealous in supporting our cause on all occasions,
returns again to fight for it. He is infinitely esteemed and beloved
here, and I am persuaded will do everything in his power to merit a
continuance of the same affection from America.
With the greatest respect, I have the honor to be, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
* * * * *
FROM R. BERNSTORF, MINISTER OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS IN DENMARK, TO B.
FRANKLIN.
Translation.
Copenhagen, March 8th, 1780.
Sir,
Were you a person less known and respected, I should have been quite
at a loss on the subject of the letter, which I have had the honor of
receiving from you, which did not come to hand till the 31st of
January. I should have considered it as a measure calculated to place
us under a new embarrassment as painful as the first; but there is no
fear nor risk with such a sage as you are, Sir, generally respected by
that universe, which you have enlightened, and known for that
prevailing love for truth, which characterises the good man and the
true philosopher. These are the titles, which will transmit your name
to the remotest posterity, and in which I am particularly interested
at the time, when the situation of affairs imposes on me the
necessity of divesting myself of every public character, in writing to
you, and only to aspire at appearing to you what I truly am, the
passionate friend of peace, truth, and merit.
This mode of thinking not only decides my personal sentiments with
respect to you, but also those I have respecting the unfortunate
affair, which you have thought fit to mention to me, and which, from
its commencement, has given me the utmost pain. You will readily agree
with me, Sir, in granting that there are perplexing situations in
which it is impossible to avoid displeasing one party. You are too
equitable not to enter into ours. There would be no consolation in
such cases, nor would the persons who have been led into them ever be
forgiven, were it not that opportunities sometimes present themselves
of being heard, and preventing in future such essential
embarrassments.
The Baron de Blome will speak to you in confidence, and with the
utmost freedom on this subject, and if my wishes can be accomplished I
shall be recompensed for all my pains, and there will only remain the
agreeable recollection of having had the satisfaction of assuring you,
from under my hand, of that superior and perfect esteem with which I
have the honor of being, Sir, &c.
R. BERNSTORF.
* * * * *
TO JAMES LOVELL.
Passy, March 16th, 1780.
Dear Sir,
The Marquis de Lafayette, our firm and constant friend, returning to
America, I have written a long letter by him to the President, of
which a copy goes by this ship. M. Gerard is since arrived, and I have
received the despatches you mentioned to me, but no letter in answer
to mine, a very long one, by the Chevalier de la Luzerne, nor any
acknowledgment that it came to hand.
By the many newspapers and pamphlets I send, you will see the present
state of European affairs in general. Ireland continues to insist on
complete liberty, and will probably obtain it. The meetings of
counties in England, and the committees of correspondence they
appoint, alarm a good deal the Ministry, especially since it has been
proposed to elect out of each committee a few persons to assemble in
London, which, if carried into execution, will form a kind of
Congress, that will have more of the confidence and support of the
people than the old Parliament. If the nation is not too corrupt, as I
rather think it is, some considerable reformation of internal abuses
may be expected from this. With regard to us, the only advantage to be
reasonably expected from it is a peace, the general bent of the nation
being for it.
The success of Admiral Rodney's fleet against our allies has a little
elated our enemies for the present, and probably they will not now
think of proposing it. If the approaching campaign, for which great
preparations are making here, should end disadvantageously to them,
they will be more treatable, for their debts and taxes are daily
becoming more burthensome, while their commerce, the source of their
wealth, diminishes, and though they have flattered themselves with
obtaining assistance from Russia and other powers, it does not appear
they are likely to succeed; on the contrary, they are in danger of
losing the neutrality of Holland.
Their conduct with regard to the exchange of prisoners has been very
unjust. After long suspense and affected delays for the purpose of
wearing out our poor people, they have finally refused to deliver us a
man in exchange for those set at liberty by our cruisers on parole. A
letter, which I enclose from Captain Mitchell, will show the treatment
of the late flags of truce from Boston. There is no gaining anything
from these barbarians by advances of civility or humanity.
Enclosed I send for Congress the justification of this Court against
the accusation published in the late English memorials.
With great esteem, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
* * * * *
TO JOSEPH REED, PRESIDENT OF THE STATE OF PENNSYLVANIA.
Passy. March 19th, 1780.
Sir,
I have just received the pamphlet you did me the honor to send me by
M. Gerard, and have read it with pleasure. Not only as the clear state
of facts it does you honor, but as it proves the falsehood of a man,
who also showed no regard to truth in what he said of me, "_that I
approved of the propositions he carried over_." The truth is this. His
brother, Mr. Pultney, came here with those propositions; and after
stipulating, that if I did not approve of them, I should not speak of
them to any person, he communicated them to me. I told him frankly, on
his desiring to know my sentiments, that I DID NOT _approve of them,
and that I was sure they_ WOULD NOT _be accepted in America_. But, I
said, there are two other Commissioners here; I will, if you please,
show your propositions to them, and you will hear their opinions. I
will also show them to the ministry here, without whose knowledge and
concurrence we can take no step in such affairs. No, said he, as you
do not approve of them, it can answer no purpose to show them to
anybody else; the reasons that weigh with you will also weigh with
them; therefore I now pray that no mention may be made of my having
been here, or my business. To this I agreed, and therefore nothing
could be more astonishing to me, than to see in an American newspaper,
that direct lie, in a letter from Mr Johnstone, joined with two other
falsehoods relating to the time of the treaty, and to the opinion of
Spain!
In proof of the above I enclose a certificate of a friend of Mr
Pultney's, the only person present at our interview;[21] and I do it
the rather at this time, because I am informed that another
calumniator (the same who formerly in his private letters to
particular members accused you, with Messrs Jay, Duane, Langdon, and
Harrison, of betraying the secrets of Congress in a correspondence
with the ministry) has made this transition with Mr Pultney an article
of accusation against me, as having approved the same propositions. He
proposes, I understand, to settle in your government. I caution you to
beware of him; for in sowing suspicions and jealousies, in creating
misunderstandings and quarrels among friends, in malice, subtility,
and indefatigable industry, he has I think no equal.
I am glad to see that you continue to preside in our new State, as it
shows that your public conduct is approved by the people. You have had
a difficult time, which required abundance of prudence, and you have
been equal to the occasion. The disputes about the Constitution seem
to have subsided. It is much admired here, and all over Europe, and
will draw over many families of fortune to settle under it, as soon as
there is a peace. The defects that may on seven years' trial be found
in it can be amended, when the time comes for considering them.
With great and sincere esteem and respect I have the honor to be, &c.
B. FRANKLIN
[21]
TO B. FRANKLIN
Dear Sir,
I send you adjoined the certificate you desire, and am perfectly
convinced, from conversations I have since had with Mr Pultney, that
no body was authorised to hold the language, which has been imputed to
him on that subject, and as I have a high opinion of his candor and
worth I know it must be painful to him to be brought into question in
matters of fact with persons he esteems. I could wish that this matter
may receive no further publicity, than what is necessary for your
justification.
I am, &c.
W. ALEXANDER.
* * * * *
Paris, March 19th, 1780.
I do hereby certify whom it may concern, that I was with Mr Pultney
and Dr Franklin at Paris, when in a conversation between them, on the
subject of certain propositions for a reconciliation with America,
offered by Mr Pultney, Dr Franklin said, he did not approve of them,
nor did he think they would be approved in America, but that he would
communicate them to his colleagues and the French ministry. This Mr
Pultney opposed, saying that it would answer no good end, as he was
persuaded, that what weighed with Dr Franklin would weigh also with
them, and therefore desired, that no mention might be made of his
having offered such propositions, or even of his having been here on
such business, but that the whole might be buried in oblivion,
agreeable to what had been stipulated by Mr Pultney, and agreed to by
Dr Franklin, before the propositions were produced, which Dr Franklin
accordingly promised.
W. ALEXANDER
* * * * *
COUNT DE VERGENNES TO B. FRANKLIN.
Translation.
Versailles, May 11th, 1780.
Sir,
The Baron de Goltz has warmly entreated me to recommend to you the
Baron d'Arendt, a Prussian officer in the service of the United
States. I the more readily acquiesce in satisfying his demand, as you
will certainly take a pleasure in obliging this Minister, as far as in
your power.
The Baron d'Arendt will himself explain the different matters, in
which he thinks he wants your aid with Congress.
I have the honor of being, with great sincerity, &c.
DE VERGENNES.
* * * * *
TO THE JUDGES OF THE ADMIRALTY AT CHERBOURG.
Passy, May 16th, 1780.
Gentlemen,
I have received the _procés verbaux_, and other papers you did me the
honor to send me, agreeable to the 11th article of the regulation of
the 27th of September, 1778. These pieces relate to the taking of the
ship Flora, whereof was Captain Henry Roodenberg, bound from Rotterdam
to Dublin, and arrived at Cherbourg, in France, being taken the 7th
day of April, by Captain Dowlin, commander of the American privateer
the Black Prince.
It appears to me from the above mentioned papers, that the said ship
Flora is not a good prize, the same belonging to the subjects of a
neutral nation; but that the cargo is really the property of the
subjects of the King of England, though attempted to be masked as
neutral. I do therefore request, that after the cargo shall be landed,
you would cause the said ship Flora to be immediately restored to her
captain, and that you would oblige the captors to pay him his full
freight according to his bills of lading, and also to make good all
the damages he may have sustained by plunder or otherwise; and I
further request, that as the cargo is perishable, you would cause it
to be sold immediately, and retain the produce deposited in your
hands, to the end, that if any of the freighters, being subjects of
their High Mightinesses the States-Generals, will declare upon oath,
that certain parts of the said cargo were _bona fide_ shipped on their
own account and risk, and not on the account and risk of any British
or Irish subjects, the value of such parts may be restored; or, that
if the freighters, or any of them, should think fit to appeal from
this judgment to the Congress, the produce so deposited may be
disposed of according to their final determination.
I have the honor to be, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Passy, May 22d, 1780.
Sir,