even given an answer to the requisition presented by Sir Joseph Yorke.
The aids will be refused; and as the refusal must be disagreeable, it
will be postponed from time to time. The expectations of assistance
from Russia and Prussia seem also to have failed the English, and they
are as much at a loss to find effective friends in Europe, as they
have been in America.
Portugal seems to have a better disposition towards us than
heretofore. About thirty of our people, taken and set ashore on one of
her islands by the English, were maintained comfortably by the
Governor, during their stay there, furnished with every necessary and
sent to Lisbon, where, on inquiry to whom payment was to be made for
the expense they had occasioned, they were told, that no reimbursement
was expected, that it was the Queen's bounty, who had a pleasure in
showing hospitality to strangers in distress. I have presented thanks,
by the Portuguese Ambassador here in behalf of Congress, and I am
given to understand, that probably in a little time the ports of that
nation will be open to us, as well as those of Spain. What relates to
Spain, I suppose Mr Lee informs you of.
The sword ordered by Congress for the Marquis de Lafayette being at
length finished, I sent it down to him at Havre, where he was with the
troops intended for the invasion. I wrote a letter with it, and
received an answer, copies of which I enclose, together with a
description of the sword, and drawings of the work upon it, which was
executed by the best artists in Paris, and cost altogether two hundred
guineas. The present has given him great pleasure, and some of the
circumstances have been agreeable to the nation.
Our cartel goes on, a second cargo of American prisoners, one hundred
and nineteen in number, being arrived and exchanged. Our privateers
have dismissed a great number at sea, taking their written paroles to
be given up in exchange for so many of our people in their gaols. This
is not yet quite agreed to on the other side, but some expectations
are given me that it may take place. Certainly, humanity would find
its account in the practice of exchanging on parole, as all the
horrors of imprisonment, with the loss of time and health, might be
prevented by it.
We continue to insult the coasts of these _lords of the ocean_ with
our little cruisers. A small cutter, which was fitted out as a
privateer at Dunkirk, called the Black Prince, has taken, ransomed,
burnt, and destroyed above thirty sail of their vessels within these
three months. The owners are about to give her a consort, called the
Black Princess, for whom they ask a commission. The prisoners brought
in serve to exchange our countrymen, which makes me more willing to
encourage such armaments, though they occasion a good deal of trouble.
Captain, now Commodore Jones, put to sea this summer with a little
squadron, consisting of a ship of forty guns, the Alliance, another
frigate of twenty, with some armed cutters; all under American colors,
with Congress commissions. He has sent in several prizes, has greatly
alarmed the coast of Ireland and Scotland, and we just now hear that
going north about, he fell in with a number of ships from the Baltic,
convoyed by a fifty gun ship and a twentyfour gun frigate, both of
which he took after an obstinate engagement, and forced several of the
others ashore. This news is believed, but we wait the confirmation and
the particulars.
The blank commissions remaining, of those sent to us here, are all
signed by Mr. Hancock, which occasions some difficulty. If Congress
approves of my continuing to issue commissions, I wish to have a fresh
supply, with the other necessary instructions, rules, bonds, &c. of
which none are now left.
M. le Comte de Mallebois, esteemed one of the best Generals in this
country, and who loves our cause, has given me a memorial, containing
a project for a corps here for your service, which I promised to lay
before Congress, and accordingly enclose a copy. I know nothing of the
sentiments of Congress on the subject of introducing foreign troops
among us, and therefore could give no expectation that the plan would
be adopted. It will, however, be a pleasure to him to know, that his
good will to serve them has been acceptable to the Congress.
A Major Borre, who has been in America, and some other officers who
have quitted our service in disgust, endeavor to give an idea, that
our nation does not love the French. I take all occasions to place in
view the regard shown by Congress to good French officers, as a proof
that the slight these gentlemen complain of is particular to
themselves, and probably the effect of their own misbehavior. I wish
for the future, when any of this sort of people leave our armies to
come home, some little sketch of their conduct or character may be
sent me, with the real causes of their resignation or departure, that
I may be the more able to justify our country.
Here are returned in the last cartel a number of French sailors, who
had engaged with Captain Cunningham. Were taken in coming home in one
of his prizes, and have been near two years in English prisons. They
demand their wages and share of prize money. I send their claim, as
taken before the officers of the classes at Dunkirk. I know nothing of
the agreement which they allege was made with them. Mr Hodge perhaps
can settle the affair, so that they may have justice done them. These
sort of things give me a great deal of trouble. Several of those men
have made personal applications to me, and I must hear all their
stories, though cannot redress them. I enclose also the claim of two
gunners, upon a prize made by the Boston, Captain Tucker. I am
persuaded that Congress wish to see justice done to the meanest
stranger that has served them. It is justice that establishes a
nation.
The Spanish Ambassador here delivered me several complaints against
our cruisers. I imagine that all the injuries complained of are not
justly chargeable to us, some of the smaller English cruisers having
pillaged Spanish vessels under American colors, of which we have proof
upon oath. And also, that no such American privateers, as are said to
have committed those robberies after coming out of Nantes, have ever
been known there, or in any other part of France, or even to have
existed. But if any of the complaints are well founded, I have assured
the Ambassador that the guilty will be punished, and reparation made.
The Swedish Ambassador also complains of the taking of a ship of his
nation by Captain Landais, the master of which lays his damages at
sixty thousand livres. I understand it was his own fault that he was
stopped, as he did not show his papers. Perhaps this, if proved, may
enable us to avoid the damages.
Since writing the above, I have received the following further
particulars of the action between Commodore Jones and the English men
of war. The fortyfour gun ship is new, having been but six months off
the stocks; she is called the Serapis; the other of twenty guns is the
Countess of Scarborough. He had before taken a number of valuable
prizes, particularly a rich ship bound to Quebec, which we suppose he
may have sent to America. The English, from mistaken intelligence,
imagining he had a body of troops with him to make descents, have had
all their northern coasts alarmed, and have been put to very expensive
movements of troops, &c.
The extravagant luxury of our country, in the midst of all its
distresses, is to me amazing. When the difficulties are so great to
find remittances to pay for the arms and ammunition necessary for our
defence, I am astonished and vexed to find upon inquiry, that much the
greatest part of the Congress interest bills come to pay for tea, and
a great part of the remainder is ordered to be laid out in gewgaws and
superfluities. It makes me grudge the trouble of examining, and
entering, and accepting them, which indeed takes a great deal of time.
I yesterday learnt from M. de Monthieu, that everything necessary for
equipping two frigates, of thirtysix guns each, such as sailcloth,
cordage, anchors, &c. &c. which we sent to the Congress from hence two
years since, remains stored in the warehouses of his correspondent, Mr
Carrabass, at Cape Francois, having never been called for. Probably by
the miscarriage of letters, the Navy Board never heard of those goods
being there. I shall, nevertheless, leave the application I have
lately made for materials for a frigate of thirtysix guns to take its
course. But I send you herewith copies of two invoices of the cargo
of the Therese, one of which is what was sent by us, the other by M.
de Beaumarchais, to the end that inquiry may be made after the whole.
On this occasion give me leave to remark, that of all the vast
quantities of goods we have sent you by many different vessels since
my being in France, we never were happy enough to receive the least
scrip of acknowledgment that they had ever come to hand, except from
Mr Langdon, of a cargo arrived at Portsmouth, and I think of one more.
This is doubtless owing to the interruption our correspondence has met
with, and not altogether to neglect. But as such advices of receipt
may be made in short letters, it would be well to send more copies.
The following is a matter of less importance. It is two years, I
believe, since I sent the monument of General Montgomery. I have heard
that the vessel arrived in North Carolina, but nothing more. I should
be glad to know of its coming to hand, and whether it is approved.
Here it was admired for the goodness and beauty of the marble, and the
elegant simplicity of the design. The sculptor has had an engraving
made of it, of which I enclose a copy. It was contrived to be affixed
to the wall within some church, or in the great room where the
Congress met. Directions for putting it up went with it. All the parts
were well packed in strong cases.
With the greatest respect, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
_P. S. October 28th._ I kept the packet in hopes of sending a more
explicit account of what might be expected in regard to the supplies.
The express, which was daily expected from Spain, when I began this
letter, arrived but a few days since. I am now informed, that Court is
understood to be in treaty with the Congress in America, to furnish a
sum of hard money there, and on that account excuses itself from
sharing in the expense of furnishing these supplies. This has a little
deranged the measures intended to be taken here, and I am now told,
that the whole quantity of goods demanded can hardly be furnished, but
that as soon as the Count returns from Marly, the Ministers will
consult and do the best they can for us. The arms, I hear, are in hand
at Charleville. I am unwilling to keep the packet any longer, lest she
should arrive on our coasts too far in the winter, and be blown off. I
therefore send away the despatches; but if I have the result of the
Council in time to reach her by post, I will send it in a separate
letter. The hearty good will of the ministry may be depended on; but
it must be remembered, that their present expenses are enormous.
B. F.
* * * * *
TO JAMES LOVELL.
Passy, October 17th, 1779.
Sir,
The foregoing is a copy of my last. I have now before me your several
favors therein mentioned, viz. of June 13th, July 9th and 16th, and
August 6th. I received the Journals of Congress from January 1st to
June 12th, which you took care to send me; but the volumes 1 and 2,
which you mention, are not yet come to hand. I hear they are at
Madrid. I know not how they came there, nor well how to get them from
thence. Perhaps you can easier send me another set.
As I hear of the arrival of the Chevalier de la Luzerne, by whom I
wrote a long letter to your Committee, I presume you have received it,
and that it is not necessary to send more copies. By this opportunity
I write largely to the President. You ask, "will no one, under a
commission from the United States," &c. Enclosed I send you a copy of
the instructions I gave to Commodore Jones, when it was intended to
send with him some transports and troops to make descents in
England.[19] Had not the scheme been altered, by a general one of a
grand invasion, I know he would have endeavored to put some
considerable towns to a high ransom, or have burnt them. He sailed
without the troops, but he nevertheless would have attempted Leith,
and went into the Firth of Edinburgh with that intention, but a sudden
hard gale of wind forced him out again. The late provocations, by the
burning of Fairfield and other towns, added to the preceding, have at
length demolished all my moderation, and were such another expedition
to be concerted, I think so much of that disposition would not appear
in the instructions. But I see so many inconveniences in mixing the
two nations together, that I cannot encourage any further proposal of
the kind. This has ended better than I expected, and yet a mortal
difference has arisen between Captains Jones and Landais, that makes
me very uneasy about the consequences. I send you the journal of the
cruise.
[19] See p. 77, of the present volume.
I am glad to understand, that Congress will appoint some person here
to audit our accounts. Mine will give but little trouble, and I wish
much to have them settled. And for the future, I hope I shall have
none to settle but what relate to my expenses.
The quarrel you mention, between Mr Deane and Mr Lee, I have never
meddled with, and have no intention to take any part in it whatever. I
had and have still a very good opinion of Mr Deane, for his zeal and
activity in the service of his country; I also thought him a man of
integrity. But if he has embezzled public money, or traded with it on
his private account, or employed it in stockjobbing, all which I
understand he is charged with, I give him up. As yet, I think him
innocent. But he and his accusers are able to plead their own causes,
and time will show what we ought to think of them.
I send you with this, a piece written by a learned friend of mine on
the taxation of free States, which I imagine may give you some
pleasure. Also a late royal edict, for abolishing the remains of
slavery in this kingdom. Who would have thought, a few years since,
that we should live to see a king of France giving freedom to slaves,
while a king of England is endeavoring to make slaves of freemen.
There is much talk all over Europe of an approaching peace by the
mediation of Russia and Holland. I have no information of it to be
depended on, and believe we ought to lay our account on another
campaign, for which I hope you will receive in time the supplies
demanded. Nothing is wanting on my part to forward them; and I have
the satisfaction to assure you, that I do not find the regard of this
Court for the Congress and its servants in any respect diminished. We
have just heard from Norway, that two of the most valuable prizes
taken by the Alliance, Captain Landais, in the squadron of Commodore
Jones, are safe arrived at Bergen, viz. the ship from London to
Quebec, laden with naval stores, and that from Liverpool to New York
and Jamaica. They were letters of marque, of twentytwo guns and
eightyfour men each; I wish we may get them safe to America. The
squadron itself is got into Holland, with the two prize men of war,
where they are all refitting. Great damage has been done to the
English coal trade, and four hundred prisoners have been taken, which
will more than redeem the rest of our people from their captivity in
England, if we can get them safe from Holland to France; but I suppose
the English will endeavor to intercept us, and recover their ships, if
possible.
With great esteem for yourself and the Committee, I have the honor to
be, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
* * * * *
TO R. BERNSTORF, MINISTER OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS IN DENMARK.
Passy, December 22d, 1779.
Sir,
I have received a letter from M. de Chezaulx, Consul of France at
Bergen in Norway, acquainting me that two ships, viz. the Betsey and
the Union, prizes taken from the English on their coasts by Captain
Landais, Commander of the Alliance frigate, appertaining to the United
States of North America, which prizes having met with bad weather at
sea, that had damaged their rigging, and had occasioned leaks, and
been weakly manned, had taken shelter in the supposed neutral port of
Bergen, in order to repair their damages, procure an additional number
of sailors, and the necessary refreshments; that they were in the said
port enjoying, as they conceived, the common rights of hospitality,
established and practised by civilized nations under the care of the
above said Consul, when, on the 28th of October last, the said ships,
with their cargoes and papers, were suddenly seized by officers of his
Majesty, the King of Denmark, to whom the said port belongs; the
American officers and seamen turned out of their possession, and the
whole delivered to the English Consul.
M. de Chezaulx has also sent me the following as a translation of his
Majesty's order, by which the above proceedings are said to be
authorised, viz. "The English Minister having insisted on the
restitution of two vessels, which had been taken by the American
privateer called the Alliance, commanded by Captain Landais, and which
were brought into Bergen, viz. the _Betsey_ of Liverpool, and the
_Union_ of London, his Majesty has granted this demand on this
account, because he has not as yet acknowledged the independence of
the Colonies associated against England, and because that these
vessels for this reason cannot be considered as good and lawful
prizes. Therefore, the said two ships shall be immediately liberated
and allowed to depart with their cargoes." By a subsequent letter from
the same Consul, I am informed, that a third prize belonging to the
United States, viz. the _Charming Polly_, which arrived at Bergen
after the others, has also been seized and delivered up in the same
manner; and that all the people of the three vessels, after being thus
stripped of their property, (for every one had an interest in the
prizes) were turned on shore to shift for themselves, without money,
in a strange place, no provision being made for their subsistence, or
for sending them back to their country.
Permit me, Sir, to observe on this occasion, that the United States of
America have no war but with the English; they have never done any
injury to other nations, particularly none to the Danish nation; on
the contrary, they are in some degree its benefactors, as they have
opened a trade of which the English made a monopoly, and of which the
Danes may now have their share, and by dividing the British Empire,
have made it less dangerous to its neighbors. They conceived, that
every nation whom they had not offended was by the rights of humanity
their friend; they confided in the hospitality of Denmark, and thought
themselves and their property safe when under the roof of his Danish
Majesty. But they find themselves stripped of that property, and the
same given up to their enemies, on this principle only, that no
acknowledgment had yet been formally made by Denmark of the
independence of the United States; which is to say, that there is no
obligation of justice towards any nation with whom a treaty, promising
the same, has not been previously made. This was indeed the doctrine
of ancient barbarians, a doctrine long since exploded, and which it
would not be for the honor of the present age to revive, and it is
hoped, that Denmark will not, by supporting and persisting in this
decision, obtained of his Majesty apparently by surprise, be the first
modern nation, that shall attempt to revive it.[20]
[20] "The ancients," says Vattel, "did not conceive themselves bound
under any obligation towards a people with whom they were not
connected by a treaty of friendship. At length the voice of nature was
heard by civilized nations; they acknowledged all mankind as
brothers." An injustice of the same kind, done a century or two since
by some English in the East Indies, Grotius tells us "was not without
its partisans, who maintained, that by the ancient laws of England, no
one was liable to punishment in that kingdom for outrages committed
against foreigners, when no treaty of alliance had been contracted
with them." But this principle he condemns in the strongest
terms--_History of the Troubles in the Netherlands, Book 16th_.
The United States oppressed by, and at war with one of the most
powerful nations of Europe, may well be supposed incapable in their
present infant state of exacting justice from other nations not
disposed to grant it; but it is in human nature, that injuries as well
as benefits received in times of weakness and distress, national as
well as personal, make deep and lasting impressions; and those
Ministers are wise, who look into futurity and quench the first sparks
of misunderstanding between two nations, which, neglected, may in time
grow into a flame, all the consequences whereof, no human prudence can
foresee, which may produce much mischief to both, and cannot possibly
produce any good to either. I beg leave, through your Excellency, to
submit these considerations to the wisdom and justice of his Danish
Majesty, who I infinitely respect, and who, I hope, will reconsider
and repeal the orders above recited, and that, if the prizes which I
hereby reclaim in behalf of the United States of America, are not
actually gone to England, they may be stopped and re-delivered to M.
de Chezaulx, the Consul of France at Bergen, in whose care they before
were, with liberty to depart for America when the season shall permit.
But if they should be already gone to England, I must then claim from
his Majesty's equity the value of the said prizes, which is estimated
at fifty thousand pounds sterling, but which may be regulated by the
best information that can by any means be obtained.
With the greatest respect, I am, Sir, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
* * * * *
TO DAVID HARTLEY.
Passy, February 2d, 1780.
Dear Friend,
It is some time since I procured the discharge of your Captain
Stephenson. He did not call here in his way home. I hope he arrived
safely, and had a happy meeting with his friends and family.
I have long postponed answering your letter of the 29th of June. A
principal point in it, on which you seemed to desire my opinion, was,
the conduct you thought America ought to hold, in case her allies
should, from motives of ambition or resentment of former injuries,
desire her to continue the war, beyond what should be reasonable and
consistent with her particular interests. As often as I took up your
letter in order to answer it, this suggestion displeased me, and I
laid it down again. I saw no occasion for discussing such a question
at present, nor any good end it could serve to discuss it before the
case should happen; and I saw inconveniences in discussing it. I wish
therefore you had not mentioned it. For the rest, I am as much for
peace as ever I was, and as heartily desirous of seeing the war ended,
as I was to prevent its beginning; of which your Ministers know I gave
a strong proof before I left England, when, in order to an
accommodation, I offered at my own risk, without orders for so doing,
and without knowing whether I should be owned in doing it, to pay the
whole damage of destroying the tea at Boston, provided the acts made
against that Province were repealed. This offer was refused. I still
think it would have been wise to have accepted it. If the Congress
have therefore intrusted to others rather than to me, the
negotiations for peace, when such shall be set on foot, as has been
reported, it is perhaps because they may have heard of a very singular
opinion of mine, that there hardly ever existed such a thing as a bad
peace, or a good war, and that I might therefore easily be induced to
make improper concessions. But at the same time they and you may be
assured, that I should think the destruction of our whole country, and
the extirpation of our whole people, preferable to the infamy of
abandoning our allies.