CHAPTER XXIII.

GENERAL HUNTER'S SUCCESSFUL MARCH AND SUBSEQUENT RETREAT--GENERAL

JUBAL A. EARLY THREATENS WASHINGTON--CHAMBERSBURG, PA., BURNED

--SELECTED TO OPERATE AGAINST GENERAL EARLY--THE SHENANDOAH VALLEY

--THE CONFEDERATE ARMY.

When the attempt to take Petersburg in conjunction with the mine

explosion resulted in such a dismal failure, all the operations

contemplated in connection with that project came to a standstill,

and there was every prospect that the intensely hot and sultry

weather would prevent further activity in the Army of the Potomac

till a more propitious season. Just now, however, the conditions

existing in the Shenandoah Valley and along the upper Potomac

demanded the special attention of General Grant, for, notwithstanding

the successful march that Major-General David Hunter had made toward

Lynchburg early in the summer, what he had first gained was

subsequently lost by strategical mistakes, that culminated in

disaster during the retreat he was obliged to make from the vicinity

of Lynchburg to the Kanawha Valley. This route of march uncovered

the lower portion of the Valley of the Shenandoah, and with the

exception of a small force of Union troops under General Franz Sigel

posted aft Martinsburg for the purpose of covering the Baltimore and

Ohio railroad, there was nothing at hand to defend the lower valley.

The different bodies of Confederates which compelled Hunter's retreat

were under command of General Jubal A. Early, who had been sent to

Lynchburg with Ewell's corps after the defeat of the Confederate

General W. C. Jones near Staunton on the 5th of June, to take command

of the Valley District. When Early had forced Hunter into the

Kanawha region far enough to feel assured that Lynchburg could not

again be threatened from that direction, he united to his own corps

General John C. Breckenridge's infantry division and the cavalry of

Generals J. H. Vaughn, John McCausland. B. T. Johnson, and J. D.

Imboden, which heretofore had been operating in southwest and western

Virginia under General Robert Ransom, Jr., and with the column thus

formed, was ready to turn his attention to the lower Shenandoah

Valley. At Early's suggestion General Lee authorized him to move

north at an opportune moment, cross the upper Potomac into Maryland

and threaten Washington. Indeed, General Lee had foreshadowed such a

course when Early started toward Lynchburg for the purpose of

relieving the pressure in front of Petersburg, but was in some doubt

as to the practicability of the movement later, till persuaded to it

by the representations of Early after that general had driven Hunter

beyond the mountains and found little or nothing opposing except the

small force of Sigel, which he thought he could readily overcome by

celerity of movement.

By rapid marching Early reached Winchester on the 2d of July, and on

the 4th occupied Martinsburg, driving General Sigel out of that place

the same day that Hunter's troops, after their fatiguing retreat

through the mountains, reached Charlestown, West Virginia. Early was

thus enabled to cross the Potomac without difficulty, when, moving

around Harper's Ferry, through the gaps of the South Mountain, he

found his path unobstructed till he reached the Monocacy, where

Ricketts's division of the Sixth Corps, and some raw troops that had

been collected by General Lew Wallace, met and held the Confederates

till the other reinforcements that had been ordered to the capital

from Petersburg could be brought up. Wallace contested the line of

the Monocacy with obstinacy, but had to retire finally toward

Baltimore. The road was then open to Washington, and Early marched

to the outskirts and began against the capital the demonstrations

which were designed to divert the Army of the Potomac from its main

purpose in front of Petersburg.

Early's audacity in thus threatening Washington had caused some

concern to the officials in the city, but as the movement was looked

upon by General Grant as a mere foray which could have no decisive

issue, the Administration was not much disturbed till the

Confederates came in close proximity. Then was repeated the alarm

and consternation of two years before, fears for the safety of the

capital being magnified by the confusion and discord existing among

the different generals in Washington and Baltimore; and the imaginary

dangers vanished only with the appearance of General Wright, who,

with the Sixth Corps and one division of the Nineteenth Corps, pushed

out to attack Early as soon as he could get his arriving troops in

hand, but under circumstances that precluded celerity of movement;

and as a consequence the Confederates escaped with little injury,

retiring across the Potomac to Leesburg, unharassed save by some

Union cavalry that had been sent out into Loudoun County by Hunter,

who in the meantime had arrived at Harper's Ferry by the Baltimore

and Ohio railroad. From Leesburg Early retired through Winchester

toward Strasburg, but when the head of his column reached this place

he found that he was being followed by General Crook with the

combined troops of Hunter and Sigel only, Wright having returned to

Washington under orders to rejoin Meade at Petersburg. This

reduction of the pursuing force tempting Early to resume the

offensive, he attacked Crook at Kernstown, and succeeded in

administering such a check as to necessitate this general's retreat

to Martinsburg, and finally to Harper's Ferry. Crook's withdrawal

restored to Early the line of the upper Potomac, so, recrossing this

stream, he advanced again into Maryland, and sending McCausland on to

Chambersburg, Pennsylvania, laid that town in ashes, leaving three

thousand non-combatants without shelter or food.

When Early fell back from the vicinity of Washington toward

Strasburg, General Grant believed that he would rejoin Lee, but later

manoeuvres of the enemy indicated that Early had given up this idea,

if he ever, entertained it, and intended to remain in the valley,

since it would furnish Lee and himself with subsistence, and also

afford renewed opportunities for threatening Washington. Indeed, the

possession of the Valley of the Shenandoah at this time was of vast

importance to Lee's army, and on every hand there were indications

that the Confederate Government wished to hold it at least until

after the crops could be gathered in to their depots at Lynchburg and

Richmond. Its retention, besides being of great advantage in the

matter of supplies, would also be a menace to the North difficult for

General Grant to explain, and thereby add an element of considerable

benefit to the Confederate cause; so when Early's troops again

appeared at Martinsburg it was necessary for General Grant to

confront them with a force strong enough to put an end to incursions

north of the Potomac, which hitherto had always led to National

discomfiture at some critical juncture, by turning our army in

eastern Virginia from its chief purpose--the destruction of Lee and

the capture of the Confederate capital.

This second irruption of Early, and his ruthless destruction of

Chambersburg led to many recommendations on the part of General Grant

looking to a speedy elimination of the confusion then existing among

the Union forces along the upper Potomac, but for a time the

authorities at Washington would approve none of his propositions.

The President and Secretary Stanton seemed unwilling to adopt his

suggestions, and one measure which he deemed very important--the

consolidation into a single command of the four geographical

districts into which, to relieve political pressure no doubt, the

territory had been divided--met with serious opposition. Despite

Grant's representations, he could not prevail on the Administration

to approve this measure, but finally the manoeuvres of Early and the

raid to Chambersburg compelled a partial compliance, though Grant had

somewhat circumvented the difficulty already by deciding to appoint a

commander for the forces in the field that were to operate against

Early.

On the 31st of July General Grant selected me as this commander, and

in obedience to his telegraphic summons I repaired to his

headquarters at City Point. In the interview that followed, he

detailed to me the situation of affairs on the upper Potomac, telling

me that I was to command in the field the troops that were to operate

against Early, but that General Hunter, who was at the head of the

geographical department, would be continued in his position for the

reason that the Administration was reluctant to reconstruct or

consolidate the different districts. After informing me that one

division of the Cavalry Corps would be sent to my new command, he

went on to say that he wanted me to push the enemy as soon as this

division arrived, and if Early retired up the Shenandoah Valley I was

to pursue, but if he crossed the Potomac I was to put myself south of

him and try to compass his destruction. The interview having ended,

I returned to Hancock Station to prepare for my departure, and on the

evening of August 1 I was relieved from immediate duty with the Army

of the Potomac, but not from command of the cavalry as a corps

organization.

I arrived at Washington on the 4th of August, and the next day

received instructions from General Halleck to report to General Grant

at Monocacy Junction, whither he had gone direct from City Point, in

consequence of a characteristic despatch from the President

indicating his disgust with the confusion, disorder, and helplessness

prevailing along the upper Potomac, and intimating that Grant's

presence there was necessary.

In company with the Secretary of War I called on the President before

leaving Washington, and during a short conversation Mr. Lincoln

candidly told me that Mr. Stanton had objected to my assignment to

General Hunter's command, because he thought me too young, and that

he himself had concurred with the Secretary; but now, since General

Grant had "ploughed round" the difficulties of the situation by

picking me out to command the "boys in the field," he felt satisfied

with what had been done, and "hoped for the best." Mr. Stanton

remained silent during these remarks, never once indicating whether

he, too, had become reconciled to my selection or not; and although,

after we left the White House, he conversed with me freely in regard

to the campaign I was expected to make, seeking to impress on me the

necessity for success from the political as well as from the military

point of view, yet he utterly ignored the fact that he had taken any

part in disapproving the recommendation of the general-in-chief.

August 6, I reported to General Grant at the Monocacy, and he there

turned over to me the following instructions, which he had previously

prepared for General Hunter in the expectation that general would

continue to command the department:

"HEADQUARTERS IN THE FIELD,

"Monocacy Bridge, Md., Aug. 5, 1864.

"GENERAL: Concentrate all your available force without delay in the

vicinity of Harper's Ferry, leaving only such railroad guards and

garrisons for public property as may be necessary.

"Use in this concentration the railroad, if by so doing time can be

saved. From Harper's Ferry, if it is found that the enemy has moved

north of the Potomac in large force, push north, following and

attacking him wherever found; following him, if driven south of the

Potomac, as long as it is safe to do so. If it is ascertained that

the enemy has but a small force north of the Potomac, then push south

the main force, detaching, under a competent commander, a sufficient

force to look after the raiders and drive them to their homes. In

detaching such a force, the brigade of cavalry now en route from

Washington via Rockville may be taken into account.

"There are now on the way to join you three other brigades of the

best of cavalry, numbering at least five thousand men and horses.

These will be instructed, in the absence of further orders, to join

you by the south side of the Potomac. One brigade will probably

start to-morrow.

"In pushing up the Shenandoah Valley, as it is expected you will have

to go first or last, it is desirable that nothing should be left to

invite the enemy to return. Take all provisions, forage, and stock

wanted for the use of your command. Such as cannot be consumed,

destroy. It is not desirable that the buildings should be destroyed

--they should, rather, be protected; but the people should be informed

that so long as an army can subsist among them recurrences of these

raids must be expected, and we are determined to stop them at all

hazards.

"Bear in mind, the object is to drive the enemy south; and to do this

you want to keep him always in sight. Be guided in your course by

the course he takes.

"Make your own arrangements for supplies of all kinds, giving regular

vouchers for such as may be taken from loyal citizens in the country

through which you march.

"Very respectfully,

"U. S. GRANT, Lieut.-General."

"Major-General D. HUNTER,

"Commanding Department of West Virginia."

When I had read the letter addressed to Hunter, General Grant said I

would be expected to report directly to him, as Hunter had asked that

day to be wholly relieved, not from any chagrin at my assignment to

the control of the active forces of his command, but because he

thought that his fitness for the position he was filling was

distrusted by General Halleck, and he had no wish to cause

embarrassment by remaining where he could but remove me one degree

from the headquarters of the army. The next day Hunter's unselfish

request was complied with, and an order was issued by the President,

consolidating the Middle Department, the Department of Washington,

the Department of the Susquehanna, and the Department of West

Virginia.

Under this order these four geographical districts constituted the

Middle Military Division, and I was temporarily assigned to command

it. Hunter's men had been bivouacking for some days past in the

vicinity of Monocacy Junction and Frederick, but before General

Grant's instructions were written out, Hunter had conformed to them

by directing the concentration at Halltown, about four miles in front

of Harper's Ferry, of all his force available for field service.

Therefore the different bodies of troops, with the exception of

Averell's cavalry, which had followed McCausland toward Moorefield

after the burning of Chambersburg, were all in motion toward Halltown

on August 6.

Affairs at Monocacy kept me but an hour or two, and these disposed

of, I continued on to Harper's Ferry by the special train which had

brought me from Washington, that point being intended as my

headquarters while making preparations to advance. The enemy was

occupying Martinsburg, Williamsport, and Shepherdstown at the time;

sending occasional raiding parties into Maryland as far as

Hagerstown. The concentration of my troops at Halltown being an

indication to Early that we intended to renew the offensive, however,

he immediately began counter preparations by drawing in all his

detached columns from the north side of the Potomac, abandoning a

contemplated raid into Maryland, which his success against Crook at

Kernstown had prompted him to project, and otherwise disposing

himself for defense.

At Harper's Ferry I made my headquarters in the second story of a

small and very dilapidated hotel, and as soon as settled sent for

Lieutenant John R. Meigs, the chief engineer officer of the command,

to study with him the maps of my geographical division. It always

came rather easy to me to learn the geography of a new section, and

its important topographical features as well; therefore I found that,

with the aid of Meigs, who was most intelligent in his profession,

the region in which I was to operate would soon be well fixed in my

mind. Meigs was familiar with every important road and stream, and

with all points worthy of note west of the Blue Ridge, and was

particularly well equipped with knowledge regarding the Shenandoah

Valley, even down to the farmhouses. He imparted with great

readiness what he knew of this, clearly pointing out its

configuration and indicating the strongest points for Confederate

defense, at the same time illustrating scientifically and forcibly

the peculiar disadvantages under which the Union army had hitherto

labored.

The section that received my closest attention has its northern limit

along the Potomac between McCoy's ferry at the eastern base of the

North Mountain, and Harper's Ferry at the western base of the Blue

Ridge. The southern limit is south of Staunton, on the divide which

separates the waters flowing into the Potomac from those that run to

the James. The western boundary is the eastern slope of the

Alleghany Mountains, the eastern, the Blue Ridge; these two distinct

mountain ranges trending about southwest inclose a stretch of quite

open, undulating country varying in width from the northern to the

southern extremity, and dotted at frequent intervals with patches of

heavy woods: At Martinsburg the valley is about sixty miles broad,

and on an east and west line drawn through Winchester about

forty-five, while at Strasburg it narrows down to about twenty-five.

Just southeast of Strasburg, which is nearly midway between the

eastern and western walls of the valley, rises an abrupt range of

mountains called Massanutten, consisting of several ridges which

extend southward between the North and South Forks of the Shenandoah

River until, losing their identity, they merge into lower but broken

ground between New Market and Harrisonburg. The Massanutten ranges,

with their spurs and hills, divide the Shenandoah Valley into two

valleys, the one next the Blue Ridge being called the Luray, while

that next the North Mountain retains the name of Shenandoah.

A broad macadamized road, leading south from Williamsport, Maryland,

to Lexington, Virginia, was built at an early day to connect the

interior of the latter State with the Chesapeake and Ohio canal, and

along this road are situated the principal towns and villages of the

Shenandoah Valley, with lateral lines of communication extending to

the mountain ranges on the east and west. The roads running toward

the Blue Ridge are nearly all macadamized, and the principal ones

lead to the railroad system of eastern Virginia through Snicker's,

Ashby's Manassas, Chester, Thornton's Swift Run, Brown's and

Rock-fish gaps, tending to an ultimate centre at Richmond. These gaps

are low and easy, offering little obstruction to the march of an army

coming from eastern Virginia, and thus the Union troops operating west

of the Blue Ridge were always subjected to the perils of a flank

attack; for the Confederates could readily be brought by rail to

Gordonsville and Charlottesville, from which points they could move

with such celerity through the Blue Ridge that, on more than one

occasion, the Shenandoah Valley had been the theatre of Confederate

success, due greatly to the advantage of possessing these interior

lines.

Nature had been very kind to the valley, making it rich and

productive to an exceptional degree, and though for three years

contending armies had been marching up and down it, the fertile soil

still yielded ample subsistence for Early's men, with a large surplus

for the army of Lee. The ground had long been well cleared of

timber, and the rolling surface presented so few obstacles to the

movement of armies that they could march over the country in any

direction almost as well as on the roads, the creeks and rivers being

everywhere fordable, with little or no difficulty beyond that of

leveling the approaches.

I had opposing me an army largely composed of troops that had

operated in this region hitherto under "Stonewall" Jackson with

marked success, inflicting defeat on the Union forces almost every

time the two armies had come in contact. These men were now commanded

by a veteran officer of the Confederacy-General Jubal A. Early--whose

past services had so signalized his ability that General Lee

specially selected him to take charge of the Valley District, and,

notwithstanding the misfortunes that befell him later, clung to him

till the end, of the war. The Confederate army at this date was

about twenty thousand strong, and consisted of Early's own corps,

with Generals Rodes, Ramseur, and Gordon commanding its divisions;

the infantry of Breckenridge from southwestern Virginia; three

battalions of artillery; and the cavalry brigades of Vaughn, Johnson,

McCausland, and Imboden. This cavalry was a short time afterward

organized into a division under the command of General Lomax.

After discovering that my troops were massing in front of Harper's

Ferry, Early lost not a moment in concentrating his in the vicinity

of Martinsburg, in positions from which he could continue to obstruct

the Baltimore and Ohio railroad, and yet be enabled to retire up the

valley under conditions of safety when I should begin an offensive

campaign.

When I took command of the Army of the Shenandoah its infantry force

comprised the Sixth Corps, one division of the Nineteenth Corps, and

two divisions from West Virginia. The Sixth Corps was commanded

by Major-General Horatio G. Wright; its three divisions by

Brigadier-Generals David A. Russell, Geo. W. Getty, and James B.

Ricketts. The single division of the Nineteenth Corps had for its

immediate chief Brigadier-General William Dwight, the corps being

commanded by Brigadier-General Wm. H. Emory. The troops from West

Virginia were under Brigadier-General George Crook, with Colonels

Joseph Thoburn and Isaac H. Duval as division commanders, and though

in all not more than one fair-sized division, they had been

designated, on account of the department they belonged to, the Army of

West Virginia. General Torbert's division, then arriving from the

Cavalry Corps of the Army of the Potomac, represented the mounted arm

of the service, and in the expectation that Averell would soon join me

with his troopers, I assigned General Torbert as chief of cavalry, and

General Wesley Merritt succeeded to the command of Torbert's division.

General Wright, the commander of the Sixth Corps, was an officer of

high standing in the Corps of Engineers, and had seen much active

service during the preceding three years. He commanded the

Department of the Ohio throughout the very trying period of the

summer and fall of 1862, and while in that position he, with

other prominent officers, recommended my appointment as a

brigadier-general. In 1863 he rendered valuable service at the battle

of Gettysburg, following which he was assigned to the Sixth Corps, and

commanded it at the capture of the Confederate works at Rappahannock

Station and in the operations at Mine Run. He ranked me as a

major-general of volunteers by nearly a year in date of commission,

but my assignment by the President to the command of the army in the

valley met with Wright's approbation, and, so far as I have ever

known, he never questioned the propriety of the President's action.

The Sixth Corps division commanders, Getty, Russell, and Ricketts,

were all educated soldiers, whose records, beginning with the Mexican

War, had already been illustrated in the war of the rebellion by

distinguished service in the Army of the Potomac.

General Emory was a veteran, having graduated at the Military Academy

in 1831, the year I was born. In early life he had seen much service

in the Artillery, the Topographical Engineers, and the Cavalry, and

in the war of the rebellion had exhibited the most soldierly

characteristics at Port Hudson and on the Red River campaign. At

this time he had but one division of the Nineteenth Corps present,

which division was well commanded by General Dwight, a volunteer

officer who had risen to the grade of brigadier-general through

constant hard work. Crook was a classmate of mine--at least, we

entered the Military Academy the same year, though he graduated a

year ahead of me. We had known each other as boys before we entered

the army, and later as men, and I placed implicit faith in his

experience and qualifications as a general.

The transfer of Torbert to the position of chief of cavalry left

Merritt, as I have already said, in command of the First Cavalry

Division. He had been tried in the place before, and from the day he

was selected as one of a number of young men to be appointed general

officers, with the object of giving life to the Cavalry Corps, he

filled the measure of expectation. Custer was one of these young men

too, and though as yet commanding a brigade under Merritt, his

gallant fight at Trevillian Station, as well as a dozen others during

the summer, indicated that he would be equal to the work that was to

fall to him when in a few weeks he should succeed Wilson. But to go

on down the scale of rank, describing the officers who commanded in

the Army of the Shenandoah, would carry me beyond all limit, so I

refrain from the digression with regret that I cannot pay to each his

well-earned tribute.

The force that I could take with me into the field at this time

numbered about 26,000 men. Within the limits of the geographical

division there was a much greater number of troops than this.

Baltimore, Washington, Harper's Ferry, Hagerstown, Frederick,

Cumberland, and a score of other points; besides the strong

detachments that it took to keep the Baltimore and Ohio railroad open

through the mountains of West Virginia, and escorts for my trains,

absorbed so many men that the column which could be made available

for field operations was small when compared with the showing on

paper. Indeed, it was much less than it ought to have been, but for

me, in the face of the opposition made by different interests

involved, to detach troops from any of the points to which they had

been distributed before I took charge was next to impossible.

In a few days after my arrival preparations were completed, and I was

ready to make the first move for the possession of the Shenandoah

Valley. For the next five weeks the operations on my part consisted

almost wholly of offensive and defensive manoeuvring for certain

advantages, the enemy confining himself meanwhile to measures

intended to counteract my designs. Upon the advent of Torbert, Early

immediately grew suspicious, and fell back twelve miles south of

Martinsburg, to Bunker Hill and vicinity, where his right flank would

be less exposed, but from which position he could continue to

maintain the break in the Baltimore and Ohio railroad, and push

reconnoitring parties through Smithfield to Charlestown. These

reconnoitring parties exhibited considerable boldness at times, but

since they had no purpose in view save to discover whether or not we

were moving, I did not contest any ground with them except about our

outposts. Indeed, I desired that Early might remain at some point

well to the north till I was fully prepared to throw my army on his

right and rear and force a battle, and hence I abstained from

disturbing him by premature activity, for I thought that if I could

beat him at Winchester, or north of it, there would be far greater

chances of weighty results. I therefore determined to bring my

troops, if it were at all possible to do so, into such a position

near that town as to oblige Early to fight. The sequel proved,

however, that he was accurately informed of all my movements. To

anticipate them, therefore, he began his retreat up the valley the

day that I moved out from Halltown, and consequently was able to

place himself south of Winchester before I could get there.

Personal Memoirs of P. H. Sheridan, General, United States Army — Complete · 第 23 / 28 章