CHAPTER XXIV.

MOVING ON GENERAL EARLY--GENERAL GRANT'S LETTER OF INSTRUCTIONS

--DESTROYING THE RESOURCES OF THE VALLEY--REASON FOR THE DESTRUCTION

--WITHDRAWAL TO HALLTOWN--ALARM IN THE NORTH OVER THE RETROGRADE

MOVEMENT--RENEWING THE ADVANCE UP THE VALLEY--GENERAL ANDERSON'S

ATTEMPT TO RETURN TO PETERSBURG--STRENGTH OF THE ARMIES.

For a clear understanding of the operations which preceded the

victories that resulted in almost annihilating General Early's army

in the Shenandoah Valley, it is necessary to describe in considerable

detail the events that took place prior to the 19th of September. My

army marched from Harper's Ferry on the 10th of August, 1864, General

Torbert with Merritt's division of cavalry moving in advance through

Berryville, going into position near White Post. The Sixth Corps,

under General Wright, moved by way of Charlestown and Summit Point to

Clifton; General Emory, with Dwight's division of the Nineteenth

Corps, marched along the Berryville pike through Berryville to the

left of the position of the Sixth Corps at Clifton; General Crook's

command, moving on the Kabletown road, passed through Kabletown to

the vicinity of Berryville, and went into position on the left of

Dwight's division, while Colonel Lowell, with a detached force of two

small regiments of cavalry, marched to Summit Point; so that on the

night of August 10 my infantry occupied a line stretching from

Clifton to Berryville, with Merritt's cavalry at White Post and

Lowell's at Summit Point. The enemy, as stated before, moved at the

same time from Bunker Hill and vicinity, and stretched his line from

where the Winchester and Potomac railroad crosses Opequon Creek to

the point at which the Berryville and Winchester pike crosses the

same stream, thus occupying the west bank to cover Winchester.

On the morning of the 11th the Sixth Corps was ordered to move across

the country toward the junction of the Berryville-Winchester pike and

the Opequon, and to take the crossing and hold it, Dwight's division

being directed to move through Berryville on the White Post road for

a mile, then file to the right by heads of regiments at deploying

distances, and carry the crossing of Opequon Creek at a ford about

three-fourths of a mile from the left of the Sixth Corps, while Crook

was instructed to move out on the White Post road, a mile and a half

beyond Berryville, then head to the right and secure the ford about a

mile to the left of Dwight; Torbert's orders were to push Merritt's

division up the Millwood pike toward Winchester, attack any force he

might run against, and ascertain the movements of the Confederate

army; and lastly, Lowell received instructions to close in from

Summit Point on the right of the Sixth Corps.

My object in securing the fords was to further my march on Winchester

from the southeast, since, from all the information gathered during

the 10th, I still thought Early could be brought to a stand at that

point; but in this I was mistaken, as Torbert's reconnoissance

proved, for on the morning of the 11th, when Merritt had driven the

Confederate cavalry, then covering the Millwood pike west of the

Opequon, off toward Kernstown, he found that their infantry and

artillery were retreating south, up the Valley pike.

As soon as this information was obtained Torbert moved quickly

through the toll-gate on the Front Royal and Winchester road to

Newtown, to strike the enemy's flank and harass him in his retreat,

Lowell following up through Winchester, on the Valley pike; Crook was

turned to the left and ordered to Stony Point, while Emory and

Wright, marching to the left also, were directed to take post on the

night of the 11th between the Millwood and Front Royal roads, within

supporting distance of Crook. Merritt meeting some of the enemy's

cavalry at the tollgate, drove it in the direction of Newtown till it

got inside the line of Gordon's division of infantry, which had been

thrown out and posted behind barricades to cover the flank of the

main force in its retreat. A portion of Merritt's cavalry attacked

this infantry and drove in its skirmish-line, and though not able to

dislodge Gordon, Merritt held the ground gained till night-fall, when

the Confederate infantry moved off under cover of darkness to Hupp's

Hill, between Strasburg and Cedar Creek.

The next morning Crook marched from Stony Point to Cedar Creek, Emory

followed with Dwight, and the cavalry moved to the same point by way

of Newtown and the Valley pike, the Sixth Corps following the

cavalry. That night Crook was in position at Cedar Creek, on the

left of the Valley pike, Emory on the right of the pike, the Sixth

Corps on the right of Emory, and the cavalry on the flanks. In the

afternoon a heavy skirmish-line had been thrown forward to the

heights on the south side of Cedar Creek, and a brisk affair with the

enemy's pickets took place, the Confederates occupying with their

main force the heights north of Strasburg. On the morning of the

13th my cavalry went out to reconnoitre toward Strasburg, on the

middle road, about two and a half miles west of the Valley pike, and

discovered that Early's infantry was at Fisher's Hill, where he had

thrown up behind Tumbling Run earthworks extending clear across the

narrow valley between the Massanutten and North mountains. On the

left of these works he had Vaughan's, McCausland's, and Johnson's

brigades of cavalry under General Lomax, who at this time relieved

General Ramseur from the command of the Confederate mounted forces.

Within the past day or two I had received information that a column

of the enemy was moving up from Culpeper Court House and approaching

Front Royal through Chester Gap, and although the intelligence was

unconfirmed, it caused me much solicitude; for there was strong

probability that such a movement would be made, and any considerable

force advancing through Front Royal toward Winchester could fall upon

my rear and destroy my communication with Harper's Ferry, or, moving

along the base of Massanutten Mountain, could attack my flank in

conjunction with the force at Fisher's Hill without a possibility of

my preventing it.

Neither Wilson's cavalry nor Grower's infantry had yet joined me, and

the necessities, already explained, which obliged me to hold with

string garrisons Winchester and other points heretofore mentioned.

had so depleted my line of battle strength that I knew the enemy

would outnumber me when Anderson's corps should arrive in the valley.

I deemed it advisable, therefore, to act with extreme caution, so,

with the exception of a cavalry reconnoissance on the 13th, I

remained on the defensive, quietly awaiting developments. In the

evening of that day the enemy's skirmishers withdrew to Tumbling Run,

his main force remaining inactive behind the intrenchments at

Fisher's Hill waiting for the arrival of Anderson.

The rumors in regard to the force advancing from Culpeper kept

increasing every hour, so on the morning of the 14th I concluded to

send a brigade of cavalry to Front Royal to ascertain definitely what

was up. At the same time I crossed the Sixth Corps to the south side

of Cedar Creek, and occupied the heights near Strasburg. That day I

received from the hands of Colonel Chipman, of the Adjutant-General's

Department, the following despatch, to deliver which he had ridden in

great haste from Washington through Snicker's Gap, escorted by a

regiment of cavalry:

"CITY POINT, August 12, 1864--9 A. M.

"MAJOR-GENERAL HALLECK

"Inform General Sheridan that it is now certain two (2) divisions of

infantry have gone to Early, and some cavalry and twenty (20) pieces

of artillery. This movement commenced last Saturday night. He must

be cautious, and act now on the defensive until movements here force

them to detach to send this way. Early's force, with this increase,

cannot exceed forty thousand men, but this is too much for General

Sheridan to attack. Send General Sheridan the remaining brigade of

the Nineteenth Corps.

"I have ordered to Washington all the one-hundred-day men. Their

time will soon be out, but for the present they will do to serve in

the defenses.

"U. S. GRANT, Lieutenant-General."

The despatch explained the movement from Culpeper, and on the morning

of the 15th Merritt's two remaining brigades were sent to Front Royal

to oppose Anderson, and the Sixth Corps withdrawn to the north side

of Cedar Creek, where it would be in a position enabling me either to

confront Anderson or to act defensively, as desired by General Grant.

To meet the requirements of his instructions I examined the map of

the valley for a defensive line--a position where a smaller number of

troops could hold a larger number--for this information led me to

suppose that Early's force would greatly exceed mine when Anderson's

two divisions of infantry and Fitzhugh Lee's cavalry had joined him.

I could see but one such position, and that was at Halltown, in front

of Harper's Ferry. Subsequent experience convinced me that there was

no other really defensive line in the Shenandoah Valley, for at

almost any other point the open country and its peculiar topography

invites rather than forbids flanking operations.

This retrograde movement would also enable me to strengthen my

command by Grower's division of the Nineteenth Corps and Wilson's

cavalry, both of which divisions were marching from Washington by way

of Snicker's Gap.

After fully considering the matter, I determined to move back to

Halltown, carrying out, as I retired, my instructions to destroy all

the forage and subsistence the country afforded. So Emory was

ordered to retire to Winchester on the night of the 15th, and Wright

and Crook to follow through Winchester to Clifton the next night.

For the cavalry, in this move to the rear, I gave the following

instructions:

"....In pushing up the Shenandoah Valley, as it is expected you will

have to go first or last, it is desirable that nothing should be left

to invite the enemy to return. Take all provisions, forage, and

stock wanted for the use of your command. Such as cannot be

consumed, destroy. It is not desirable that buildings should be

destroyed--they should, rather, be protected; but the people should

be informed that so long as an army can subsist among them,

recurrences of these raids must be expected, and we are determined to

stop them at all hazards...." [Grant's letter of instructions.]

"HEADQUARTERS MIDDLE MILITARY DIVISION,

"Cedar Creek, Va., August 16, 1864.

"GENERAL: In compliance with instructions of the Lieutenant-General

commanding, you will make the necessary arrangements and give the

necessary orders for the destruction of the wheat and hay south of a

line from Millwood to Winchester and Petticoat Gap. You will seize

all mules, horses, and cattle that may be useful to our army. Loyal

citizens can bring in their claims against the Government for this

necessary destruction. No houses will be burned, and officers in

charge of this delicate but necessary duty must inform the people

that the object is to make this valley untenable for the raiding

parties of the rebel army.

"Very respectfully,

"P. H. SHERIDAN,

"Major-General Commanding.

"BRIGADIER-GENERAL A. T. A. TORBERT,

"Chief of Cavalry, Middle Military Division."

During his visit to General Hunter at the Monocacy, General Grant had

not only decided to retain in the Shenandoah Valley a large force

sufficient to defeat Early's army or drive it back to Lee, but he had

furthermore determined to make that sections by the destruction of

its supplies, untenable for continued occupancy by the Confederates.

This would cut off one of Lee's main-stays in the way of subsistence,

and at the same time diminish the number of recruits and conscripts

he received; the valley district while under his control not only

supplying Lee with an abundance of food, but also furnishing him many

men for his regular and irregular forces. Grant's instructions to

destroy the valley began with the letter of August 5 to Hunter, which

was turned over to me, and this was followed at intervals by more

specific directions, all showing the earnestness of his purpose.

"CITY POINT, Va., Aug. 16--3:30 P. M., 1864.

"MAJOR-GENERAL SHERIDAN, Winchester, Va.:

"If you can possibly spare a division of cavalry, send them through

Loudoun County to destroy and carry off the crops, animals, negroes,

and all men under fifty years of age capable of bearing arms. In

this way you will get many of Mosby's men. All male citizens under

fifty can fairly be held as prisoners of war, not as citizen

prisoners. If not already soldiers, they will be made so the moment

the rebel army gets hold of them.

"U. S. GRANT, Lieutenant-General."

"HEADQUARTERS ARMIES OF THE UNITED STATES,

"CITY POINT, Aug. 21, 1864.

"MAJOR-GENERAL SHERIDAN, Charlestown, Va.:

"In stripping Loudoun County of supplies, etc., impress from all

loyal persons so that they may receive pay for what is taken from

them. I am informed by the Assistant Secretary of War that Loudoun

County has a large population of Quakers, who are all favorably

disposed to the Union. These people may be exempted from arrest.

"U. S. GRANT, Lieutenant-General."

"HEADQUARTERS ARMIES OF THE UNITED STATES

"CITY POINT, Va., Aug. 26,2:30 P. M. 1864.

"MAJOR-GENERAL SHERIDAN, Halltown, Va.:

"Telegraphed you that I had good reason for believing that Fitz Lee

had been ordered back here. I now think it likely that all troops

will be ordered back from the valley except what they believe to be

the minimum number to detain you. My reason for supposing this is

based upon the fact that yielding up the Weldon road seems to be a

blow to the enemy he cannot stand. I think I do not overstate the

loss of the enemy in the last two weeks at 10,000 killed and wounded.

We have lost heavily, mostly in captured when the enemy gained

temporary advantages. Watch closely, and if you find this theory

correct, push with all vigor. Give the enemy no rest, and if it is

possible to follow to the Virginia Central road, follow that far. Do

all the damage to railroads and crops you can. Carry off stock of

all descriptions and negroes, so as to prevent further planting. If

the war is to last another year we want the Shenandoah Valley to

remain a barren waste.

"U. S. GRANT, Lieutenant-General.

"HEADQUARTERS ARMIES OF THE UNITED STATES,

"CITY POINT, Va., Sept. 4,--10 A. M.--1864.

"MAJOR-GENERAL SHERIDAN, Charlestown, Va.:

"In cleaning out the arms-bearing community of Loudoun County and the

subsistence for armies, exercise your own judgment as to who should

be exempt from arrest, and as to who should receive pay for their

stock, grain, etc. It is our interest that that county should not be

capable of subsisting a hostile army, and at the same time we want to

inflict as little hardship upon Union men as possible.

"U. S. GRANT, Lieutenant-General."

"CITY POINT, Va., Nov. 9, 1864.

"MAJOR-GENERAL SHERIDAN, Cedar Creek, Va.:

"Do you not think it advisable to notify all citizens living east of

the Blue Ridge to move out north of the Potomac all their stock,

grain, and provisions of every description? There is no doubt about

the necessity of clearing out that country so that it will not

support Mosby's gang. And the question is whether it is not better

that the people should save what they can. So long as the war lasts

they must be prevented from raising another crop, both there and as

high up the valley as we can control.

"U. S. GRANT, Lieutenant-General."

He had rightly concluded that it was time to bring the war home to a

people engaged in raising crops from a prolific soil to feed the

country's enemies, and devoting to the Confederacy its best youth. I

endorsed the programme in all its parts, for the stores of meat and

grain that the valley provided, and the men it furnished for Lee's

depleted regiments, were the strongest auxiliaries he possessed in

the whole insurgent section. In war a territory like this is a

factor of great importance, and whichever adversary controls it

permanently reaps all the advantages of its prosperity. Hence, as I

have said, I endorsed Grant's programme, for I do not hold war to

mean simply that lines of men shall engage each other in battle, and

material interests be ignored. This is but a duel, in which one

combatant seeks the other's life; war means much more, and is far

worse than this. Those who rest at home in peace and plenty see but

little of the horrors attending such a duel, and even grow

indifferent to them as the struggle goes on, contenting themselves

with encouraging all who are able-bodied to enlist in the cause, to

fill up the shattered ranks as death thins them. It is another

matter, however, when deprivation and suffering are brought to their

own doors. Then the case appears much graver, for the loss of

property weighs heavy with the most of mankind; heavier often, than

the sacrifices made on the field of battle. Death is popularly

considered the maximum of punishment in war, but it is not; reduction

to poverty brings prayers for peace more surely and more quickly than

does the destruction of human life, as the selfishness of man has

demonstrated in more than one great conflict.

In the afternoon of the 16th I started back to Winchester, whence I

could better supervise our regressive march. As I was passing

through Newtown, I heard cannonading from the direction of Front

Royal, and on reaching Winchester, Merritt's couriers brought me word

that he had been attacked at the crossing of the Shenandoah by

Kershaw's division of Anderson's corps and two brigades of Fitzhugh

Lee's cavalry, but that the attack had been handsomely repulsed, with

a capture of two battle-flags and three hundred prisoners. This was

an absolute confirmation of the despatch from Grant; and I was now

more than satisfied with the wisdom of my withdrawal.

At daylight of the 17th Emory moved from Winchester to Berryville,

and the same morning Crook and Wright reached Winchester, having

started from Cedar Creek the day before. From Winchester, Crook and

Wright resumed their march toward Clifton, Wright, who had the rear

guard, getting that day as far as the Berryville crossing of the

Opequon, where he was ordered to remain, while Crook went ahead till

he reached the vicinity of Berryville. On the afternoon of the 17th

Lowell with his two regiments of troopers came into Winchester, where

he was joined by Wilson's mounted division, which had come by a rapid

march from Snicker's ferry. In the mean time Merritt, after his

handsome engagement with Kershaw near Front Royal, had been ordered

back to the neighborhood of White Post, so that my cavalry outposts

now extended from this last point around to the west of Winchester.

During all these operations the enemy had a signal-station on Three

Top Mountain, almost overhanging Strasburg, from which every movement

made by our troops could be plainly seen; therefore, early on the

morning of the 17th he became aware of the fact that we were retiring

down the valley, and at once made after us, and about sundown drove

Torbert out of Winchester, he having been left there-with Wilson and

Lowell, and the Jersey brigade of the Sixth Corps, to develop the

character of the enemy's pursuit. After a severe skirmish Wilson and

Lowell fell back to Summit Point, and the Jersey brigade joined its

corps at the crossing of the Opequon. This affair demonstrated that

Early's whole army had followed us from Fisher's Hill, in concert

with Anderson and Fitzhugh Lee from Front Royal, and the two columns

joined near Winchester the morning of the 18th.

That day I moved the Sixth Corps by way of Clifton to Flowing Spring,

two and a half miles west of Charlestown, on the Smithfield pike; and

Emory, with Dwight's and Grower's divisions (Grower's having joined

that morning from Washington), to a position about the same distance

south of Charlestown, on the Berryville pike. Following these

movements, Merritt fell back to Berryville, covering the Berryville

pike crossing of the Opequon, and Wilson was stationed at Summit

Point, whence he held a line along the Opequon as far north as the

bridge at Smithfield. Crook continued to hold on near Clifton until

the next day, and was then moved into place on the left of Emory.

This line was practically maintained till the 21st, when the enemy,

throwing a heavy force across the Opequon by the bridge at

Smithfield, drove in my cavalry pickets to Summit Point, and followed

up with a rapid advance against the position of the Sixth Corps near

Flowing Spring. A sharp and obstinate skirmish with a heavy

picket-line of the Sixth Corps grew out of this manoeuvre, and

resulted very much in our favor, but the quick withdrawal of the

Confederates left no opportunity for a general engagement. It seems

that General Early thought I had taken position near Summit Point, and

that by moving rapidly around through Smithfield he could fall upon my

rear in concert with an attack in front by Anderson, but the warm

reception given him disclosed his error, for he soon discovered that

my line lay in front of Charlestown instead of where he supposed.

In the manoeuvre Merritt had been attacked in front of Berryville and

Wilson at Summit Point, the former by cavalry and the latter by

Anderson's infantry. The exposed positions of Merritt and Wilson

necessitated their withdrawal if I was to continue to act on the

defensive; so, after the army had moved back to Halltown the

preceding night, without loss or inconvenience, I called them in and

posted them on the right of the infantry.

My retrograde move from Strasburg to Halltown caused considerable

alarm in the North, as the public was ignorant of the reasons for it;

and in the excited state of mind then prevailing, it was generally

expected that the reinforced Confederate army would again cross the

Potomac, ravage Maryland and Pennsylvania, and possibly capture

Washington. Mutterings of dissatisfaction reached me from many

sources, and loud calls were made for my removal, but I felt

confident that my course would be justified when the true situation

was understood, for I knew that I was complying with my instructions.

Therefore I paid small heed to the adverse criticisms pouring down

from the North almost every day, being fully convinced that the best

course was to bide my time, and wait till I could get the enemy into

a position from which he could not escape without such serious

misfortune as to have some bearing on the general result of the war.

Indeed, at this time I was hoping that my adversary would renew the

boldness he had exhibited the early part of the month, and strike for

the north side of the Potomac, and wrote to General Grant on the 20th

of August that I had purposely left everything in that direction open

to the enemy.

On the 22d the Confederates moved to Charlestown and pushed well up

to my position at Halltown. Here for the next three days they

skirmished with my videttes and infantry pickets, Emory and Cook

receiving the main attention; but finding that they could make no

impression, and judging it to be an auspicious time to intensify the

scare in the North, on the 25th of August Early despatched Fitzhugh

Lee's cavalry to Williamsport, and moved all the rest of his army but

Anderson's infantry and McCausland's cavalry to Kerneysville. This

same day there was sharp picket firing along the whole front of my

infantry line, arising, as afterward ascertained, from a heavy

demonstration by Anderson. During this firing I sent Torbert, with

Merritt's and Wilson's divisions, to Kerrteysville, whence he was to

proceed toward Leetown and learn what had become of Fitz. Lee.

About a mile from Leetown Torbert met a small force of Confederate

cavalry, and soon after encountering it, stumbled on Breckenridge's

corps of infantry on the march, apparently heading for Shepherdstown.

The surprise was mutual, for Torbert expected to meet only the

enemy's cavalry, while the Confederate infantry column was

anticipating an unobstructed march to the Potomac. Torbert attacked

with such vigor as at first to double up the head of Breckenridge's

corps and throw it into confusion, but when the Confederates realized

that they were confronted only by cavalry, Early brought up the whole

of the four infantry divisions engaged in his manoeuvre, and in a

sharp attack pushed Torbert rapidly back.

All the advantages which Torbert had gained by surprising the enemy

were nullified by this counter-attack, and he was obliged to withdraw

Wilson's division toward my right, to the neighborhood of Duffield's

Station, Merritt drawing back to the same point by way of the

Shepherdstown ford. Custer's brigade becoming isolated after the

fight while assisting the rear guard, was also obliged to retire,

which it did to Shepherdstown and there halted, picketing the river

to Antietam ford.

When Torbert reported to me the nature of his encounter, and that a

part of Early's infantry was marching to the north, while Fitzhugh

Lee's cavalry had gone toward Martinsburg, I thought that the

Confederate general meditated crossing his cavalry into Maryland, so

I sent Wilson by way of Harper's Ferry to watch his movements from

Boonesboro', and at the same time directed Averell, who had reported

from West Virginia some days before, to take post at Williamsport and

hold the crossing there until he was driven away. I also thought it

possible that Early might cross the Potomac with his whole army, but

the doubts of a movement like this outweighed the probabilities

favoring it. Nevertheless, to meet such a contingency I arranged to

throw my army on his rear should the occasion arise, and deeming my

position at Halltown the most advantageous in which to await

developments, my infantry was retained there.

If General Early had ever intended to cross the Potomac, Torbert's

discovery of his manoeuvre put an end to his scheme of invasion, for

he well knew that and success he might derive from such a course

would depend on his moving with celerity, and keeping me in ignorance

of his march till it should be well under way; so he settled all the

present uncertainties by retiring with all his troops about

Kerneysville to his old position at Bunker Hill behind the Opequon,

and on the night of the 26th silently withdrew Anderson and

McCausland from my front at Halltown to Stephenson's depot.

By the 27th all of Early's infantry was in position at Brucetown and

Bunker Hill, his cavalry holding the outposts of Leetown and

Smithfield, and on that day Merritt's division attacked the enemy's

horse at Leetown, and pressed it back through Smithfield to the west

side of the Opequon. This reconnoissance determined definitely that

Early had abandoned the projected movement into Maryland, if he ever

seriously contemplated it; and I marched my infantry out from

Halltown to the front of Charlestown, with the intention of occupying

a line between Clifton and Berryville the moment matters should so

shape themselves that I could do so with advantage. The night of the

28th Wilson joined me near Charlestown from his points of observation

in Maryland, and the next day Averell crossed the Potomac at

Williamsport and advanced to Martinsburg.

Merritt's possession of Smithfield bridge made Early somewhat uneasy,

since it afforded opportunity for interposing a column between his

right and left flanks, so he concluded to retake the crossing, and,

to this end, on the 29th advanced two divisions of infantry. A

severe fight followed, and Merritt was forced to retire, being driven

through the village toward Charlestown with considerable loss. As

Merritt was nearing my infantry line, I ordered. Ricketts's division

of the Sixth Corps to his relief, and this in a few minutes turned

the tide, the Smithfield crossing of the Opequon being regained, and

afterward held by Lowell's brigade, supported by Ricketts. The next

morning I moved Torbert, with Wilson and Merritt, to Berryville, and

succeeding their occupation of that point there occurred along my

whole line a lull, which lasted until the 3d of September, being

undisturbed except by a combat near Bunker Hill between Averell's

cavalry and a part of McCausland's, supported by Rodes's division of

infantry, in which affair the Confederates were defeated with the

loss of about fifty prisoners and considerable property in the shape

of wagons and beef-cattle.

Meanwhile Torbert's movement to Berryville had alarmed Early, and as

a counter move on the 2d of September he marched with the bulk of his

army to Summit Point, but while reconnoitring in that region on the

3d he learned of the havoc that Averell was creating in his rear, and

this compelled him to recross to the west side of the Opequon and

mass his troops in the vicinity of Stephenson's depot, whence he

could extend down to Bunker Hill, continue to threaten the Baltimore

and Ohio railroad, and at the same time cover Winchester.

The same day I was moving my infantry to take up the Clifton-Berryville

line, and that afternoon Wright went into position at Clifton, Crook

occupied Berryville, and Emory's corps came in between them, forming

almost a continuous line. Torbert had moved to White Post meanwhile,

with directions to reconnoitre as far south as the Front Royal Pike.

My infantry had just got fairly into this position about an hour

before sunset, when along Crook's front a combat took place that at

the time caused me to believe it was Early's purpose to throw a

column between Crook and Torbert, with the intention of isolating the

latter; but the fight really arose from the attempt of General

Anderson to return to Petersburg with Kershaw's division in response

to loud calls from General Lee. Anderson started south on the 3d of

September, and possibly this explains Early's reconnoissance that day

to Summit Point as a covering movement, but his rapid withdrawal left

him in ignorance of my advance, and Anderson marched on heedlessly

toward Berryville, expecting to cross the Blue Ridge through Ashby's

Gap. At Berryville however, he blundered into Crook's lines about

sunset, and a bitter little fight ensued, in which the Confederates

got so much the worst of it that they withdrew toward Winchester.

When General Early received word of this encounter he hurried to

Anderson's assistance with three divisions, but soon perceiving what

was hitherto unknown to him, that my whole army was on a new line, he

decided, after some slight skirmishing, that Anderson must remain at

Winchester until a favorable opportunity offered for him to rejoin

Lee by another route.

Succeeding the discomfiture of Anderson, some minor operations took

place on the part of, Averell on the right and McIntosh's brigade of

Wilson's division on the left, but from that time until the 19th of

September no engagement of much importance occurred. The line from

Clifton to Berryville was occupied by the Sixth Corps and Grower's

and Dwight's divisions of the Nineteenth, Crook being transferred to

Summit Point, whence I could use him to protect my right flank and my

communication with Harper's Ferry, while the cavalry threatened the

enemy's right flank and line of retreat up the valley.

The difference of strength between the two armies at this date was

considerably in my favor, but the conditions attending my situation

in a hostile region necessitated so much detached service to protect

trains, and to secure Maryland and Pennsylvania from raids, that my

excess in numbers was almost canceled by these incidental demands

that could not be avoided, and although I knew that I was strong,

yet, in consequence of the injunctions of General Grant, I deemed it

necessary to be very cautious; and the fact that the Presidential

election was impending made me doubly so, the authorities at

Washington having impressed upon me that the defeat of my army might

be followed by the overthrow of the party in power, which event, it

was believed, would at least retard the progress of the war, if,

indeed, it did not lead to the complete abandonment of all coercive

measures. Under circumstances such as these I could not afford to

risk a disaster, to say nothing of the intense disinclination every

soldier has for such results; so, notwithstanding my superior

strength, I determined to take all the time necessary to equip myself

with the fullest information, and then seize an opportunity under

such conditions that I could not well fail of success.

PERSONAL MEMOIRES OF P. H. SHERIDAN, VOLUME 2.

By Philip Henry Sheridan

CHAPTER I.

ORGANIZING SCOUTS--MISS REBECCA WRIGHT--IMPORTANT INFORMATION--DECIDE

TO MOVE ON NEWTOWN--MEETING GENERAL GRANT--ORGANIZATION OF THE UNION

ARMY--OPENING OF THE BATTLE OF THE OPEQUON--DEATH OF GENERAL RUSSELL

--A TURNING MOVEMENT--A SUCCESSFUL CAVALRY CHARGE--VICTORY--THREE

LOYAL GIRLS--APPOINTED A BRIGADIER-GENERAL IN THE REGULAR ARMY

--REMARKS ON THE BATTLE.

While occupying the ground between Clifton and Berryville, referred

to in the last chapter of the preceding volume, I felt the need of an

efficient body of scouts to collect information regarding the enemy,

for the defective intelligence-establishment with which I started out

from Harper's Ferry early in August had not proved satisfactory. I

therefore began to organize my scouts on a system which I hoped would

give better results than bad the method hitherto pursued in the

department, which was to employ on this service doubtful citizens and

Confederate deserters. If these should turn out untrustworthy, the

mischief they might do us gave me grave apprehension, and I finally

concluded that those of our own soldiers who should volunteer for the

delicate and hazardous duty would be the most valuable material, and

decided that they should have a battalion organization and be

commanded by an officer, Major H. K. Young, of the First Rhode Island

Infantry. These men were disguised in Confederate uniforms whenever

necessary, were paid from the Secret-Service Fund in proportion to

the value of the intelligence they furnished, which often stood us in

good stead in checking the forays of Gilmore, Mosby, and other

irregulars. Beneficial results came from the plan in many other ways

too, and particularly so when in a few days two of my scouts put me

in the way of getting news conveyed from Winchester. They had

learned that just outside of my lines, near Millwood, there was

living an old colored man, who had a permit from the Confederate

commander to go into Winchester and return three times a week, for

the purpose of selling vegetables to the inhabitants. The scouts had

sounded this man, and, finding him both loyal and shrewd, suggested

that he might be made useful to us within the enemy's lines; and the

proposal struck me as feasible, provided there could be found in

Winchester some reliable person who would be willing to co-operate

and correspond with me. I asked General Crook, who was acquainted

with many of the Union people of Winchester, if he knew of such a

person, and he recommended a Miss Rebecca Wright, a young lady whom

he had met there before the battle of Kernstown, who, he said, was a

member of the Society of Friends and the teacher of a small private

school. He knew she was faithful and loyal to the Government, and

thought she might be willing to render us assistance, but he could

not be certain of this, for on account of her well known loyalty she

was under constant surveillance. I hesitated at first, but finally

deciding to try it, despatched the two scouts to the old negro's

cabin, and they brought him to my headquarters late that night. I

was soon convinced of the negro's fidelity, and asking him if he was

acquainted with Miss Rebecca Wright, of Winchester, he replied that

he knew her well. There upon I told him what I wished to do, and

after a little persuasion he agreed to carry a letter to her on his

next marketing trip. My message was prepared by writing it on tissue

paper, which was then compressed into a small pellet, and protected

by wrapping it in tin-foil so that it could be safely carried in the

man's mouth. The probability, of his being searched when he came to

the Confederate picketline was not remote, and in such event he was

to swallow the pellet. The letter appealed to Miss Wright's loyalty

and patriotism, and requested her to furnish me with information

regarding the strength and condition of Early's army. The night

before the negro started one of the scouts placed the odd-looking

communication in his hands, with renewed injunctions as to secrecy

and promptitude. Early the next morning it was delivered to Miss

Wright, with an intimation that a letter of importance was enclosed

in the tin-foil, the negro telling her at the same time that she

might expect him to call for a message in reply before his return

home. At first Miss Wright began to open the pellet nervously, but

when told to be careful, and to preserve the foil as a wrapping for

her answer, she proceeded slowly and carefully, and when the note

appeared intact the messenger retired, remarking again that in the

evening he would come for an answer.

On reading my communication Miss Wright was much startled by the

perils it involved, and hesitatingly consulted her mother, but her

devoted loyalty soon silenced every other consideration, and the

brave girl resolved to comply with my request, notwithstanding it

might jeopardize her life. The evening before a convalescent

Confederate officer had visited her mother's house, and in

conversation about the war had disclosed the fact that Kershaw's

division of infantry and Cutshaw's battalion of artillery had started

to rejoin General Lee. At the time Miss Wright heard this she

attached little if any importance to it, but now she perceived the

value of the intelligence, and, as her first venture, determined to

send it to me at once, which she did with a promise that in the

future she would with great pleasure continue to transmit information

by the negro messenger.

"SEPTEMBER 15, 1864.

"I learn from Major-General Crook that you are a loyal lady, and

still love the old flag. Can you inform me of the position of

Early's forces, the number of divisions in his army, and the strength

of any or all of them, and his probable or reported intentions? Have

any more troops arrived from Richmond, or are any more coming, or

reported to be coming?

"You can trust the bearer."

"I am, very respectfully, your most obedient servant,

"P. H. SHERIDAN, Major-General Commanding."

"SEPTEMBER 16, 1864.

"I have no communication whatever with the rebels, but will tell you

what I know. The division of General Kershaw, and Cutshaw's

artillery, twelve guns and men, General Anderson commanding, have

been sent away, and no more are expected, as they cannot be spared

from Richmond. I do not know how the troops are situated, but the

force is much smaller than represented. I will take pleasure

hereafter in learning all I can of their strength and position, and

the bearer may call again.

"Very respectfully yours,"

............

Miss Wright's answer proved of more value to me than she anticipated,

for it not only quieted the conflicting reports concerning Anderson's

corps, but was most important in showing positively that Kershaw was

gone, and this circumstance led, three days later, to the battle of

the Opequon, or Winchester as it has been unofficially called. Word

to the effect that some of Early's troops were under orders to return

to Petersburg, and would start back at the first favorable

opportunity, had been communicated to me already from many sources,

but we had not been able to ascertain the date for their departure.

Now that they had actually started, I decided to wait before offering

battle until Kershaw had gone so far as to preclude his return,

feeling confident that my prudence would be justified by the improved

chances of victory; and then, besides, Mr. Stanton kept reminding me

that positive success was necessary to counteract the political

dissatisfaction existing in some of the Northern States. This course

was advised and approved by General Grant, but even with his powerful

backing it was difficult to resist the persistent pressure of those

whose judgment, warped by their interests in the Baltimore and Ohio

railroad, was often confused and misled by stories of scouts (sent

out from Washington), averring that Kershaw and Fitzhugh Lee had

returned to Petersburg, Breckenridge to southwestern Virginia, and at

one time even maintaining that Early's whole army was east of the

Blue Ridge, and its commander himself at Gordonsville.

During the inactivity prevailing in my army for the ten days

preceding Miss Wright's communication the infantry was quiet, with

the exception of Getty's division, which made a reconnoissance to the

Opequon, and developed a heavy force of the enemy at Edwards's

Corners. The cavalry, however, was employed a good deal in this

interval skirmishing heavily at times to maintain a space about six

miles in width between the hostile lines, for I wished to control

this ground so that when I was released from the instructions of

August 12, I could move my men into position for attack without the

knowledge of Early. The most noteworthy of these mounted encounters

was that of McIntosh's brigade, which captured the Eighth South

Carolina at Abraham's Creek September 13.

It was the evening of the 16th of September that I received from Miss

Wright the positive information that Kershaw was in march toward

Front Royal on his way by Chester Gap to Richmond. Concluding that

this was my opportunity, I at once resolved to throw my whole force

into Newtown the next day, but a despatch from General Grant

directing me to meet him at Charlestown, whither he was coming to

consult with me, caused me to defer action until after I should see

him. In our resulting interview at Charlestown, I went over the

situation very thoroughly, and pointed out with so much confidence

the chances of a complete victory should I throw my army across the

Valley pike near Newtown that he fell in with the plan at once,

authorized me to resume the offensive, and to attack Early as soon as

I deemed it most propitious to do so; and although before leaving

City Point he had outlined certain operations for my army, yet he

neither discussed nor disclosed his plans, my knowledge of the

situation striking him as being so much more accurate than his own.

[Extract from "Grant's Memoirs," page 328.]

"....Before starting I had drawn up a plan of campaign for Sheridan,

which I had brought with me; but seeing that he was so clear and so

positive in his views, and so confident of success, I said nothing

about this, and did not take it out of my pocket...."

The interview over, I returned to my army to arrange for its movement

toward Newtown, but while busy with these preparations, a report came

to me from General Averell which showed that Early was moving with

two divisions of infantry toward Martinsburg. This considerably

altered the state of affairs, and I now decided to change my plan and

attack at once the two divisions remaining about Winchester and

Stephenson's depot, and later, the two sent to Martinsburg; the

disjointed state of the enemy giving me an opportunity to take him in

detail, unless the Martinsburg column should be returned by forced

marches.

While General Early was in the telegraph office at Martinsburg on the

morning of the 18th, he learned of Grant's visit to me; and

anticipating activity by reason of this circumstance, he promptly

proceeded to withdraw so as to get the two divisions within

supporting distance of Ramseur's, which lay across the Berryville

pike about two miles east of Winchester, between Abraham's Creek and

Red Bud Run, so by the night of the 18th Wharton's division, under

Breckenridge, was at Stephenson's depot, Rodes near there, and

Gordon's at Bunker Hill. At daylight of the 19th these positions of

the Confederate infantry still obtained, with the cavalry of Lomax,

Jackson, and Johnson on the right of Ramseur, while to the left and

rear of the enemy's general line was Fitzhugh Lee, covering from

Stephenson's depot west across the Valley pike to Applepie Ridge.

My army moved at 3 o'clock that morning. The plan was for Torbert to

advance with Merritt's division of cavalry from Summit Point, carry

the crossings of the Opequon at Stevens's and Lock's fords, and form

a junction near Stephenson's depot, with Averell, who was to move

south from Darksville by the Valley pike. Meanwhile, Wilson was to

strike up the Berryville pike, carry the Berryville crossing of the

Opequon, charge through the gorge or canyon on the road west of the

stream, and occupy the open ground at the head of this defile.

Wilson's attack was to be supported by the Sixth and Nineteenth

corps, which were ordered to the Berryville crossing, and as the

cavalry gained the open ground beyond the gorge, the two infantry

corps, under command of General Wright, were expected to press on

after and occupy Wilson's ground, who was then to shift to the south

bank of Abraham's Creek and cover my left; Crook's two divisions,

having to march from Summit Point, were to follow the Sixth and

Nineteenth corps to the Opcquon, and should they arrive before the

action began, they were to be held in reserve till the proper moment

came, and then, as a turning-column, be thrown over toward the Valley

pike, south of Winchester.

McIntosh's brigade of Wilson's division drove the enemy's pickets

away from the Berryville crossing at dawn, and Wilson following

rapidly through the gorge with the rest of the division, debouched

from its western extremity with such suddenness as to capture a

small earthwork in front of General Ramseur's main line; and

not-withstanding the Confederate infantry, on recovering from its

astonishment, tried hard to dislodge them, Wilson's troopers

obstinately held the work till the Sixth Corps came up. I followed

Wilson to select the ground on which to form the infantry. The Sixth

Corps began to arrive about 8 o'clock, and taking up the line Wilson

had been holding, just beyond the head of the narrow ravine, the

cavalry was transferred to the south side of Abraham's Creek.

The Confederate line lay along some elevated ground about two miles

east of Winchester, and extended from Abraham's Creek north across

the Berryville pike, the left being hidden in the heavy timber on Red

Bud Run. Between this line and mine, especially on my right, clumps

of woods and patches of underbrush occurred here and there, but the

undulating ground consisted mainly of open fields, many of which were

covered with standing corn that had already ripened.

Much time was lost in getting all of the Sixth and Nineteenth corps

through the narrow defile, Grover's division being greatly delayed

there by a train of ammunition wagons, and it was not until late in

the forenoon that the troops intended for the attack could be got

into line ready to advance. General Early was not slow to avail

himself of the advantages thus offered him, and my chances of

striking him in detail were growing less every moment, for Gordon and

Rodes were hurrying their divisions from Stephenson's depot

--across-country on a line that would place Gordon in the woods south

of Red Bud Run, and bring Rodes into the interval between Gordon and

Ramseur.

When the two corps had all got through the canyon they were formed

with Getty's division of the Sixth to the left of the Berryville

pike, Rickett's division to the right of the pike, and Russell's

division in reserve in rear of the other two. Grover's division of

the Nineteenth Corps came next on the right of Rickett's, with Dwight

to its rear in reserve, while Crook was to begin massing near the

Opequon crossing about the time Wright and Emory were ready to

attack.

Just before noon the line of Getty, Ricketts, and Grover moved

forward, and as we advanced, the Confederates, covered by some heavy

woods on their right, slight underbrush and corn-fields along their

Centre, and a large body of timber on their left along the Red Bud,

opened fire from their whole front. We gained considerable ground at

first, especially on our left but the desperate resistance which the

right met with demonstrated that the time we had unavoidably lost in

the morning had been of incalculable value to Early, for it was

evident that he had been enabled already to so far concentrate his

troops as to have the different divisions of his army in a connected

line of battle, in good shape to resist.

Getty and Ricketts made some progress toward Winchester in connection

with Wilson's cavalry, which was beyond the Senseny road on Getty's

left, and as they were pressing back Ramseur's infantry and Lomax's

cavalry Grover attacked from the right with decided effect. Grover

in a few minutes broke up Evans's brigade of Gordon's division, but

his pursuit of Evans destroyed the continuity of my general line, and

increased an interval that had already been made by the deflection of

Ricketts to the left, in obedience to instructions that had been

given him to guide his division on the Berryville pike. As the line

pressed forward, Ricketts observed this widening interval and

endeavored to fill it with the small brigade of Colonel Keifer, but

at this juncture both Gordon and Rodes struck the weak spot where the

right of the Sixth Corps and the left of the Nineteenth should have

been in conjunction, and succeeded in checking my advance by driving

back a part of Ricketts's division, and the most of Grover's. As

these troops were retiring I ordered Russell's reserve division to be

put into action, and just as the flank of the enemy's troops in

pursuit of Grover was presented, Upton's brigade, led in person by

both Russell and Upton, struck it in a charge so vigorous as to drive

the Confederates back in turn to their original ground.

The success of Russell enabled me to re-establish the right of my

line some little distance in advance of the position from which it

started in the morning, and behind Russell's division (now commanded

by Upton) the broken regiments of Ricketts's division were rallied.

Dwight's division was then brought up on the right, and Grover's men

formed behind it.

The charge of Russell was most opportune, but it cost many men in

killed and wounded. Among the former was the courageous Russell

himself; killed by a piece of shell that passed through his heart,

although he had previously been struck by a bullet in the left

breast, which wound, from its nature, must have proved mortal, yet of

which he had not spoken. Russell's death oppressed us all with

sadness, and me particularly. In the early days of my army life he

was my captain and friend, and I was deeply indebted to him, not only

for sound advice and good example, but for the inestimable service he

had just performed, and sealed with his life, so it may be inferred

how keenly I felt his loss.

As my lines were being rearranged, it was suggested to me to put

Crook into the battle, but so strongly had I set my heart on using

him to take possession of the Valley pike and cut off the enemy, that

I resisted this advice, hoping that the necessity for putting him in

would be obviated by the attack near Stephenson's depot that

Torbert's cavalry was to make, and from which I was momentarily

expecting to hear. No news of Torbert's progress came, however, so,

yielding at last, I directed Crook to take post on the right of the

Nineteenth Corps and, when the action was renewed, to push his

command forward as a turning-column in conjunction with Emory. After

some delay in the annoying defile, Crook got his men up, and posting

Colonel Thoburn's division on the prolongation of the Nineteenth

Corps, he formed Colonel Duval's division to the right of Thoburn.

Here I joined Crook, informing him that I had just got word that

Torbert was driving the enemy in confusion along the Martinsburg pike

toward Winchester; at the same time I directed him to attack the

moment all of Duval's men were in line. Wright was instructed to

advance in concert with Crook, by swinging Emory and the right of the

Sixth Corps to the left together in a half-wheel. Then leaving

Crook, I rode along the Sixth and Nineteenth corps, the open ground

over which they were passing affording a rare opportunity to witness

the precision with which the attack was taken up from right to left.

Crook's success began the moment he started to turn the enemy's left;

and assured by the fact that Torbert had stampeded the Confederate

cavalry and thrown Breckenridge's infantry into such disorder that it

could do little to prevent the envelopment of Gordon's left, Crook

pressed forward without even a halt.

Both Emory and Wright took up the fight as ordered, and as they did

so I sent word to Wilson, in the hope that he could partly perform

the work originally laid out for Crook, to push along the Senseny

road and, if possible, gain the valley pike south of Winchester. I

then returned toward my right flank, and as I reached the Nineteenth

Corps the enemy was contesting the ground in its front with great

obstinacy; but Emory's dogged persistence was at length rewarded with

success, just as Crook's command emerged from the morass of Red Bud

Run, and swept around Gordon, toward the right of Breckenridge, who,

with two of Wharton's brigades, was holding a line at right angles

with the Valley pike for the protection of the Confederate rear.

Early had ordered these two brigades back from Stephenson's depot in

the morning, purposing to protect with them his right flank and line

of retreat, but while they were en route to this end, he was obliged

to recall them to his left to meet Crook's attack.

To confront Torbert, Patton's brigade of infantry and some of

Fitzhugh Lee's cavalry had been left back by Breckenridge, but, with

Averell on the west side of the Valley pike and Merritt on the east,

Torbert began to drive this opposing force toward Winchester the

moment he struck it near Stephenson's depot, keeping it on the go

till it reached the position held by Breckenridge, where it

endeavored to make a stand.

The ground which Breckenridge was holding was open, and offered an

opportunity such as seldom had been presented during the war for a

mounted attack, and Torbert was not slow to take advantage of it.

The instant Merritt's division could be formed for the charge, it

went at Breckenridge's infantry and Fitzhugh Lee's cavalry with such

momentum as to break the Confederate left, just as Averell was

passing around it. Merritt's brigades, led by Custer, Lowell, and

Devin, met from the start with pronounced success, and with sabre or

pistol in hand literally rode down a battery of five guns and took

about 1,200 prisoners. Almost simultaneously with this cavalry

charge, Crook struck Breckenridge's right and Gordon's left, forcing

these divisions to give way, and as they retired, Wright, in a

vigorous attack, quickly broke Rodes up and pressed Ramseur so hard

that the whole Confederate army fell back, contracting its lines

within some breastworks which had been thrown up at a former period

of the war, immediately in front of Winchester.

Here Early tried hard to stem the tide, but soon Torbert's cavalry

began passing around his left flank, and as Crook, Emory, and Wright

attacked in front, panic took possession of the enemy, his troops,

now fugitives and stragglers, seeking escape into and through

Winchester.

When this second break occurred, the Sixth and Nineteenth corps were

moved over toward the Millwood pike to help Wilson on the left, but

the day was so far spent that they could render him no assistance,

and Ramseur's division, which had maintained some organization, was

in such tolerable shape as to check him. Meanwhile Torbert passed

around to the west of Winchester to join Wilson, but was unable to do

so till after dark. Crook's command pursued the enemy through the

town to Mill Greek, I going along.

Just after entering the town, Crook and I met, in the main street,

three young girls, who gave us the most hearty reception. One of

these young women was a Miss Griffith, the other two Miss Jennie and

Miss Susie Meredith. During the day they had been watching the

battle from the roof of the Meredith residence, with tears and

lamentations, they said, in the morning when misfortune appeared to

have overtaken the Union troops, but with unbounded exultation when,

later, the tide set in against the Confederates. Our presence was,

to them, an assurance of victory, and their delight being

irrepressible, they indulged in the most unguarded manifestations and

expressions. When cautioned by Crook, who knew them well, and

reminded that the valley had hitherto been a race-course--one day in

the possession of friends, and the next of enemies--and warned of the

dangers they were incurring by such demonstrations, they assured him

that they had no further fears of that kind now, adding that Early's

army was so demoralized by the defeat it had just sustained that it

would never be in condition to enter Winchester again. As soon as we

had succeeded in calming the excited girls a little I expressed a

desire to find some place where I could write a telegram to General

Grant informing him of the result of the battle, and General Crook

conducted me to the home of Miss Wright, where I met for the first

time the woman who had contributed so much to our success, and on a

desk in her school-room wrote the despatch announcing that we had

sent Early's army whirling up the valley.

My losses in the battle of the Opequon were heavy, amounting to about

4,500 killed, wounded, and missing. Among the killed was General

Russell, commanding a division, and the wounded included Generals

Upton, McIntosh and Chapman, and Colonels Duval and Sharpe. The

Confederate loss in killed, wounded, and prisoners about equaled

mine, General Rodes being of the killed, while Generals Fitzhugh Lee

and York were severely wounded.

We captured five pieces of artillery and nine battle-flags. The

restoration of the lower valley--from the Potomac to Strasburg--to

the control of the Union forces caused great rejoicing in the North,

and relieved the Administration from further solicitude for the

safety of the Maryland and Pennsylvania borders. The President's

appreciation of the victory was expressed in a despatch so like Mr.

Lincoln that I give a facsimile of it to the reader:

[In the handwriting of President Lincoln]

"EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT

"WASHINGTON, Sep. 20, 1864

"MAJOR-GENERAL SHERMAN

"WINCHESTER, VA.

"Have just heard of your great victory. God bless you all, officers

and men. Strongly inclined to come up and see you.

"A. LINCOLN."

This he supplemented by promoting me to the grade of

brigadier-general in the regular army, and assigning me to the

permanent command of the Middle Military Department, and following that

came warm congratulations from Mr. Stanton and from Generals Grant,

Sherman, and Meade.

The battle was not fought out on the plan in accordance with which

marching orders were issued to my troops, for I then hoped to take

Early in detail, and with Crook's force cut off his retreat. I

adhered to this purpose during the early part of the contest, but was

obliged to abandon the idea because of unavoidable delays by which I

was prevented from getting the Sixth and Nineteenth corps through the

narrow defile and into position early enough to destroy Ramseur while

still isolated. So much delay had not been anticipated, and this

loss of time was taken advantage of by the enemy to recall the troops

diverted to Bunker Hill and Martinsburg on the 17th, thus enabling

him to bring them all to the support of Ramseur before I could strike

with effect. My idea was to attack Ramseur and Wharton,

successively, at a very early hour and before they could get succor,

but I was not in condition to do it till nearly noon, by which time

Gordon and Rodes had been enabled to get upon the ground at a point

from which, as I advanced, they enfiladed my right flank, and gave it

such a repulse that to re-form this part of my line I was obliged to

recall the left from some of the ground it had gained. It was during

this reorganization of my lines that I changed my plan as to Crook,

and moved him from my left to my right. This I did with great

reluctance, for I hoped to destroy Early's army entirely if Crook

continued on his original line of march toward the Valley pike, south

of Winchester; and although the ultimate results did, in a measure

vindicate the change, yet I have always thought that by adhering to

the original plan we might have captured the bulk of Early's army.

CHAPTER 11.

PURSUING EARLY--A SECRET MARCH--FISHER'S HILL--A GREAT SUCCESS

--REMOVAL OF AVERELL--THE RETREAT--CAPTURING AN OLD COMRADE

--THE MURDER OF LIEUTENANT MEIGS.

The night of the 19th of September I gave orders for following Early

up the valley next morning--the pursuit to begin at daybreak--and in

obedience to these directions Torbert moved Averell out on the Back

road leading to Cedar Creek, and Merritt up the Valley pike toward

Strasburg, while Wilson was directed on Front Royal by way of

Stevensburg. Merritt's division was followed by the infantry,

Emory's and Wright's columns marching abreast in the open country to

the right and left of the pike, and Crook's immediately behind them.

The enemy having kept up his retreat at night, presented no

opposition whatever until the cavalry discovered him posted at

Fisher's Hill, on the first defensive line where he could hope to

make any serious resistance. No effort was made to dislodge him, and

later in the day, after Wright and Emory came up, Torbert shifted

Merritt over toward the Back road till he rejoined Averell. As

Merritt moved to the right, the Sixth and Nineteenth corps crossed

Cedar Creek and took up the ground the cavalry was vacating, Wright

posting his own corps to the west of the Valley pike overlooking

Strasburg, and Emory's on his left so as to extend almost to the road

leading from Strasburg to Front Royal. Crook, as he came up the same

evening, went into position in some heavy timber on the north bank of

Cedar Creek.

A reconnoissance made pending these movements convinced me that the

enemy's position at Fisher's Hill was so strong that a direct assault

would entail unnecessary destruction of life, and, besides, be of

doubtful result. At the point where Early's troops were in position,

between the Massanutten range and Little North Mountain, the valley

is only about three and a half miles wide. All along the precipitous

bluff which overhangs Tumbling Run on the south side, a heavy line of

earthworks had been constructed when Early retreated to this point in

August, and these were now being strengthened so as to make them

almost impregnable; in fact, so secure did Early consider himself

that, for convenience, his ammunition chests were taken from the

caissons and placed behind the breastworks. Wharton, now in command

of Breckenridge's division--its late commander having gone to

southwest Virginia--held the right of this line, with Gordon next

him; Pegram, commanding Ramseur's old division, joined Gordon.

Ramseur with Rodes's division, was on Pegram's left, while Lomax's

cavalry, now serving as foot-troops, extended the line to the Back

road. Fitzhugh Lee being wounded, his cavalry, under General

Wickham, was sent to Milford to prevent Fisher's Hill from being

turned through the Luray Valley.

In consequence of the enemy's being so well protected from a direct

assault, I resolved on the night of the 20th to use again a

turning-column against his left, as had been done on the 19th at the

Opequon. To this end I resolved to move Crook, unperceived if possible,

over to the eastern face of Little North Mountain, whence he could

strike the left and rear of the Confederate line, and as he broke it

up, I could support him by a left half-wheel of my whole line of

battle. The execution of this plan would require perfect secrecy,

however, for the enemy from his signal-station on Three Top could

plainly see every movement of our troops in daylight. Hence, to escape

such observation, I marched Crook during the night of the 20th into

some heavy timber north of Cedar Creek, where he lay concealed all day

the 21st. This same day Wright and Emory were moved up closer to the

Confederate works, and the Sixth Corps, after a severe fight, in which

Ricketts's and Getty were engaged, took up some high ground on the

right of the Manassas Gap railroad in plain view of the Confederate

works, and confronting a commanding point where much of Early's

artillery was massed. Soon after General Wright had established this

line I rode with him along it to the westward, and finding that the

enemy was still holding an elevated position further to our right, on

the north side of Tumbling Run, I directed this also to be occupied.

Wright soon carried the point, which gave us an unobstructed view of

the enemy's works and offered good ground for our artillery. It also

enabled me to move the whole of the Sixth Corps to the front till its

line was within about seven hundred yards of the enemy's works; the

Nineteenth Corps, on the morning of the 22d, covering the ground

vacated by the Sixth by moving to the front and extending to the right,

but still keeping its reserves on the railroad.

In the darkness of the night of the gist, Crook was brought across

Cedar Creek and hidden in a clump of timber behind Hupp's Hill till

daylight of the 22d, when, under cover of the intervening woods and

ravines, he was marched beyond the right of the Sixth Corps and again

concealed not far from the Back road. After Crook had got into this

last position, Ricketts's division was pushed out until it confronted

the left of the enemy's infantry, the rest of the Sixth Corps

extending from Ricketts's left to the Manassas Gap railroad, while

the Nineteenth Corps filled in the space between the left of the

Sixth and the North Fork of the Shenandoah.

When Ricketts moved out on this new line, in conjunction with

Averell's cavalry on his right, the enemy surmising, from information

secured from his signal-station, no doubt, that my attack was to be

made from Ricketts's front, prepared for it there, but no such

intention ever existed. Ricketts was pushed forward only that he

might readily join Crook's turning-column as it swung into the

enemy's rear. To ensure success, all that I needed now was enough

daylight to complete my arrangements, the secrecy of movement imposed

by the situation consuming many valuable hours.

While Ricketts was occupying the enemy's attention, Crook, again

moving unobserved into the dense timber on the eastern face of Little

North Mountain, conducted his command south in two parallel columns

until he gained the rear of the enemy's works, when, marching his

divisions by the left flank, he led them in an easterly direction

down the mountain-side. As he emerged from the timber near the base

of the mountain, the Confederates discovered him, of course, and

opened with their batteries, but it was too late--they having few

troops at hand to confront the turning-column. Loudly cheering,

Crook's men quickly crossed the broken stretch in rear of the enemy's

left, producing confusion and consternation at every step.

About a mile from the mountain's base Crook's left was joined by

Ricketts, who in proper time had begun to swing his division into the

action, and the two commands moved along in rear of the works so

rapidly that, with but slight resistance, the Confederates abandoned

the guns massed near the centre. The swinging movement of Ricketts

was taken up successively from right to left throughout my line, and

in a few minutes the enemy was thoroughly routed, the action, though

brief, being none the less decisive. Lomax's dismounted cavalry gave

way first, but was shortly followed by all the Confederate infantry

in an indescribable panic, precipitated doubtless by fears of being

caught and captured in the pocket formed by Tumbling Run and the

North Fork of the Shenandoah River. The stampede was complete, the

enemy leaving the field without semblance of organization, abandoning

nearly all his artillery and such other property as was in the works,

and the rout extending through the fields and over the roads toward

Woodstock, Wright and Emory in hot pursuit.

Midway between Fisher's Hill and Woodstock there is some high ground,

where at night-fall a small squad endeavored to stay us with two

pieces of artillery, but this attempt at resistance proved fruitless,

and, notwithstanding the darkness, the guns were soon captured. The

chase was then taken up by Devin's brigade as soon as it could be

passed to the front, and continued till after daylight the next

morning, but the delays incident to a night pursuit made it

impossible for Devin to do more than pick up stragglers.

Our success was very great, yet I had anticipated results still more

pregnant. Indeed, I had high hopes of capturing almost the whole of

Early's army before it reached New Market, and with this object in

view, during the manoeuvres of the 21st I had sent Torbert up the

Luray Valley with Wilson's division and two of Merritt's brigades, in

the expectation that he would drive Wickham out of the Luray Pass by

Early's right, and by crossing the Massanutten Mountain near New

Market, gain his rear. Torbert started in good season, and after

some slight skirmishing at Gooney Run, got as far as Milford, but

failed to dislodge Wickham. In fact, he made little or no attempt to

force Wickham from his position, and with only a feeble effort

withdrew. I heard nothing at all from Torbert during the 22d, and

supposing that everything was progressing favorably, I was astonished

and chagrined on the morning of the 23d, at Woodstock, to receive the

intelligence that he had fallen back to Front Royal and Buckton ford.

My disappointment was extreme, but there was now no help for the

situation save to renew and emphasize Torbert's orders, and this was

done at once, notwithstanding that I thought, the delay, had so much

diminished the chances of his getting in the rear of Early as to make

such a result a very remote possibility, unless, indeed, far greater

zeal was displayed than had been in the first attempt to penetrate

the Luray Valley.

The battle of Fisher's Hill was, in a measure, a part of the battle

of the Opequon; that is to say, it was an incident of the pursuit

resulting from that action. In many ways, however, it was much more

satisfactory, and particularly so because the plan arranged on the

evening of the 20th was carried out to the very letter by Generals

Wright, Crook, and Emory, not only in all their preliminary

manoeuvres, but also during the fight itself. The only drawback was

with the cavalry, and to this day I have been unable to account

satisfactorily for Torbert's failure. No doubt, Wickham's position

near Milford was a strong one, but Torbert ought to have made a

fight. Had he been defeated in this, his withdrawal then to await

the result at Fisher's Hill would have been justified, but it does

not appear that he made any serious effort of all to dislodge the

Confederate cavalry: his impotent attempt not only chagrined me very

much, but occasioned much unfavorable comment throughout the army.

We reached Woodstock early on the morning of the 23d, and halted

there some little time to let the troops recover their organization,

which had been broken in the night march they had just made. When

the commands had closed up we pushed on toward Edinburg, in the hope

of making more captures at Narrow Passage Creek; but the

Confederates, too fleet for us, got away; so General Wright halted

the infantry not far from Edinburg, till rations could be brought the

men. Meanwhile I, having remained at Woodstock, sent Dedin's brigade

to press the enemy under every favorable opportunity, and if possible

prevent him from halting long enough to reorganize. Notwithstanding

Devin's efforts the Confederates managed to assemble a considerable

force to resist him, and being too weak for the rearguard, he awaited

the arrival of Averell, who, I had informed him, would be hurried to

the front with all possible despatch, for I thought that Averell must

be close at hand. It turned out, however, that he was not near by at

all, and, moreover, that without good reason he had refrained from

taking any part whatever in pursuing the enemy in the flight from

Fisher's Hill; and in fact had gone into camp and left to the

infantry the work of pursuit.

It was nearly noon when Averell came up, and a great deal of precious

time had been lost. We had some hot words, but hoping that he would

retrieve the mistake of the night before, I directed him to proceed

to the front at once, and in conjunction with Devin close with the

enemy. He reached Devin's command about 3 o'clock in the afternoon,

just as this officer was pushing the Confederates so energetically

that they were abandoning Mount Jackson, yet Averell utterly failed

to accomplish anything. Indeed, his indifferent attack was not at

all worthy the excellent soldiers he commanded, and when I learned

that it was his intention to withdraw from the enemy's front, and

this, too, on the indefinite report of a signal-officer that a

"brigade or division" of Confederates was turning his right flank,

and that he had not seriously attempted to verify the information, I

sent him this order:

"HEADQUARTERS MIDDLE MILITARY DIVISION,

"Woodstock, Va., Sept. 23, 1864

"BREVET MAJOR-GENERAL AVERELL

"Your report and report of signal-officer received. I do not want

you to let the enemy bluff you or your command, and I want you to

distinctly understand this note. I do not advise rashness, but I do

desire resolution and actual fighting, with necessary casualties,

before you retire. There must now be no backing or filling by you

without a superior force of the enemy actually engaging you.

"P. H. SHERIDAN,

"Major-General Commanding."

Some little time after this note went to Averell, word was brought me

that he had already carried out the programme indicated when

forwarding the report of the expected turning of his right, and that

he had actually withdrawn and gone into camp near Hawkinsburg. I

then decided to relieve him from the command of his division, which I

did, ordering him to Wheeling, Colonel William H. Powell being

assigned to succeed him.

The removal of Averell was but the culmination of a series of events

extending back to the time I assumed command of the Middle Military

Division. At the outset, General Grant, fearing discord on account

of Averell's ranking Torbert, authorized me to relieve the former

officer, but I hoped that if any trouble of this sort arose, it could

be allayed, or at least repressed, during the campaign against Early,

since the different commands would often have to act separately.

After that, the dispersion of my army by the return of the Sixth

Corps and Torbert's cavalry to the Army of the Potomac would take

place, I thought, and this would restore matters to their normal

condition; but Averell's dissatisfaction began to show itself

immediately after his arrival at Martinsburg, on the 14th of August,

and, except when he was conducting some independent expedition, had

been manifested on all occasions since. I therefore thought that the

interest of the service would be subserved by removing one whose

growing indifference might render the best-laid plans inoperative.

"HEADQUARTERS MIDDLE MILITARY DIVISION.

"HARRISONBURG, VA., SEPT. 25, 1864 11:30 P. M.

"LIEUT-GENERAL GRANT, Comd'g, City Point, Va.

"I have relieved Averell from his command. Instead of following the

enemy when he was broken at Fisher's Hill (so there was not a cavalry

organization left), he went into camp and let me pursue the enemy for

a distance of fifteen miles, with infantry, during the night.

"P. H. SHERIDAN, Major-General."

The failure of Averell to press the enemy the evening of the 23d gave

Early time to collect his scattered forces and take up a position on

the east side of the North Fork of the Shenandoah, his left resting

on the west side of that stream at Rude's Hill, a commanding point

about two miles south of Mt. Jackson. Along this line he had

constructed some slight works during the night, and at daylight on

the 24th, I moved the Sixth and Nineteenth corps through Mt. Jackson

to attack him, sending Powell's division to pass around his left

flank, toward Timberville, and Devin's brigade across the North Fork,

to move along the base of Peaked Ridge and attack his right. The

country was entirely open, and none of these manoeuvres could be

executed without being observed, so as soon as my advance began, the

enemy rapidly retreated in line of battle up the valley through New

Market, closely followed by Wright and Emory, their artillery on the

pike and their columns on its right and left. Both sides moved with

celerity, the Confederates stimulated by the desire to escape, and

our men animated by the prospect of wholly destroying Early's army.

The stern-chase continued for about thirteen miles, our infantry

often coming within range, yet whenever we began to deploy, the

Confederates increased the distance between us by resorting to a

double quick, evading battle with admirable tact. While all this was

going on, the open country permitted us a rare and brilliant sight,

the bright sun gleaming from the arms and trappings of the thousands

of pursuers and pursued.

Near New Market, as a last effort to hold the enemy, I pushed Devin's

cavalry--comprising about five hundred men--with two guns right up on

Early's lines, in the hope that the tempting opportunity given him to

capture the guns would stay his retreat long enough to let my

infantry deploy within range, but he refused the bait, and after

momentarily checking Devin he continued on with little loss and in

pretty good order.

All hope of Torbert's appearing in rear of the Confederates vanished

as they passed beyond New Market. Some six miles south of this place

Early left the Valley Pike and took the road to Keezletown, a move

due in a measure to Powell's march by way of Timberville toward

Lacy's Springs, but mainly caused by the fact that the Keezletown

road ran immediately along the base of Peaked Mountain--a rugged

ridge affording protection to Early's right flank--and led in a

direction facilitating his junction with Kershaw, who had been

ordered back to him from Culpeper the day after the battle of the

Opequon. The chase was kept up on the Keezeltown road till darkness

overtook us, when my weary troops were permitted to go into camp; and

as soon as the enemy discovered by our fires that the pursuit had

stopped, he also bivouacked some five miles farther south toward Port

Republic.

The next morning Early was joined by Lomax's cavalry from

Harrisonburg, Wickham's and Payne's brigades of cavalry also uniting

with him from the Luray Valley. His whole army then fell back to the

mouth of Brown's Gap to await Kershaw's division and Cutshaw's

artillery, now on their return.

By the morning of the 25th the main body of the enemy had disappeared

entirely from my front, and the capture of some small, squads of

Confederates in the neighboring hills furnished us the only incidents

of the day. Among the prisoners was a tall and fine looking officer,

much worn with hunger and fatigue. The moment I saw him I recognized

him as a former comrade, George W. Carr, with whom I had served in

Washington Territory. He was in those days a lieutenant in the Ninth

Infantry, and was one of the officers who superintended the execution

of the nine Indians at the Cascades of the Columbia in 1856. Carr

was very much emaciated, and greatly discouraged by the turn events

had recently taken. For old acquaintance sake I gave him plenty to

eat, and kept him in comfort at my headquarters until the next batch

of prisoners was sent to the rear, when he went with them. He had

resigned from the regular army at the commencement of hostilities,

and, full of high anticipation, cast his lot with the Confederacy,

but when he fell into our hands, his bright dreams having been

dispelled by the harsh realities of war, he appeared to think that

for him there was no future.

Picking up prisoners here and there, my troops resumed their march

directly south on the Valley pike, and when the Sixth and Nineteenth

corps reached Harrisonburg, they went into camp, Powell in the

meanwhile pushing on to Mt. Crawford, and Crook taking up a position

in our rear at the junction of the Keezletown road and the Valley

pike. Late in the afternoon Torbert's cavalry came in from New

Market arriving at that place many hours later than it had been

expected.

The succeeding day I sent Merritt to Port Republic to occupy the

enemy's attention, while Torbert, with Wilson's division and the

regular brigade, was ordered to Staunton, whence he was to proceed to

Waynesboro' and blow up the railroad bridge. Having done this,

Torbert, as he returned, was to drive off whatever cattle he could

find, destroy all forage and breadstuffs, and burn the mills. He

took possession of Waynesboro' in due time, but had succeeded in only

partially demolishing the railroad bridge when, attacked by Pegram's

division of infantry and Wickham's cavalry, he was compelled to fall

back to Staunton. From the latter place he retired to Bridgewater,

and Spring Hill, on the way, however, fully executing his

instructions regarding the destruction of supplies.

While Torbert was on this expedition, Merritt had occupied Port

Republic, but he happened to get there the very day that Kershaw's

division was marching from Swift Run Gap to join Early. By accident

Kershaw ran into Merritt shortly after the latter had gained the

village. Kershaw's four infantry brigades attacked at once, and

Merrit, forced out of Port Republic, fell back toward Cross Keys; and

in anticipation that the Confederates could be coaxed to that point,

I ordered the infantry there, but Torbert's attack at Wavnesboro' had

alarmed Early, and in consequence he drew all his forces in toward

Rock-fish Gap. This enabled me to re-establish Merritt at Port

Republic, send the Sixth and Nineteenth corps to the neighborhood of

Mt. Crawford to await the return of Torbert, and to post Crook at

Harrisonburg; these dispositions practically obtained till the 6th of

October, I holding a line across the valley from Port Republic along

North River by Mt. Crawford to the Back road near the mouth of Briery

Branch Gap.

It was during this period, about dusk on the evening of October 3,

that between Harrisonburg and Dayton my engineer officer, Lieutenant

John R. Meigs, was murdered within my lines. He had gone out with

two topographical assistants to plot the country, and late in the

evening, while riding along the public road on his return to camp, he

overtook three men dressed in our uniform. From their dress, and

also because the party was immediately behind our lines and within a

mile and a half of my headquarters, Meigs and his assistants

naturally thought that they were joining friends, and wholly

unsuspicious of anything to the contrary, rode on with the three men

some little distance; but their perfidy was abruptly discovered by

their suddenly turning upon Meigs with a call for his surrender. It

has been claimed that, refusing to submit, he fired on the

treacherous party, but the statement is not true, for one of the

topographers escaped--the other was captured--and reported a few

minutes later at my headquarters that Meigs was killed without

resistance of any kind whatever, and without even the chance to give

himself up. This man was so cool, and related all the circumstances

of the occurrence with such exactness, as to prove the truthfulness

of his statement. The fact that the murder had been committed inside

our lines was evidence that the perpetrators of the crime, having

their homes in the vicinity, had been clandestinely visiting them,

and been secretly harbored by some of the neighboring residents.

Determining to teach a lesson to these abettors of the foul deed--a

lesson they would never forget--I ordered all the houses within an

area of five miles to be burned. General Custer, who had succeeded

to the command of the Third Cavalry division (General Wilson having

been detailed as chief of cavalry to Sherman's army), was charged

with this duty, and the next morning proceeded to put the order into

execution. The prescribed area included the little village of

Dayton, but when a few houses in the immediate neighborhood of the

scene of the murder had been burned, Custer was directed to cease his

desolating work, but to fetch away all the able-bodied males as

prisoners.

CHAPTER III.

REASONS FOR NOT PURSUING EARLY THROUGH THE BLUE RIDGE--GENERAL

TORBERT DETAILED TO GIVE GENERAL ROSSER A "DRUBBING"--GENERAL ROSSER

ROUTED--TELEGRAPHED TO MEET STANTON--LONGSTREET'S MESSAGE--RETURN TO

WINCHESTER--THE RIDE TO CEDAR CREEK--THE RETREATING ARMY--RALLYING

THE TROOPS--REFORMING THE LINE--COMMENCING THE ATTACK--DEFEAT OF THE

CONFEDERATES--APPOINTED A MAJOR-GENERAL IN THE REGULAR ARMY--RESULTS

OF THE BATTLE.

While we lay in camp at Harrisonburg it became necessary to decide

whether or not I would advance to Brown's Gap, and, after driving the

enemy from there, follow him through the Blue Ridge into eastern

Virginia. Indeed, this question began to cause me solicitude as soon

as I knew Early had escaped me at New Market, for I felt certain that

I should be urged to pursue the Confederates toward Charlottesville

and Gordonsville, and be expected to operate on that line against

Richmond. For many reasons I was much opposed to such a plan, but

mainly because its execution would involve the opening of the Orange

and Alexandria railroad. To protect this road against the raids of

the numerous guerrilla bands that infested the region through which

it passed, and to keep it in operation, would require a large force

of infantry, and would also greatly reduce my cavalry; besides, I

should be obliged to leave a force in the valley strong enough to

give security to the line of the upper Potomac and the Baltimore and

Ohio railroad, and this alone would probably take the whole of

Crook's command, leaving me a wholly inadequate number of fighting

men to prosecute a campaign against the city of Richmond. Then, too,

I was in doubt whether the besiegers could hold the entire army at

Petersburg; and in case they could not, a number of troops sufficient

to crush me might be detached by Lee, moved rapidly by rail, and,

after overwhelming me, be quickly returned to confront General Meade.

I was satisfied, moreover, that my transportation could not supply me

further than Harrisonburg, and if in penetrating the Blue Ridge I met

with protracted resistance, a lack of supplies might compel me to

abandon the attempt at a most inopportune time.

I therefore advised that the Valley campaign be terminated north of

Staunton, and I be permitted to return, carrying out on the way my

original instructions for desolating the Shenandoah country so as to

make it untenable for permanent occupation by the Confederates. I

proposed to detach the bulk of my army when this work of destruction

was completed, and send it by way of the Baltimore and Ohio railroad

through Washington to the Petersburg line, believing that I could

move it more rapidly by that route than by any other. I was

confident that if a movement of this character could be made with

celerity it would culminate in the capture of Richmond and possibly

of General Lee's army, and I was in hopes that General Grant would

take the same view of the matter; but just at this time he was so

pressed by the Government and by public-opinion at the North, that he

advocated the wholly different conception of driving Early into

eastern Virginia, and adhered to this plan with some tenacity.

Considerable correspondence regarding the subject took place between

us, throughout which I stoutly maintained that we should not risk, by

what I held to be a false move, all that my army had gained. I being

on the ground, General Grant left to me the final decision of the

question, and I solved the first step by determining to withdraw down

the valley at least as far as Strasburg, which movement was begun on

the 6th of October.

The cavalry as it retired was stretched across the country from the

Blue Ridge to the eastern slope of the Alleghanies, with orders to

drive off all stock and destroy all supplies as it moved northward.

The infantry preceded the cavalry, passing down the Valley pike, and

as we marched along the many columns of smoke from burning stacks,

and mills filled with grain, indicated that the adjacent country was

fast losing the features which hitherto had made it a great magazine

of stores for the Confederate armies.

During the 6th and 7th of October, the enemy's horse followed us up,

though at a respectful distance. This cavalry was now under command

of General T. W. Rosser, who on October 5 had joined Early with an

additional brigade from Richmond. As we proceeded the Confederates

gained confidence, probably on account of the reputation with which

its new commander had been heralded, and on the third day's march had

the temerity to annoy my rear guard considerably. Tired of these

annoyances, I concluded to open the enemy's eyes in earnest, so that

night I told Torbert I expected him either to give Rosser a drubbing

next morning or get whipped himself, and that the infantry would be

halted until the affair was over; I also informed him that I proposed

to ride out to Round Top Mountain to see the fight. When I decided

to have Rosser chastised, Merritt was encamped at the foot of Round

Top, an elevation just north of Tom's Brook, and Custer some six

miles farther north and west, near Tumbling Run. In the night Custer

was ordered to retrace his steps before daylight by the Back road,

which is parallel to and about three miles from the Valley pike, and

attack the enemy at Tom's Brook crossing, while Merritt's

instructions were to assail him on the Valley pike in concert with

Custer. About 7 in the morning, Custer's division encountered Rosser

himself with three brigades, and while the stirring sounds of the

resulting artillery duel were reverberating through the valley

Merritt moved briskly to the front and fell upon Generals Lomax and

Johnson on the Valley pike. Merritt, by extending his right, quickly

established connection with Custer, and the two divisions moved

forward together under Torbert's direction, with a determination to

inflict on the enemy the sharp and summary punishment his rashness

had invited.

The engagement soon became general across the valley, both sides

fighting mainly mounted. For about two hours the contending lines

struggled with each other along Tom's Brook, the charges and counter

charges at many points being plainly visible from the summit of Round

Top, where I had my headquarters for the time.

The open country permitting a sabre fight, both sides seemed bent on

using that arm. In the centre the Confederates maintained their

position with much stubbornness, and for a time seemed to have

recovered their former spirit, but at last they began to give way on

both flanks, and as these receded, Merritt and Custer went at the

wavering ranks in a charge along the whole front. The result was a

general smash-up of the entire Confederate line, the retreat quickly

degenerating into a rout the like of which was never before seen.

For twenty-six miles this wild stampede kept up, with our troopers

close at the enemy's heels; and the ludicrous incidents of the chase

never ceased to be amusing topics around the camp-fires of Merritt

and Custer. In the fight and pursuit Torbert took eleven pieces of

artillery, with their caissons, all the wagons and ambulances the

enemy had on the ground, and three hundred prisoners. Some of

Rosser's troopers fled to the mountains by way of Columbia Furnace,

and some up the Valley pike and into the Massamitten Range,

apparently not discovering that the chase had been discontinued till

south of Mount Jackson they rallied on Early's infantry.

After this catastrophe, Early reported to General Lee that his

cavalry was so badly demoralized that it should be dismounted; and

the citizens of the valley, intensely disgusted with the boasting and

swaggering that had characterized the arrival of the "Laurel Brigade"

in that section, baptized the action (known to us as Tom's Brook) the

"Woodstock Races," and never tired of poking fun at General Rosser

about his precipitate and inglorious flight. (When Rosser arrived

from Richmond with his brigade he was proclaimed as the savior of the

Valley, and his men came all bedecked with laurel branches.)

On the 10th my army, resuming its retrograde movement, crossed to the

north side of Cedar Creek. The work of repairing the Manassas Gap

branch of the Orange and Alexandria railroad had been begun some days

before, out from Washington, and, anticipating that it would be in

readiness to transport troops by the time they could reach Piedmont,

I directed the Sixth Corps to continue its march toward Front Royal,

expecting to return to the Army of the Potomac by that line. By the

12th, however, my views regarding the reconstruction of this railroad

began to prevail, and the work on it was discontinued. The Sixth

Corps, therefore, abandoned that route, and moved toward Ashby's Gap

with the purpose of marching direct to Washington, but on the 13th I

recalled it to Cedar Creek, in consequence of the arrival of the

enemy's infantry at Fisher's Hill, and the receipt, the night before,

of the following despatch, which again opened the question of an

advance on Gordonsville and Charlottesville:

(Cipher.)

"WASHINGTON, October 12, 1864, 12 M.

"MAJOR-GENERAL SHERIDAN:

"Lieutenant-General Grant wishes a position taken far enough south to

serve as a base for further operations upon Gordonsville and

Charlottesville. It must be strongly fortified and provisioned.

Some point in the vicinity of Manassas Gap would seem best suited for

all purposes. Colonel Alexander, of the Engineers, will be sent to

consult with you as soon as you connect with General Augur.

"H. W. HALLECK, Major-General."

As it was well known in Washington that the views expressed in the

above despatch were counter to my convictions, I was the next day

required by the following telegram from Secretary Stanton to repair

to that city:

"WASHINGTON, October 13, 1864.

"MAJOR-GENERAL SHERIDAN

(through General Augur)

"If you can come here, a consultation on several points is extremely

desirable. I propose to visit General Grant, and would like to see

you first.

"EDWIN M. STANTON,

"Secretary of War."

I got all ready to comply with the terms of Secretary Stanton's

despatch, but in the meantime the enemy appeared in my front in

force, with infantry and cavalry, and attacked Colonel Thoburn, who

had been pushed out toward Strasburg from Crook's command, and also

Custer's division of cavalry on the Back road. As afterward

appeared, this attack was made in the belief that all of my troops

but Crook's had gone to Petersburg. From this demonstration there

ensued near Hupp's Hill a bitter skirmish between Kershaw and

Thoburn, and the latter was finally compelled to withdraw to the

north bank of Cedar Creek. Custer gained better results, however, on

the Back road, with his usual dash driving the enemy's cavalry away

from his front, Merritt's division then joining him and remaining on

the right.

The day's events pointing to a probability that the enemy intended to

resume the offensive, to anticipate such a contingency I ordered the

Sixth Corps to return from its march toward Ashby's Gap. It reached

me by noon of the 14th, and went into position to the right and rear

of the Nineteenth Corps, which held a line along the north bank of

Cedar Creek, west of the Valley pike. Crook was posted on the left

of the Nineteenth Corps and east of the Valley pike, with Thoburn's

division advanced to a round hill, which commanded the junction of

Cedar Creek and the Shenandoah River, while Torbert retained both

Merritt and Custer on the right of the Sixth Corps, and at the

same time covered with Powell the roads toward Front Royal. My

head-quarters were at the Belle Grove House, which was to the west of

the pike and in rear of the Nineteenth Corps. It was my intention to

attack the enemy as soon as the Sixth Corps reached me, but General

Early having learned from his demonstration that I had not detached as

largely as his previous information had led him to believe, on the

night of the 13th withdrew to Fisher's Hill; so, concluding that he

could not do us serious hurt from there, I changed my mind as to

attacking, deciding to defer such action till I could get to

Washington, and come to some definite understanding about my future

operations.

To carry out this idea, on the evening of the 15th I ordered all of

the cavalry under General Torbert to accompany me to Front Royal,

again intending to push it thence through Chester Gap to the Virginia

Central railroad at Charlottesville, to destroy the bridge over the

Rivanna River, while I passed through Manassas Gap to Rectortown, and

thence by rail to Washington. On my arrival with the cavalry near

Front Royal on the 16th, I halted at the house of Mrs. Richards, on

the north bank of the river, and there received the following

despatch and inclosure from General Wright, who had been left in

command at Cedar Creek:

"HEADQUARTERS MIDDLE MILITARY Division,

"October 16, 1864.

"GENERAL:

"I enclose you despatch which explains itself. If the enemy should

be strongly reenforced in cavalry, he might, by turning our right,

give us a great deal of trouble. I shall hold on here until the

enemy's movements are developed, and shall only fear an attack on my

right, which I shall make every preparation for guarding against and

resisting.

"Very respectfully, your obedient servant,

"H. G. WRIGHT, Major-General Commanding.

"MAJOR-GENERAL P. H. SHERIDAN,

"Commanding Middle Military Division."

[INCLOSURE.] "To LIEUTENANT-GENERAL EARLY:

"Be ready to move as soon as my forces join you, and we will crush

Sheridan.

"LONGSTREET, Lieutenant-General."

The message from Longstreet had been taken down as it was being

flagged from the Confederate signal-station on Three Top Mountain,

and afterward translated by our signal officers, who knew the

Confederate signal code. I first thought it a ruse, and hardly worth

attention, but on reflection deemed it best to be on the safe side,

so I abandoned the cavalry raid toward Charlottesville, in order to

give General Wright the entire strength of the army, for it did not

seem wise to reduce his numbers while reinforcement for the enemy

might be near, and especially when such pregnant messages were

reaching Early from one of the ablest of the Confederate generals.

Therefore I sent the following note to General Wright:

"HEADQUARTERS MIDDLE MILITARY DIVISION,

"Front Royal, October 16, 1864.

"GENERAL: The cavalry is all ordered back to you; make your position

strong. If Longstreet's despatch is true, he is under the impression

that we have largely detached. I will go over to Augur, and may get

additional news. Close in Colonel Powell, who will be at this point.

If the enemy should make an advance, I know you will defeat him.

Look well to your ground and be well prepared. Get up everything

that can be spared. I will bring up all I can, and will be up on

Tuesday, if not sooner.

"P. H. SHERIDAN, Major-General.

"MAJOR-GENERAL H. G. WRIGHT,

"Commanding Sixth Army Corps."

At 5 o'clock on the evening of the 16th I telegraphed General Halleck

from Rectortown, giving him the information which had come to me from

Wright, asking if anything corroborative of it had been received from

General Grant, and also saying that I would like to see Halleck; the

telegram ending with the question: "Is it best for me to go to see

you?" Next morning I sent back to Wright all the cavalry except one

regiment, which escorted me through Manassas Gap to the terminus of

the railroad from Washington. I had with me Lieutenant-Colonel James

W. Forsyth, chief-of-staff, and three of my aides, Major George A.

Forsyth, Captain Joseph O'Keefe, and Captain Michael V. Sheridan. I

rode my black horse, Rienzi, and the others their own respective

mounts.

Before leaving Cedar Creek I had fixed the route of my return to be

by rail from Washington to Martinsburg, and thence by horseback to

Winchester and Cedar Creek, and had ordered three hundred cavalry to

Martinsburg to escort me from that point to the front. At Rectortown

I met General Augur, who had brought a force out from Washington to

reconstruct and protect the line of railroad, and through him

received the following reply from General Halleck:

"HEADQUARTERS ARMIES OF THE UNITED STATES,

"WASHINGTON, D.C., October 16 1864

"To MAJOR-GENERAL SHERIDAN,

"Rectortown, Va.

General Grant says that Longstreet brought with him no troops from

Richmond, but I have very little confidence in the information

collected at his headquarters. If you can leave your command with

safety, come to Washington, as I wish to give you the views of the

authorities here.

"H. W. HALLECK, Major-General, Chief-of-Staff."

In consequence of the Longstreet despatch, I felt a concern about my

absence which I could hardly repress, but after duly considering what

Halleck said, and believing that Longstreet could not unite with

Early before I got back, and that even if he did Wright would be able

to cope with them both, I and my staff, with our horses, took the

cars for Washington, where we arrived on the morning of the 17th at

about 8 o'clock. I proceeded at an early hour to the War Department,

and as soon as I met Secretary Stanton, asked him for a special train

to be ready at 12 o'clock to take me to Martinsburg, saying that in

view of existing conditions I must get back to my army as quickly as

possible. He at once gave the order for the train, and then the

Secretary, Halleck, and I proceeded to hold a consultation in regard

to my operating east of the Blue Ridge. The upshot was that my views

against such a plan were practically agreed to, and two engineer

officers were designated to return with me for the purpose of

reporting on a defensive line in the valley that could be held while

the bulk of my troops were being detached to Petersburg. Colonel

Alexander and Colonel Thom both of the Engineer Corps, reported to

accompany me, and at 12 o'clock we took the train.

We arrived about dark at Martinsburg, and there found the escort of

three hundred men which I had ordered before leaving Cedar Creek. We

spent that night at Martinsburg, and early next morning mounted and

started up the Valley pike for Winchester, leaving Captain Sheridan

behind to conduct to the army the Commissioners whom the State of New

York had sent down to receive the vote of her troops in the coming

Presidential election. Colonel Alexander was a man of enormous

weight, and Colonel Thom correspondingly light, and as both were

unaccustomed to riding we had to go slowly, losing so much time, in

fact, that we did not reach Winchester till between 3 and 4 o'clock

in the afternoon, though the distance is but twenty-eight miles. As

soon as we arrived at Colonel Edwards's headquarters in the town,

where I intended stopping for the night, I sent a courier to the

front to bring me a report of the condition of affairs, and then took

Colonel Alexander out on the heights about Winchester, in order that

he might overlook the country, and make up his mind as to the utility

of fortifying there. By the time we had completed our survey it was

dark, and just as we reached Colonel Edwards's house on our return a

courier came in from Cedar Creek bringing word that everything was

all right, that the enemy was quiet at Fisher's Hill, and that a

brigade of Grover's division was to make a reconnoissance in the

morning, the 19th, so about 10 o'clock I went to bed greatly

relieved, and expecting to rejoin my headquarters at my leisure next

day.

Toward 6 o'clock the morning of the 19th, the officer on picket duty

at Winchester came to my room, I being yet in bed, and reported

artillery firing from the direction of Cedar Creek. I asked him if

the firing was continuous or only desultory, to which he replied that

it was not a sustained fire, but rather irregular and fitful. I

remarked: "It's all right; Grover has gone out this morning to make a

reconnoissance, and he is merely feeling the enemy." I tried to go to

sleep again, but grew so restless that I could not, and soon got up

and dressed myself. A little later the picket officer came back and

reported that the firing, which could be distinctly heard from his

line on the heights outside of Winchester, was still going on. I

asked him if it sounded like a battle, and as he again said that it

did not, I still inferred that the cannonading was caused by Grover's

division banging away at the enemy simply to find out what he was up

to. However, I went down-stairs and requested that breakfast be

hurried up, and at the same time ordered the horses to be saddled and

in readiness, for I concluded to go to the front before any further

examinations were made in regard to the defensive line.

We mounted our horses between half-past 8 and 9, and as we were

proceeding up the street which leads directly through Winchester,

from the Logan residence, where Edwards was quartered, to the Valley

pike, I noticed that there were many women at the windows and doors

of the houses, who kept shaking their skirts at us and who were

otherwise markedly insolent in their demeanor, but supposing this

conduct to be instigated by their well-known and perhaps natural

prejudices, I ascribed to it no unusual significance. On reaching

the edge of the town I halted a moment, and there heard quite

distinctly the sound of artillery firing in an unceasing roar.

Concluding from this that a battle was in progress, I now felt

confident that the women along the street had received intelligence

from the battle, field by the "grape-vine telegraph," and were in

raptures over some good news, while I as yet was utterly ignorant of

the actual situation. Moving on, I put my head down toward the

pommel of my saddle and listened intently, trying to locate and

interpret the sound, continuing in this position till we had crossed

Mill Creek, about half a mile from Winchester. The result of my

efforts in the interval was the conviction that the travel of the

sound was increasing too rapidly to be accounted for by my own rate

of motion, and that therefore my army must be falling back.

At Mill Creek my escort fell in behind, and we were going ahead at a

regular pace, when, just as we made the crest of the rise beyond the

stream, there burst upon our view the appalling spectacle of a

panic-stricken army-hundreds of slightly wounded men, throngs of others

unhurt but utterly demoralized, and baggage-wagons by the score, all

pressing to the rear in hopeless confusion, telling only too plainly

that a disaster had occurred at the front. On accosting some of the

fugitives, they assured me that the army was broken up, in full

retreat, and that all was lost; all this with a manner true to that

peculiar indifference that takes possession of panic-stricken men. I

was greatly disturbed by the sight, but at once sent word to Colonel

Edwards commanding the brigade in Winchester, to stretch his troops

across the valley, near Mill Creek, and stop all fugitives, directing

also that the transportation be, passed through and parked on the north

side of the town.

As I continued at a walk a few hundred yards farther, thinking all

the time of Longstreet's telegram to Early, "Be ready when I join

you, and we will crush Sheridan," I was fixing in my mind what I

should do. My first thought was too stop the army in the suburbs of

Winchester as it came back, form a new line, and fight there; but as

the situation was more maturely considered a better conception

prevailed. I was sure the troops had confidence in me, for

heretofore we had been successful; and as at other times they had

seen me present at the slightest sign of trouble or distress, I felt

that I ought to try now to restore their broken ranks, or, failing in

that, to share their fate because of what they had done hitherto.

About this time Colonel Wood, my chief commissary, arrived from the

front and gave me fuller intelligence, reporting that everything was

gone, my headquarters captured, and the troops dispersed. When I

heard this I took two of my aides-de-camp, Major. George A. Forsyth

and Captain Joseph O'Keefe, and with twenty men from the escort

started for the front, at the same time directing Colonel James W.

Forsyth and Colonels Alexander and Thom to remain behind and do what

they could to stop the runaways.

For a short distance I traveled on the road, but soon found it so

blocked with wagons and wounded men that my progress was impeded, and

I was forced to take to the adjoining fields to make haste. When

most of the wagons and wounded were past I returned to the road,

which was thickly lined with unhurt men, who, having got far enough

to the rear to be out of danger, had halted, without any

organization, and begun cooking coffee, but when they saw me they

abandoned their coffee, threw up their hats, shouldered their

muskets, and as I passed along turned to follow with enthusiasm and

cheers. To acknowledge this exhibition of feeling I took off my hat,

and with Forsyth and O'Keefe rode some distance in advance of my

escort, while every mounted officer who saw me galloped out on either

side of the pike to tell the men at a distance that I had come back.

In this way the news was spread to the stragglers off the road, when

they, too, turned their faces to the front and marched toward the

enemy, changing in a moment from the depths of depression, to the

extreme of enthusiasm. I already knew that even in the ordinary

condition of mind enthusiasm is a potent element with soldiers, but

what I saw that day convinced me that if it can be excited from a

state of despondency its power is almost irresistible. I said

nothing except to remark as I rode among those on the road: "If I had

been, with you this morning this disaster would not have happened.

We must face the other way; we will go back and recover our camp."

My first halt was made just north of Newtown, where I met a chaplain

digging his heels into the sides of his jaded horse, and making for

the rear with all possible speed. I drew up for an instant, and

inquired of him how matters were going at the front. He replied,

"Everything is lost; but all will be right when you get there"; yet

notwithstanding this expression of confidence in me, the parson at

once resumed his breathless pace to the rear. At Newtown I was

obliged to make a circuit to the left, to get round the village. I

could not pass through it, the streets were so crowded, but meeting

on this detour Major McKinley, of Crook's staff, he spread the news

of my return through the motley throng there.

Personal Memoirs of P. H. Sheridan, General, United States Army — Complete · 第 24 / 28 章