sides of the same block of stone. The first was found in the wall
of a house; it measures nearly 15 inches in height and 13 inches in
length.[191] The inscription is in three lines; and it begins at the
top right-hand side, with the symbol of the human arm and head, with
finger touching the lips, a sign which indicates the beginning of a first
personal declaration. Other hieroglyphics may be readily recognised in
the photograph. The yoke which has the phonetic value of our letter S
is thrice repeated in the lower part of the line; while towards the
end there is seen the hand and forearm, marked off by the smaller
word-dividing signs above and below, which in this grouping seems to
express some attribute of lordship,[192] as ‘mighty’ or ‘powerful.’
On the analogy of other hieroglyphic systems, the signs face always
towards the commencement of the inscription. In this way the character
of Hittite inscriptions may be recognised as _boustrophedon_, turning
alternately in direction with the successive rows, like oxen ploughing
in a field. The second row in this case must be read then towards the
right. The most noticeable sign is the royal head-dress, which is conical
and drawn always with a midrib.[193] This symbol is an ideograph meaning
king. Below the first example of this sign there occurs the freely
used determinative of a locality; it is oval in shape, and is to be
distinguished by details from a similar symbol indicating sanctity or
divinity, which is seen commonly at the top of the groups of signs which
seem to name individuals in the sculptures.[194]
There seems to be little variation between the texts of this inscription
and two others from the same place.[195] Of these, No. 2 is an
inscription likewise in three lines, lacking only a few signs at the end.
The stone measures nearly 20 inches in length by 15 inches in height;
it was found built into the wall of a garden. The inscribed end of the
third stone (that which was looked on as possessed with virtue for the
rheumatic), is only just 11 inches in height, with a width the same as
in the former instance. There are two lines of inscription preserved.
The largest stone of all was found built into the corner of a small shop;
its height is just over 2 feet, and its length 3 feet in front. It is
cubical, with a thickness or depth of at least 15 inches. It was probably
a corner-stone in antiquity also, for it is inscribed on the front and on
the left-hand side.[196] The signs, as in the other cases, are in relief.
The inscription is not continuous around the corner, for in front are
five rows, which begin to read from the right, while by the side are four
rows only, beginning from the left. The depth of the rows is the same in
each case. The face inscription is considerably rubbed and damaged, and a
portion of the last line missing; while the edges of the side-inscription
are also rubbed away.[197]
The one monument of Aleppo[198] is a single panel of inscription carved
in relief upon a block of basalt, nearly 2 feet 6 inches long, and 1
foot 6 inches high. When seen originally it was built into the south
wall of an old mosque, and was regarded with special superstition by
the native people, who ascribed to it powers of curing ophthalmia.
The smooth-rubbed nature of the surface of the stone may be partly
ascribed to the devotions of the afflicted, who were wont to rub their
affected eyes upon it. When attention was drawn to the character and
archæological importance of this monument, it was hastily removed, and
reported as broken. Rather more than twenty years later, however, it
was refound,[199] built again into the wall of a mosque, and a new
photograph was obtained. The signs are too worn to transcribe with
certainty, and the inscription is too incomplete to be of much present
use for comparative study. It is remarkable that no other Hittite
monuments from Aleppo have been recorded. Possibly the reason is that the
fine mediæval Turkish castle now completely covers the bold acropolis
which was probably the position of the stronghold in Hittite times.[200]
There is rumour of other inscriptions in the masonry of the keep, and in
the town, but nothing has yet come to light.
We pass now westward towards the ancient lands of Wan. From here only one
monument is recorded,[201] but that is of peculiar interest, being part
of a sculpture in the round. This was found in a large rubbish-mound at
Amk near Kurts-oghlu, a village not far from the Gindarus of Roman times
upon the Afrîn. It is now in the Berlin Museum.[202] It consists of the
lower part of a statue, which must have represented a somewhat stolid
person standing, clad in long skirt, below which the toes protrude. The
inscription is incised in two rows around the front and sides of the
skirt at the bottom, beginning from behind the right-hand side. The space
not inscribed behind is filled with four vertical folds, descending from
the waist, which seems to be encircled with a belt. The upper part of
the body is broken away, but it seems to have been clad in a garment
which reached down, in front and behind, to the waist and descended lower
over the thighs; but the upper part is all broken away, leaving only
the position of one elbow, which was bent. The height of the preserved
portion of the statue is 16 inches, and width at the bottom 10½ inches.
Dr. Messerschmidt notes with regard to the inscription that an attempt
seems to have been made to add a third line, which was abandoned possibly
owing to lack of room, and the signs added were then effaced with
cross-lines. It remains probable, none the less, that these extra words
were essential to complete the sense of the inscription.[203]
[Illustration: PLATE XXXVIII
ALEPPO: ENTRANCE TO THE MEDIEVAL FORTRESS UPON THE ACROPOLIS]
Northward lies Sinjerli, the centre of old-time Shamal, in the valley
of the Kara Su, under the eastern slopes of Mount Amanus. Here one
of the numerous mounds in this locality has been excavated, and
disclosed the site of a walled town surrounding an acropolis which was
separately enclosed. Within were palaces, or _Hilâni_, of different
building periods, and decorated like the gates of the citadel and town
with sculptures of varying character. Several inscriptions, from the
dated evidence upon them and their relative positions, added to the
archæological value of these discoveries, which will be found described
in greater detail in Chapter v.
An hour northward from Sinjerli is the village of Kara-burshlu, at
the foot of Mount Amanus, and on the way from one of the chief local
descents from the mountains called significantly Arslan Boghaz (Lion
Gorge). Above this village there towers a steep knoll, on the summit
of which an interesting carved monument was found by members of the
first Berlin expedition to Sinjerli.[204] The subject of the relief is
a Ceremonial Feast, similar in its general features to others observed
in the locality at Sinjerli,[205] Sakje-Geuzi, Marash, and Malatia, and
in Asia Minor at Boghaz-Keui (Iasily Kaya) and at Yarre, but rendered
important through certain variations. For it seems to have been inscribed
on both sides and on the top; while, below, part of a pedestal remains,
on which it must have been designed to stand.[206] Thus it could not have
been intended for a building stone, nor is there any suggestion that it
was an old stone re-used. Its height is 3 feet 7 inches, its width 3
feet; and the pedestal is preserved to a length of about 5 inches with
a width of 18 inches. Unfortunately the stone was found in a poor state
of preservation, and could not be moved, so that we have to rely chiefly
on sketches and impressions taken on the spot by the discoverers. These,
however, were executed with great skill, and it is the fault rather of
the condition of the monument, and of our unfamiliarity with the writing,
that more of the inscription cannot be made out. As it is, only part of
four rows from the right-hand side have been published; but there seem
to have been originally six rows on each side and at least one row on
the top. The letters are all incised. The sculpture is in relief, and
represents two figures seated on either side of a low table, similar to
one another and _vis-à-vis_. The hair of the one seems to be short, and
of the other curled. Their shoes turn upwards at the toe. Their robes are
long and fringed, reaching to the ankles, and there is a belt (partly at
least) around the waist. Each raises the further hand with something in
it to the level of the mouth. The nearer elbow is drawn back in a natural
position, and a staff is suggested in the hand. The chairs are square
cornered and straight legged, twice as high as broad, with spindles to
match, and low backs, the upper bars of which are thicker and rounded
behind. The table is of familiar shape, rather squeezed in the drawing.
The top seems to be round, and the curved legs (which are probably three
in number) cross about two-thirds of their height, forming a tripod. The
feet of the legs are ornamented, probably but not clearly, as animals’
feet. Upon the table are five flat circular objects (if we interpret the
perspective of the drawing rightly) like native loaves of bread, and upon
them are two small pear-shaped objects more difficult to define.
The class of sculpture to which this monument belongs is to be
distinguished in our opinion from that in which one of the personages
represented is clearly more exalted than the other,[207] hence
presumably the lord or master to whom a servant ministers; whereas in
these, the persons seem to be on an equality, and both share in the
feast. The suggestion of a ‘funerary feast’[208] as an explanation of
these sculptures seems most natural, but the difficulty in accepting
this arises from the fact that at Sinjerli the stone in question forms
part of a mural decoration, and others of those mentioned seem to be
clearly architectural blocks. This difficulty might be explained away
by the compromise that the scenes were originally commemorative of
some religious institution of a funerary character, though not actually
tombstones.[209]
One of the most interesting monuments of this kind is found at
Sakje-Geuzi, which lies in the same valley as Sinjerli, about a day’s
journey to the north-east. The route passes through a gap in a low ridge
which divides the valley transversely and forms a natural boundary
between the two districts. Recent excavations[210] have unearthed in
one of the mounds at Sakje-Geuzi the outline of a walled citadel and
the foundations of a palace with portico sculptured in characteristic
fashion. These buildings we describe with those of Sinjerli and Eyuk
in a later chapter; but there are one or two surface monuments of this
site that may appropriately be mentioned now. One of these is the relief
in question.[211] The stone was found in the marshy ground at the foot
of the mound called Jobba Eyuk. The stone is preserved to a height of
27 inches, and is probably a decorative building slab, brought down in
modern times from the mound. The carving is very weathered, but its main
features may be readily made out. The figure on the left is seated, with
hands stretched out towards the table; while that on the opposite side
stands facing the other, with hands forward as though in the act of
serving.[212] The dresses seem to be long robes; that of the standing
figure may be bordered or fringed. The hair of the seated figure ends
in a bunched curl.[213] The chair is straight-legged as before, only
the back is higher, and while curving very slightly backwards does not
thicken but rather tends to taper. The table is better drawn than in the
last instance; the curve and crossing of the legs is more clear; but the
third leg is shown in each case stopping short at the junction, possibly
because the artist thought the curve took it out of the plane of the
sculptures. The objects upon the table cannot be identified: the one
which seems to be proffered by the left hand of the standing figure is
round and set upright; the other is small and T-shaped.
Another monument not found _in situ_, and no longer at Sakje-Geuzi, was
removed to Berlin[214] some years ago from the walls of the Konak, or
chiefs house, in the village. It consists of three sculptured stones,
obviously part of a mural decoration, but forming in themselves a
complete group. The subject depicted is a royal lion hunt.[215] The
king or priest dynast is marked out by a winged disk near to his head;
he rides in a two-horsed chariot, which is driven by a companion. The
horses, like the men, are clad in mail; jaunty tassels hang from their
sides and shoulders. The car is small and seemingly open at the back;
a quiver for arrows is hung up on each side, as well as an implement
which seems like a javelin. The tires of the wheels are thick, and
there are eight spokes. The two figures standing within the chariot are
clad exactly alike, in long mail robes with short sleeves that do not
reach the elbow. Both are without other headgear than their copious
hair or wig, which is arranged in long parallel curls over the head;
their beards also are dressed in pendent curls in the Assyrian style.
The face of the warrior is partly hidden by that of him who drives, but
the visible characteristics are the same. The eye is rendered in full,
while the somewhat aquiline nose and prominent lips are in profile. The
similarity of these two figures is somewhat striking; possibly, on the
Egyptian analogy, it is the king’s son who drives. He holds the reins in
his two hands, a pair in each, while in his right he seems to grasp also
a short-stocked whip. The figure seen partly behind, which we take for
the monarch, is portrayed in the act of shooting. The short bow is drawn
to the back of the neck, and the middle part of the weapon, held by the
outstretched left hand, together with the long point of the arrow, is
seen protruding from before the face of the nearer figure. His quarry is
a noble lion which is seen immediately in front of the chariot horses.
A third figure in the background here intervenes, being partly hidden
by the forelegs of the horses and the hind parts of the lion. He is
clad only in a short tunic from the waist; the garment has apparently
a seam vertically down the front, and the fold, which is fringed or
bordered, falls transversely over the right thigh. His feet are shod in
sandals.[216] The face of this person is not well preserved, but his
hair is short and very curly. In his right hand an implement resembling
a double axe is poised aloft, while with his left he still grasps a
spear, the point of which protrudes from the near flank of the lion. The
beast itself is shown also in profile; the tail with bushy tip is down;
the mane and ruffle are depicted, and the hair is shown full behind the
shoulder and under the belly.[217] The mouth is open, with the teeth
all bared, and the left paw is upraised with the claws turned outwards,
both actions threatening a fourth person who with face turned towards
the group completes the scene. With both hands this man drives home a
spear into the skull or left shoulder of the animal. He is clad like
the riders in the chariot in a long suit of mail, with short sleeves.
In this case the lower part of the garment may be seen, which in the
others is hidden by the side of the chariot: it is cut away from above
the knees, though falling behind nearly to the ankles. There is a belt
around the waist as before; the sandals have flat soles, while toe-piece
and ankle-strap are clearly delineated. The head-dress of this person is
peculiarly interesting. While perpetuating the form of the conical hat
it seems to look more clearly like a helmet. This may, however, be an
illusion, as there is a border around the brow, and the appearance of a
turnover fold which reaches down the side from the peak. Over the back of
the animal, between the spears of the two standing figures, there appear
four rosettes of twelve petals each; while the upper and lower borders
of the stones are decorated also with a pattern composed of contiguous
concentric circles. The height of these slabs is nearly four feet,
which accords with the measure of other stones of similar character and
decoration found upon one of the mounds of this site.[218] Together these
form a series of pronounced Assyrian feeling, and obviously of later
date[219] than the palace-portico recently unearthed.
[Illustration: PLATE XXXIX
SAKJE-GEUZI: ROYAL HUNTING SCENE
Date probably 8th century B.C.]
From Sakje-Geuzi a difficult mountain track leads over the Qurt Dagh to
Kartal, crossing the head-waters of the Afrîn, and, following the wild
upper valley of that river to Karadinek, passes thence under the curve
of the basalt plateau to Killiz. The distance in time is much the same
as the better road by way of Aintab, being two days’ journey in either
case, but the scenery and interests of the former route are unparalleled
in Northern Syria. At Killiz various small objects have been from time to
time bought in the bazaars, such as stone seals and small bronze figures.
Two of the latter we illustrate here,[220] but it is not certain that
they are of Hittite origin. Their archaic appearance, however, the range
of country and localities in which this class of objects are found, and
several other considerations, render the suspicion a probability.[221]
Aintab, one day’s march eastward from Sakje-Geuzi, lies at the juncture
of two main routes, the one from Cilicia eastward across the Euphrates,
the other from Marash southward by Killiz to Aleppo. It is somewhat
surprising therefore that there is no further evidence of Hittite
handiwork forthcoming than a single granite corner-stone. This is a
cubical block,[222] about twenty inches in height, inscribed on the
one face and sculptured on the adjoining side to the right. It is
clearly an architectural piece, for neither sculpture nor inscription
is completed on the single stone; yet it should be mentioned that in
the palace buildings of Sakje-Geuzi, Sinjerli, and Eyuk in no case has
an inscription been found built into the walls which are decorated with
sculptures. Recently at Malatia, and at Boghaz-Keui, sculptured blocks
have been found on the face of which are hieroglyphic signs, as may be
seen _in situ_ at Eyuk; but in no case is an inscription found built
into a wall. We feel inclined to regard this stone therefore as part of
another class of structure, like a built-up hero-monument or shrine.[223]
The inscription is in three panels, of which the middle one is complete
and enclosed by a border; the lowest is lacking only in the left-hand
corner at the bottom, while the uppermost is suggested only by traces
of the lowest signs within it. A religious character is suggested in
the reading of the middle panel tentatively offered by Professor Sayce:
‘This (monument) erecting to the god of my country.’ The sculptured side
is equally problematical. That which remains shows the right leg of a
man from thigh to knee. The dress seems to be a short tunic, the lowest
edge of which seems to be curled up behind. The position of the leg and
dress suggest several points of interest in attempting a restoration of
the attitude. The figure must have been about life-size, and posed for
action with left leg forward; not running but rather walking quickly, or
possibly hurling a spear, with the muscles of the leg strung up to give
the final impetus to the throw.
[Illustration: PLATE XL
KILLIZ: BRONZE FIGURES. (_See p. 106._)
DENEK MADÊN: IVORY SEAL. (_See p. 160._)]
Marash lies one day’s journey northwards of Aintab: it is a considerable
town placed at the descent from the Taurus on sloping ground well above
the plain and 2500 feet above the sea. We have seen that it has played
a considerable part in local history, as follows from its important
position at the junction of several main routes; and to judge from
the remains that have been found there, it must have been in earlier
times one of the more important centres of the Hittites. As in the
parallel cases of Aleppo and Hamath, probably the conical knoll to the
west of the town, crowned by the remains of the mediæval and earlier
fortifications, marks the original village ‘tell,’ which, like the mounds
of Sakje-Geuzi, began to grow with the first settlements of Hittites upon
the spot. Into an arched stone gateway on this acropolis there had been
built two sculptured lions of Hittite workmanship, one of them, indeed,
freely inscribed with Hittite characters. Originally the two lions had
unquestionably guarded the entrance to a palatial building, forming the
corner-pieces of the lowest course;[224] but in later times they had
been poised aloft in the masonry as mere ornaments.[225] Though these
are perhaps the most striking objects from this place, several other
monuments are on record, the interest of which is enhanced by their
variety of character and detail.[226] These include a slab sculptured
with the representation of a Ceremonial Feast, similar to those of
Kara-burshlu and Sinjerli, but with the addition of Hittite hieroglyphs
upon the sculptured face. There is also the body of a small statue with
a considerable part of the sculpture preserved, and a stela with carved
figure and long incised inscription. Several other sculptures may be
unhesitatingly included in the list, though without Hittite hieroglyphs
upon them. One of these is a fragment showing a woman seated with a child
on her knee, holding in her left hand a lyre upon which is perched a
bird. Another is also broken, but the figure of a man serving at a table
is preserved, and there is clear suggestion of a greater figure on the
opposite side. Below, in an ill-drawn scene, a man holding a spear is
represented leading a horse.[227] Recently a fine monumental piece has
been added to the list, consisting of a cubical block of stone carved on
the four sides, with inscription in this case as well as a human figure
in relief. There are also various fragmentary inscriptions which have
been longer known. There can be no doubt but that Marash was a royal seat
of even greater importance than those at Sinjerli and Sakje-Geuzi.
[Illustration: PLATE XLI
AINTAB: INSCRIPTION UPON SCULPTURED GRANITE CORNER-STONE (_See p. 107._)]
The first object of this list, the inscribed lion, is well known, and has
several times been published in illustration. We reproduce a photograph
of its profile,[228] which is the most typical and interesting point of
view. Its architectural nature is evident, and is entirely accordant with
that of the lions found _in situ_ at Sakje-Geuzi.[229] It must have stood
at the left hand as the decorative corner-stone of a palatial portico,
with its fellow lion in the corner opposite. The place on the back
prepared for the reception of an upper course of masonry may be seen, and
the relative alignment of both walls may be inferred. The forequarters
and head of the lion stood out from the wall, and these are sculptured
in the round; the rest of the body is in relief. The treatment obeys
the now familiar canon, though not carried out in detail: the ruffle
of the neck and hairy belly are suggested; the tail curls under, and
is seen between the two hindlegs. Only one foreleg is seen in profile,
in contradistinction to the familiar Assyrian representations. In this
case, however, detail of execution is sacrificed to the long inscription,
which uniquely covers the body and even the legs of the animal as well
as the spaces between them. The hieroglyphs are deliberate and well cut;
the basaltic nature of the rock probably accounts for their superficial
roughness, especially in view of the great number of signs carved on a
really small surface; for the object is much less than life-size, being
only 17 inches high, 35 inches long, and just over 10 inches thick.[230]
From the rendering of the inscription by Professor Sayce,[231] it would
appear to have been carved by the Hittite king of the district, who
united the priestly dignities with his office, as we should expect from
the accounts of Strabo in parallel cases.[232] There are several striking
points developed by this translation, which though unconfirmed commands
our interest and respect. The king claims for himself amongst other
attributes to be ‘the dirk-bearer[233] powerful,’ ‘citizen of Merash,’
‘priest of Merash,’ ‘royal lord of these lands, king of the lands of the
god,’ ‘who provides food for the sanctuary,’ ‘of the men of the corn
land the chief,’ ‘seated on the throne of Kas.’ He also claims to ‘have
nourished the sanctuary of the Hittite ... the god’s high place,’ and to
‘have made a high place for the dancers’ for the celebration of religious
rites. The Assyrian name of Marash was _Markhasi_, which seems to take
the form _Ma(a)rghasi_ in the Hittite. There is a clear suggestion of a
theocratic ideal in state affairs, beginning with the high priesthood of
the sovereign, and borne further by naming the subjects of the Marash
king ‘children of the gods,’ for which there is analogy in the Vannic
inscriptions. Sandes seems to be chief god.
[Illustration: PLATE XLII
MARASH: ARCHITECTURAL LION CORNER-STONE INSCRIBED WITH HITTITE
HIEROGLYPHS IN RELIEF]
The stone sculptured with the representation of a Ceremonial Feast is
reported to have been found, together with ‘lance heads and potsherds,’
in a vineyard of Marash.[234] This is another of that class of monument
of which we noted the wide distribution and varying features in
connection with that found at Kara-burshlu. In this case both figures
are seated. They are presumably but not necessarily female. They are
clad in long robes; details of the bust are not visible, and it is only
the relative smallness of the feet and hands, and certain fulness in
the treatment of the bodies, that offer a suggestion of their sex. They
are seated on high square chairs with backs that curl away at the top,
and their feet rest upon low square footstools. A table between them
has straight legs, of which only two are shown, ornamented in some way
at the feet. On the table are three round bread-cakes and a cup. The
figures are _vis-à-vis_: each one stretches out the further hand, the
left one holding a cup, the other a round mirror of familiar Egyptian
shape. Their other hands are drawn back and only just protrude from
their cloaks; each seems to hold the same sort of object, ‘perhaps a
vase or pomegranate.’[235] The garment is curious, being continuous
over the head-dress, and descending to the ankles, with a fringe or
border all along the edge and round the bottom. There is a waistband to
each figure, which is seemingly composed of separate strands, but it is
difficult to understand its attachment.[236] The head-dress is singular,
being cylindrical in shape, recalling most nearly that of the Turkoman
women.[237] The faces of the persons are ill-drawn and unnatural, but
prominence is given to the straightness of nose in line with the receding
forehead[238] and to the fulness of the lips. Above and between the heads
there are traces of a considerable inscription in relief, of which the
signs towards the sides can be made out with some certainty; but the
middle portion is too worn to enable one to study the sequence of the
characters, or even to decide whether they form two groups, one referring
to each person. The whereabouts of this stone is uncertain, but casts are
in the Berlin Museum. Its height is 49 inches and width 35 inches; it is
just over 15 inches thick. The material is basaltic stone or dolerite.
The portion of a statue from Marash[239] is of importance as numbering,
together with a large hand from the same place and the broken figure
from Kurts-oghlu, among the very few recorded Hittite sculptures in the
round. Unfortunately this one is too broken and too small to tell us
much in detail of this feature of Hittite art. With the exception of
the right shoulder, however, the whole body is preserved, and only the
head and feet are lacking; but the style of the object is formal, and in
place of artistic detail there are merely four or five irregular bands
of inscription in relief, with other signs upon the preserved shoulder.
The right hand remains, but it is worn and lacks detail; in the left
there seems to be held a sort of loop with pendent tassel. The material
of the statuette is basalt. The height preserved is under 9 inches, its
width 6 inches. This torso seems to have belonged to a figure quite
distinct from another of similar material which seems to have come from
the same vicinity.[240] Of this only two broad bands of the inscription
remain, but they seem to mark the beginning of a long inscription; the
symbols are boldly cut in relief, and are similar in every way to those
of Jerabis. The fragment is rounded and apparently formed part of a
hollow figure: it was copied by the discoverers amid much difficulty and
subsequently disappeared. The existence of a third statue at Marash, but
in this case of gigantic size, is indicated by a large hand, fully twice
life-size, and carved in the round.[241] It is, of course, impossible to
say from this fragment whether it is really of Hittite origin.
Another important monument of Marash has the appearance of a royal
stela with a long inscription accompanied by an image of the king. This
belongs to a class of monument of which we shall find further examples
at Carchemish and in the neighbourhood of Tyana. In this case the figure
occupies the central part of the stone, reaching almost to its full
length; and the inscription is incised in six rows across the whole,
the face and feet and forearms of the man alone excepted. The face of
the kingly personage is turned to his right, and the whole figure is in
profile with the exception of the shoulders, which are square to the
observer—in conformity with the common Oriental principles of drawing.
The right hand holds a staff which touches the ground in front of the
right foot, and rises vertically as high as the shoulders; both elbows
are bent at right angles, the left fist being closed and shown about the
middle of the body. The robe is a single garment reaching to the ankles,
the bottom being fringed or bordered. The toes of the boots are upturned,
and, being represented clumsily, look like _sabots_. The face of the man
is too worn to show much character; there is a long curled beard, a band
around the forehead, and the hair or wig ends in a prominent curled bunch
behind the neck. This stone seems to have been found outside Marash in a
burying-place on the road to Adana.[242] Its height is nearly 3 feet 8
inches, and its breadth just over 1 foot 10 inches.[243]
This monument must yield place to another, which is of unique character
and interest, more recently discovered[244] on the citadel. This is a
block of granite more nearly cubical in shape, but with the top and
bottom broken away, so that its original height remains problematical.
The preserved portion measures about 2 feet 3 inches in height, and
the combined length of three sides, which are approximately equal, is
about 5 feet 2 inches. On three sides the inscription is continuous; the
hieroglyphs are in relief and are arranged in five bands, of which four
are seemingly complete. A sixth band at the bottom is partly traceable,
and there may have been others below; at the top, however, the limit is
clearly marked, so that the beginning of the inscription is preserved.
The opening groups of signs resemble closely those on the lion previously
described, though variations of single signs are noticeable, and may
possibly supply philologists with alternative readings. It is not,
however, the inscription, though unusually legible and complete, that
attracts our interest, so much as the sculptures and composition of the
whole. The inscription is preceded by a king-like figure in relief, who
occupies the right-hand portion of the side on which he is carved and
faces away from the inscription, to the right, looking that is to the
corner. The inscription follows: the height of the figure is equal to
four bands of the hieroglyphs, and the lower bands project under his
feet. The second side is entirely filled with the continuation of the
inscription, which comes to an end at the left hand of the third side
(which is opposite the figure) with the upper part of the picture of a
dagger and part of an attachment for it. On the fourth side there is no
inscription; the corners are cut away, but there is seen in the middle a
sort of tassel, on a large scale accordant with that of the dagger-hilt.
It must be noted that the king is turned towards this object in the
extended drawing: he is portrayed much as on the stela described above,
but the drawing is not good or well preserved. He wears a long robe bound
around the waist; the short sleeves are ornamented at the ends, whether
with a plain band or otherwise; and the bottom of the plain skirt, which
reaches to the ankles, is also fringed or bordered in some way. The toes
are shown upturned. The head-dress seems to be a close-fitting skull-cap,
behind which the hair descends in the familiar bunching curl. The beard
hangs in curls. The face is crudely represented, the mouth being no
longer distinguishable. The left hand, which is very disproportioned, is
held up before the face with fingers towards the mouth, in the position
which in the hieroglyphs is read to indicate the beginning of a personal
declaration. The right hand is drawn up breast high, but no staff is
shown, possibly because it would have traversed the body.
This stone is thought by Dr. Messerschmidt, who has studied it
closely,[245] to have been re-dressed and re-used in Hittite times; he
thinks that a large god-figure, wearing a dagger suspended from the
shoulder, must have been originally the chief subject of the sculpture;
and that this was partly effaced in Hittite times by the king, who had
the stone re-dressed and his own figure carved thereon. The inscription
he regards as pertaining to the larger figure; and he looks upon the
mutilation of the figure of a god as the sign of a period of decline and
degradation.
This monument is unique in character, and every respect must be paid
to the conclusions of one who, being familiar with Hittite works, has
studied this one carefully. Having only the photograph and drawings
which he published as guide, we naturally hesitate to put forward any
alternative view; yet it must be said that there are several fundamental
objections to the explanation which has been offered. The most obvious
and irremovable is that there is direct evidence on the face of the
stone that the carving is all contemporary; for it is all in relief,
and in accordance with precedent the background not sculptured must
have been cut away, so that it would have been impossible subsequently
to carve thereon a figure with the same relief as the rest. Added to
this, it is clear that the inscription is arranged with due regard to
the small figure, not the reverse. Also the ends of the inscribed bands
are coterminous with the dagger, stamping the whole composition as
contemporary. It must next be noted that no trace of a great figure is to
be seen, nor can its form be conjectured, seeing that the dagger hangs
on one side and the tassel on the next, unless indeed the stone formed
the lower portion of a somewhat angular statue,[246] about four times
its present height. A figure in relief would have occupied part of two
sides of the stone including the corner—an unprecedented complication
in Hittite sculpture. The analogy quoted by Dr. Messerschmidt of the
god-figure discovered in the last excavations at Sinjerli breaks down at
this point. That object was carved in the round, representing a deity
standing in Hittite fashion upon a base composed of two standing lions,
as on the monuments of Carchemish and Boghaz-Keui. He wears a dagger
stuck into a belt, and with the trappings there is a large tassel of the
kind seen on the fourth side in this instance. From these details Dr.
Messerschmidt thinks that the Marash monument only differed in that the
dagger must have been worn suspended from the shoulder, on account of the
pendent position of the belt. On all analogy, however, the priest-king
in this case must be facing the deity he is worshipping. If then no
other form of deity can be suggested, we must take the only evidence
before us as to its nature, which would lead us to infer that it is
here represented by the dagger and tassel. We venture no hypothesis in
explanation; the Sacred Dirk[247] as a cult object is known in Hittite
symbolism and familiar in the hieroglyphs; and it would be equally
accordant with precedent to imagine that the dirk was really emblematic
of the deity with whom it was usually associated. Alternatively the
object of worship may have been a great divine statue upon the skirt of
which these representations were carved.
Among the minor inscribed objects from Marash there should be mentioned
one, which is a fragment of basalt 10½ inches high and 8 inches wide,
inscribed with characters in high relief on two adjacent sides.[248]
There are also several uninscribed sculptures from Marash of peculiar
interest. The first is a slab of basalt 21 inches high, carved in
relief.[249] The subject is that of a female seated at a table facing
to the left; on her left knee[250] is a child, whose face is towards
the mother. In the right hand of the woman is a decorated mirror, or
something of that form; and in her left, which is extended over the
table, she holds a primitive five-stringed lyre, square in shape.[251]
Over the lyre is a bird often taken for a dove, but more nearly
resembling a vulture.[252] The counterpart to the figure, if such
existed, is broken away; the carving is crude and the surface worn.
Such details as are distinguishable, the robe, the hat, the chair and
table, seem to be similar respectively to those upon the sculpture of
the Ceremonial Feast from this place previously described. There is a
second uninscribed stone on which appears the emblem of a bird similar to
the other in outline and appearance.[253] In this case the subject shows
two figures, one on either side of a small two-legged table. That on the
right, which is seated, wears the same cylindrical hat as in the cases
just described. That on the left, which is standing, is clad in a long
robe, which, from such details as are visible, suggests the toga-like
garment which distinguishes the priestly class on certain monuments of
Asia Minor. The further hand of each is outstretched as usual, the one
holding a mirror and the other the bird; the latter feature, however,
is not carved with the same detail as in the case just quoted. Over
the right shoulder of the standing figure there seems to hang a bow of
the peculiar triangular form often depicted in ancient drawing.[254]
The cord, however, is not seen; and the stone is in general worn so
smooth that little detail can be discerned. The bow reappears on a third
uninscribed fragment, which probably resembled the former in subject
somewhat closely. On this a figure is shown standing before a two-legged
table, over which he holds aloft a curving bow with his extended left
hand. In his right hand, which is kept low, there may be seen two arrows,
while a quiver hangs at his waist. This stone is also very smooth-worn,
but some details of dress may still be recognised, notably the skull-cap
long robe with fringe, and turned-up shoes. The Hittite character of the
theme is sustained by the arrangement of the hair, which falls away in a
single thick cluster or curl behind the neck. A tassel is attached to the
waistbelt.[255]
A fourth stone of somewhat larger size, being 35 inches high, is
decorated with a subject of unusual character, but unfortunately the most
important figure of the scene is largely broken away.[256] This must have
been a picture of a god, represented in long fringed robe, and sandals
with upturned toes. Poised aloft in front of him, but how supported is
not seen, there is the end of an implement or weapon, the attachment to
which forms a loop, and then hangs down. A low table, with two curving
legs, is placed opposite the middle height of this figure; upon it is
a bird, seemingly a goose, with bread-cakes and other eatables. On the
opposite side, and facing the major being, a small male figure stands at
the same level as the table. He is clad in a short fringed tunic, with
oblique fold, and a vest with short sleeves. On his feet are sandals,
with the points very prominently returned, and above these are anklets,
unless these be long laces wrapped around the ankles to bind the sandals.
His hair is curly on the head and bound by a fillet, while lower down it
hangs more straightly as far as the shoulders. An earring is suggested,
and thick bracelets are clearly shown. He holds an object in his left
hand which may be taken for a palm leaf, while with the right he partly
proffers towards the greater person a small cup which seems to be bound
around with two small bands, as though made of wood. Below, in such space
as remains available, the sculptor has added a horse led by a man. Both
are on a small scale, but disproportionate, as the man stands higher than
the horse’s head; this arises from the fact that a greater height is
available under the feet of the small figure than under the greater one,
where the horse’s body is seen. The animal is a stallion, represented
with a vague suggestion of spirited movement in the forelegs; and his
shoulder-muscles are shown in the same conventional outline as is seen
sometimes on the representations of lions in this style of art.[257]
The man holds the bridle with his right hand; and, with his back to the
horse, and indeed to the greater figure, he holds a spear upright with
his left hand, the end of the shaft resting on the ground. He seems to
wear a skull-cap, and his hair falls behind in the characteristic bunch
or knot. In this case, as in nearly all the figures considered, the
outline of the face shows the nose and forehead as practically continuous.
There are two further sculptured fragments of stones from Marash worthy
also of special mention. On the one there is preserved the front part of
a chariot and the hind part of a horse;[258] the carving is rough, and
the drawing neither clear nor good. A small animal under the horse may
be a dog. The wheel of the chariot seems to have had eight spokes. The
driver is hardly seen, except for the forearm and the hand that grasps
the reins. We may conclude none the less that the fragment formed part of
a scene of the royal hunt.[259]
The other fragment is better known, showing the head of a musician
playing the double pipes.[260] From the treatment of the hair and
general character of the carving of this piece we suspect that it is
of post-Hittite art, corresponding to the Aramaic period at Sinjerli.
There is also in the Berlin Museum a new piece in Hittite style which
may very well come from the same place. It is about two feet high, and
rather wider. The sculpture is fragmentary, but of striking interest, for
the central figure, a man, seems to be riding on horseback. He grasps
the bridle with his left hand, and holds a curving nameless object in
the right. His legs and the body of the horse are not visible. In the
background to the left there is the smaller figure of a female seated
on a chair. She holds a pomegranate in her right hand, and raises a
drinking-cup with the left. To the right of the man’s head a tiny figure
seems to represent the whisk-bearer, turning towards his lord, and waving
a palm leaf.
This brings to an end the list of major monuments from Marash. When it is
considered that the site has never been excavated for its antiquities,
and that these discoveries are mostly accidental, it must be admitted
that there is evidence here of a Hittite city of exceptional importance.
The date to which it can be assigned as a seat of power will be
considered when all the data for comparison are before us.[261]
[Illustration: PLATE XLIII
ROWANDUZ, ON THE AFRÎN: DISCUSSION OF ROUTES, AN INCIDENT OF TRAVEL IN
THE QURT DAGH MOUNTAINS
Note the varied facial types of the natives. (_See pp. 9, 33, 106._)]
We now pass to a third group of Syrian monuments: those which are found
at places on the Euphrates, which we accept as the eastern frontier. We
begin naturally with Jerablus, the site of Carchemish, as being the
nearest, the furthest south and the most famous. Here was the strategic
frontier in the struggle of the oriental nations, and here a Hittite
fortress was so strongly placed that it defied the assaults of the
Pharaohs, and resisted with a great measure of success the efforts of
the Assyrians to reduce it several centuries after the Hittite power had
passed its zenith.[262] Some amount of excavation has been made upon the
site, and though not thorough and inadequately reported, we gain thereby
an indication of a walled city upon the river’s brink, protected on the
land side by ditches in addition to the ramparts,[263] and enclosing as
usual a high knoll which marks at once the acropolis and the site of
the original settlement in a remoter age. Here there have been found
several lengthy inscriptions in Hittite characters, numerous fragments
of the same kind, two stelæ and the upper portion of a third, as well
as a stone sculptured upon its flat side with the full-face portrait of
an exalted being. In some of the sculptures the motive, and in others
the details, of treatment tell of the proximity to a dominant extraneous
artistic influence. This is particularly to be noticed in the emblems
of winged deities, and in some of the monuments on which no Hittite
hieroglyphs are found. One of the latter category is a striking monument
representing two figures standing upon the back of a crouching lion. The
mane of the lion is represented, but no hair is shown underneath the
belly. The attitude of the beast is uncommon in Hittite art, as may be
seen by comparing the lions of Sinjerli, Sakje-Geuzi, Marash, Derendeh,
and elsewhere. The animals carved on the rock walls of the sanctuary
of Iasily Kaya, which also support exalted persons, are represented as
standing; whereas in this case the chin, belly, and tail of the animal
almost touch the ground. The nearest analogy is perhaps one of the less
known sculptures of Eyuk,[264] but there is no real parallel for this
treatment of the subject. Of the personages, one is winged and clearly
divine, while the other, though dressed in the same way, stands behind
over the quarters of the animal, with one hand raised in an attitude of
reverence or supplication. Otherwise the figures are of equal height, and
their costumes also are alike. The head-dress[265] is a conical hat with
prominent upturning brim; the toes of the shoes are likewise turned up in
an exaggerated manner. The robe in each case is long, with a broad fringe
around the bottom; around the waist there is a belt or girdle, and a fold
of the skirt falls sideways from the middle towards the right. The wings
of the leading figure rise sharply upwards from behind the shoulders, as
on one of the deities of Iasily Kaya. He stands upon the shoulders of the
beast, whose head cowers in abjection. In the photograph before us there
is a suggestion of hieroglyphs upon the face of the stone, a feature
which is not, however, confirmed by the observations of others. We thus
have in this sculpture a recognisable mingling of the Hittite and
Assyrian motives; and the sculptor’s art, at any rate, has not suffered
in the combination. Both in treatment and in drawing this monument,
though weathered and exposed, reveals an evidence of artistic skill which
in some of the purely Hittite monuments elsewhere is not even suggested.
Turning now to the monuments of Jerablus that bear Hittite inscriptions
upon them, another deity is found on a fragment of basalt, 31 inches
high, upon which the lower part of the body and the ends of four bands
of hieroglyphs are preserved.[266] In this case the wings are depressed,
folding by the sides, and reaching to the knees, otherwise they would
hardly be visible on the broken stone. The feet of the figure and the
left hand are missing; in the right hand, which is in front of the body,
is a small seed-basket—a symbolism derived from the other side of the
Euphrates.[267] The long robe of this deity is similarly strange to early
Hittite art, being bordered with a long fringe, and divided by several
parallel bands of embroidery.[268] This seems to be an outer cloak,
for one may see on the original traces of the familiar short tunic.
The carving of this monument is unsurpassed on any inscribed Hittite
relief. The delicate indications of the knee muscles may be noted as an
illustration, especially when the gritty nature of the stone is taken
into consideration. In making this comparison it should be borne in
mind that most of the known Hittite reliefs are worn through exposure
to the weather; and that objects unearthed for the first time, as at
Sakje-Geuzi, give a different impression as regards the sculptor’s
craft. Another noteworthy instance is at Iasily Kaya, where a row of
figures which had been partly covered, at least for long centuries, has
been cleared during the last few decades, giving evidence of a detailed
treatment of the whole series which would not have otherwise been
suggested.
Another sculptured object belongs to the category of stelæ, resembling in
general that of Marash. It is partly chipped away, but sufficient remains
for us to make out its original character and dimensions.[269] It is 47
inches high and 26 inches wide. It is crossed horizontally with eight
bands of hieroglyphic inscriptions in relief, with raised lines between
them, except where the outline of the central figure intervenes. This
represents a man, in higher relief than the rest of the carving,[270]
who stands in the middle portion of the stone, his feet descending below
the inscription, and his head just entering the topmost band. The figure
is nearly all chipped away, but the outline remains by that very process
well defined. The person, undoubtedly a king, faces to his left, and in
his extended left arm he holds aloft a short staff or rod which is marked
as though divided down the middle. His right arm is not seen. His robe
was crossed obliquely by folds, and it descended to the ankles. His feet
were shod, and the toes of the shoes turned sharply upwards. His hair
seems to have been dressed[271] in a single bunched curl behind the
neck, but the point is obscure. The upper portion of a second similar
monument is on record,[272] but the object is destroyed. It shows a
central figure turned likewise to the left; with the left hand up, and
forward, and the right hand before the chest. The head-dress seems to be
a skull-cap, with band across the forehead. The sleeves of the dress are
short; and around the waist there is another instance of the broad girdle
of cords, ending, it would seem, in a curling knot or loop.[273] There
are four rows of hieroglyphs, of which we have only an imperfect copy. A
fragment of a third monument of like kind is preserved,[274] but it is
uninstructive.
There are two notable inscriptions from Jerablus among many which are
fragmentary. The one is a corner-stone of special shape,[275] being
recessed in the very angle for eight inches on each side. The raised
inscription upon it, however, seems to be continuous even through the
recessed angle to the broken end of the block. The stone is basalt,
and the whole measures 39½ inches in height. The widths of the various
stages, beginning from the right side, which is unbroken, are 7 inches,
8½ inches, 8¾ inches, and 22 inches to the fractured edge. In further
explanation of the form of the stone, it may be said that the first and
third of these measures are in the same parallel direction, and combine
to give that side of the whole stone a width of 15¾ inches. Similarly the
next side was at least 30½ inches wide. The inscription is in relief, and
is arranged in five bands, divided by lines of equal projection. The
signs are clear, and the tenor of the inscription, according to Professor
Sayce’s reading, is religious and monumental, giving the king-priest’s
account of his setting up a bull shrine on a high place at Carchemish.
Another considerable inscription is found on a portion of a round column,
5 feet 6 inches high.[276] Four bands of the inscription are perfect
so far as they continue, namely, for 41 inches, but the beginning and
ending of the lines are not preserved. There is another band partly
visible above. The back of this object has been dressed, subsequently to
the breaking of the stone, for the purpose of carving thereon a figure
seemingly divine and in full face. It is not in Hittite style, but
Hittite influence may be found surviving in certain features.
We cannot dwell longer with profit upon the details of these broken
remains, nor of the numerous inscribed fragments, of which copies
of nearly twenty are before us. But if we may cull from a somewhat
unusual source, namely the columns of a daily newspaper, an account of
excavations made for the British Museum on the site, it would seem that
the foundations of at least one palatial building were come upon. ‘Facing
the entrance,’ we are told, ‘there were found two imperfect tablets,
which formed part of an adoration scene. On the one was the image of a
goddess, the Hittite Kybele, naked, winged, and with hands offering her
breasts.’ Her hair descends in a double plait on each side, curling away
at the bottom around the shoulders.[277] The hat is of conical shape,
the brim upturned, and bulging at the top. The priestess represented on
the adjoining slab was thought by those who saw the sculptures to have
been clad in a cloak, but the stone was broken away above the knees of
the figure. A little further along were three figures in procession. This
stone was likewise broken about the middle of the figures;[278] but the
central figure may be seen to have been clad in a long fringed cloak,
with a long under garment which is belted, while the outer figures have
only the short tunic familiar in Hittite sculptures. Only the outer
figures wear the turned-up shoe, an interesting distinction if correctly
represented. M. Perrot sees in the sculptures a priest between two
warriors. The border to the stone is the pattern of continuous concentric
circles such as we have seen at Sakje-Geuzi on sculptures of late Hittite
art.
A short distance up the Euphrates from Jerablus is Birejik, which has now
supplanted the former as the place for the passage of the river. From
here there comes a curious monument of indefinite origin, now in the
British Museum under the title ‘Monolith of a King.’ As there is no clear
evidence upon it or in the circumstances of its discovery that it is of
Hittite handiwork, we do not dwell upon it. It has, however, several
suggestive features, not the least interesting of which is the winged
disk with horse-shoe ornament above the figure, as in the emblems which
designate the priest-king at Boghaz-Keui.[279] At Tell-Ahmar, where there
is another crossing of the Euphrates about the same distance southward
from Jerablus, Mr. Hogarth has recently made discoveries which contribute
important evidences to our subject. Awaiting a full description of these
newly-found monuments,[280] we may take note that the site of the finds
was on the eastern bank of the river, revealing the Hittites of that
day as masters of this crossing; and that among the objects discovered,
here or in the neighbourhood, are a lion of somewhat Hittite character,
inscribed in cuneiform but not in hieroglyphs, and a stela or sculptured
monument of sorts, with eight lines of inscription in relief around three
sides, and on the fourth side the lower part of a male figure standing
upon a bull. Further up the river, above Birejik, is Rum-Kale, whence
comes another fragment equally doubtful and even more curious. It is
certainly one of the worst serious efforts to draw a human figure that
sculptor or mason ever worked upon. M. Perrot[281] apparently includes
this in his list of Hittite works, though he describes it as ‘uncouth.’
There is in this case no indication of Hittite or of any other style, so
that nothing can be gained by considering it further.
When we reach Samsat, however, a definitely Hittite monument presents
itself.[282] This is an object which in form recalls the funerary stela
of Kara-burshlu; but as in this case a pedestal of diminishing thickness
is preserved, and the inscription is likewise found upon the two sides of
the stone, there is further evidence in favour of its having stood alone.
The subject of the sculpture carved upon the face is quite different,
however, being only a single figure. So far as this can be seen (for
a deep groove has been cut at some time down the length of the stone
through the middle of the body), it seems to be that of a man turned to
his right. He is clad in a long robe fringed at the bottom, and wearing
shoes with the toes turned extravagantly upwards. He seems to be holding
(with the right hand possibly) a staff, and more doubtfully a reversed
lituus with the left, after the manner of the priests of Boghaz-Keui and
Eyuk. The inscription is incised, but it is hardly sufficiently well
preserved to be copied with any certitude. Nine rows of hieroglyphs are
traceable at the one side and six upon the other, but nearly half of the
stone is missing. It was found in the open, partly buried, between the
town and the hill of the acropolis. Its height is just over five feet,
without including the pedestal, so that the figure which stands clear of
the bottom was about life size. The face of the stone is 25 inches wide,
and the depth of the inscribed sides seventeen inches.
At Gerger Kalesi, almost at the main turn of the river, there is a
monument on the rocks, about which further details would be full of
interest. From the published drawings[283] it resembles the Hittite
reliefs of Giaour-Kalesi and Kara-Bel in the west of the Hittite lands;
and we await some further careful examination with expectation of finding
Hittite hieroglyphs upon it. The figure is apparently gigantic, of three
times human height. It is that of a warrior clad in short tunic (the
details of which are doubtful). He wears a collar of some kind and a
conical hat. There is a bow over the left shoulder; the right hand is
down and forward. It simulates a Hittite monument very closely, and its
presence on the brink of the Eastern frontier of that people is the more
full of interest.
SECTION B.—MONUMENTS IN THE TAURUS AND ANTI-TAURUS.
MALATIA, DERENDEH, PALANGA, GURUN; ARSLAN TASH, ALBISTAN; KURU-BEL;
EKREK, TASHJI, FRAKTIN.
From the north of Syria we pass to the mountainous region of the Taurus
and Anti-Taurus. Here is the centre, if not the focus, of the Hittite
lands, and isolated monuments are found in considerable numbers and
variety. When one takes into account the difficulty of exploration, it
must be conceded to be a remarkable and suggestive fact that no fewer
than eleven Hittite sites in the Taurus country are clearly indicated,
as compared with the same number in the north of Syria, and about twenty
scattered throughout the whole tableland and west of Asia Minor.
One of the most important of these sites is located at Old Malatia, which
lies near the confluence of the Tochma Su with the Euphrates. Here there
must have been a fortified city, comparable to Marash, for the defence of
the frontier. Though no systematic excavation of the site has yet been
made, yet the nature of the several sculptures found there speaks for
itself. The mound which marks the old-time acropolis is probably that
now called Arslan Tepe, near the village of Ordasu, about two or three
miles north-eastward from the modern town: the attention of scholars was
called to this spot by the visit of Mr. Hogarth’s expedition in 1894.
The explorer describes the mound[284] as about fifty feet in height, of
irregular shape, longest from north to south, like the accumulation
above a building, but without any visible masonry upon it. West of it
rise two smaller mounds, and to the south one. The Euphrates is about
two hours distant. The sculptured stones are seven in number, and they
seem to form part of a series decorating a façade. Three of these are
facing-slabs merely, while four others (found independently) are more
solid, and may have been building-blocks. The most perfect slab[285]
is just under four feet in length, with a height of two feet, and
thickness one foot. Along the top is an incomplete row of hieroglyphs
in relief,[286] reading from the left. Below is the main theme of
decoration, representing a lion hunt, carved in strong relief. The
picture is composed of a horse chariot with two riders, a dog below the
horse, and a wounded lion in front. Several hieroglyphic signs are found
above the horse’s back, and also between his head and that of the lion;
but as these signs read now from right to left, it may be concluded that
they continue the inscription above. The sculpture is formal and lacking
in vitality, but several details may be noticed. The chariot is small.
The charioteer and the warrior stand within, side by side; the latter
occupies a front place in the picture, which is drawn in profile with the
usual conventions. Both men are clad in short tunics with waist-belts,
and both wear close-fitting skull-caps, and the hair of the warrior
curls in characteristic fashion behind the neck. His weapons are the bow
and the spear. The bow is short and curved, and the arrow is strongly
barbed; two quivers are depicted cross-ways upon the side panel of the
chariot. The spear is shown point upward, ready at hand in the back of
the chariot. The driver holds two pairs of reins, from which it may be
inferred that two horses are being driven, though being side by side the
outline of only one is visible. The shoulder muscles of the horse are
outlined conventionally, and it is noticeable that his mane is tightly
bound and ends in a curl. The trappings are not distinguishable. The
figure of the dog is seen between the horse’s front and back legs; it
is crude and uninteresting. The pose of the lion is unconventional. He
is represented as half rampant, turning round his head with open mouth
towards his tormentors, and clawing the air with the pain of his wound.
The shaft of an arrow is seen below the shoulder. The tail is short and
thin, and curls upwards; that of the horse is long, and falls so as
almost to touch the ground. The mane of the lion is represented fully by
short curls; but the belly and shoulders are hairless.[287] The claws
are exaggerated; the nose is out of drawing, and the execution of the
sculpture in general is poor.
The second block[288] is smaller, but broken in two pieces; it seems to
lack also the upper band of inscription. On the right hand it is clearly
defective, showing towards that side the back part of a chariot, with
six-spoked wheels, quivers, spear, and bowman, exactly as in the previous
instance. The more perfect scene, though broken through the middle,
shows two figures seated at a ceremonial feast of the kind previously
described.[289] Though both persons are seated, they are not represented
exactly alike. That on the left seems to be a male; he is distinguished
by a close round skull-cap with upturned peak or ornament upon the brow.
His long, straight nose is very prominent. His hair turns backward in a
single full curl behind the neck. His robe is long, and fringed around
the bottom. The toes of his shoes are prominently upturned, and his feet
rest on a square-framed stool. The chair on which he sits has curving
legs, forming a figure-of-eight cross, and ending in a small outward
curve, similar to those supporting the table in other sculptures. The
back of the chair is high and turns outward. In his right hand the man
holds a crooked staff reversed, and in his left he holds up a small
cup. The objects on the table cannot well be identified, as the stone
thereabouts is rubbed smooth; but the table may be seen to be supported
by two straight legs which cross. The figure on the right of the table,
which faces towards the other, is less clearly seen upon the stone, but
sufficient may be made out to show that it differs considerably in some
details. The head-dress is a hat which is not close-fitting, but rises
squarely in front. From behind, a long veil or shawl seems to descend to
the waist, where it can no longer be traced owing to the weathering of
the stone. The suggestion of the face and clothing is that the figure
represents a woman. She is seated, as in the other cases of women,[290]
on a square-framed seat with spindle, the back of which must have been
low. It is suggested, but not certain, that her feet rest on a footstool.
A few hieroglyphic signs between the heads of the figures, and a longer
row over all, complete the whole. Though poorly preserved and poorly
carved, the general theme of these sculptures is not without special
interest. The right-hand portion with the chariot and archer is of the
same nature as the lion-hunt seen on the stone previously described,
and possibly formed part of the same scheme. The left side, with its
two seated figures, belongs to the class of ceremonial feast, of which
we have already described various examples. The association of this
subject with others of entirely different import has a parallel in the
wall sculptures of Sinjerli, where, however, the different subjects are
not found on the same stone as in this instance. Here also the persons
represented seem to be man and woman. Neither serves the other; both seem
to share equally in the rite. In them we are inclined to see the local
king and queen, inasmuch as they are personages of sufficient importance
to be represented, even though no special attributes of rank denote
them. The chieftain and his consort feasting would constitute a theme
readily comprehensible in oriental art; but if the subject have really
a religious significance, which is more probable, we see them in their
capacity of chief priest and priestess,[291] an association for which
the sculptures of Eyuk provide us with sufficient analogy.[292] This
alternative we regard as the real explanation in this instance.
A third sculpture from Malatia[293] is of smaller size, measuring only
thirty-two inches in length and eighteen in height. It is, however, in
beautiful condition, and though the edges are broken, the scene depicted
upon it is complete in itself. The carving is in relief. As in previous
cases a line of inscription[294] runs along the top from left to right.
The subject reproduces a striking resemblance to most of the features on
the stone first described, except that a fleeing stag takes the place
of the wounded lion. Otherwise the horse, chariot, bowman and driver,
even the dog below the horse’s feet, are reproduced almost in exact
facsimile. Only in this case the better preservation of the stone enables
us to trace some details more clearly, while the drawing and carving are
executed with greater skill and care. The short sleeves of the men’s
dress are distinguishable; the ‘two quivers’ suspended crosswise on the
side panel of the chariot seem almost like stout diagonal supports to an
open framework. As in the former case only one horse is represented, but
the trappings are clearly designed for two, and there is a raised band
above his back which may be taken for the back of the further horse, or
possibly the pole of the chariot. The horse is entire. The muscles of the
shoulder and thigh on all the animals are outlined with deliberation,
and behind the horse’s shoulder are certain further markings, intended
probably to represent the ribs or muscles more fully, recalling the
similar convention seen on certain sculptures of Eyuk[295] and of
Sakje-Geuzi.[296] The stag is represented with branching horns; and
his head is well drawn. He is in full flight before his pursuers, his
hind legs being shown in the picture as overlapping the forelegs of the
horse.
[Illustration: PLATE XLIV
MALATIA.
i. King-priest making oblations at the shrine of the God of the skies,
who stands on a bull with lightning in his hand. (_See pp. 138, 359._)
ii. Queen-priestess making oblations to a tutelary winged deity. (_See p.
139._)]
The other stones from Malatia[297] are four in number, each decorated
on one face. Unfortunately no information is forthcoming in regard to
them except the published photographs, which again are not satisfactory.
The subjects carved upon the stones are of striking interest. In the
first of the series a deity, wearing a conical head-dress decorated with
rings,[298] stands upon the back of a horned bull.[299] His left leg
is forward (as he faces to the right), and on his feet are tip-tilted
shoes. In his right hand, which is drawn back, there is a triangular
bow,[300] and in his outstretched left hand he seems to hold up a forked
emblem, like the lightning trident,[301] and to grasp at the same
time a cord which is attached to the nose of the bull. His dress is a
short bordered tunic. Facing him is a long-robed personage, in whom we
recognise the king-priest, distinguished by his close-fitting cap and
the characteristic large curl of hair behind the neck. In his left hand
he holds a reversed lituus; his right is partly extended and seems to be
pouring out some fluid which falls in a wavy stream. He is followed by
a small person who leads up (with some difficulty it would seem) a goat
clearly intended for an offering. Some hieroglyphs complete the picture.
It is instructive to compare the whole theme with that which decorated
the left hand of the façade to the palace at Eyuk,[302] especially as
the blocks of stone seem to be in this instance also cubical building
stones. The second sculpture of this series shows a different deity,
who is winged,[303] though wearing the same conical hat with rings
and upturning peak. His dress is curious; the lower part seems like a
many-pleated continuous flowing garment which winds around his body and
one leg, and passes behind the other leg. His two hands are held near
his body, and in the left he grasps some object which is obscured, but
may be seen to have reached to the left shoulder. He is approached by
the queen-priestess, who is recognised (as in former cases) by the low
cylindrical hat and the long cloak or veil descending therefrom behind
the shoulders to the ground. Her left hand is raised as in reverence,
and her right one, extended but low, seems to hold a narrow jug, with
side handle and long neck, from which she is clearly pouring an oblation
into a two-handled vase which seems to rest on the ground before the feet
of the god.[304] Behind her there follows a small attendant leading an
animal which may be presumed to be a goat as in the previous case. The
few hieroglyphs accompanying these figures are illegible. The third block
of the series seems to have been decorated with a row of male figures,
unaccompanied by any hieroglyphs. Two of these remain. Each is clad in a
short bordered tunic reaching to the knees, a conical helmet with rings
between the ribs, and shoes with turned-up toes. The second man, who
brings the series to an end, is bearded; his nose is mongoloid rather
than aquiline or semitic, and he wears a conspicuous curling pigtail. In
his advanced left hand he holds in a vertical position a long spear (or
similar object), the shaft of which rests on the ground. In his right
hand, which is held to his side, he clasps the handle of a mace, the
head of which is made up of a ring-like device similar to that seen in
the helmets. At his waistbelt there hangs a dagger with curling blade
and crescental handle. The man whom he follows seems to be beardless,
and he wears a short mantle, one end of which is thrown loosely over
the right shoulder. His knife is like his neighbour’s; but an object
with long shaft that he carried obliquely, grasped in both hands, is
difficult to recognise; from the upper end there seems to hang a short
tassel or object attached by a cord. Both figures face to the right, and
in obedience to convention, their faces and bodies are in profile, the
shoulders in full view, while the left foot and left arm are advanced.
The last of this series is fragmentary, and seems to be the decorated
upper border of a larger subject. In what remains it is possible to see
hypothetically a pair of hands held aloft amid flames. Over all is the
pattern of a twisted coil of rope.
Looking back for a moment at the nature of these sculptured monuments, we
may with some certainty attribute them to two different building periods.
The earliest are those four just described, which, from the point of view
of construction and of symbolism, resemble, as we have seen, the palace
works and sculptures of Eyuk.[305] The other sculptured slabs, which we
described first, correspond more nearly from both points of view with the
remains of Sinjerli and Sakje-Geuzi,[306] which we shall find reason
to believe in later chapters belong probably to a later phase than the
foregoing. The one group may be dated in general terms to the later half
of the second millennium B.C., and the other to the early centuries of
the first.
Passing up the valley of the Tochma Su, a small group of monuments is
met with just after passing Derendeh. There was a rumour, when the
English explorers, Hogarth and Munro, passed that way in 1891,[307] of
a sculptured lion at a place called Haüz, not far from Derendeh towards
the north. But the monuments on record were found in the neighbourhood
of Palanga (Chiftlik), which lies on the higher ground after leaving the
gorge of the river, some three hours’ journey westward from Derendeh.
Here a small lion carved in basaltic stone was seen built into the main
gateway; while lying in a puddle near a well hard by, and used as a
stepping-stone, was a fragment of a unique columnar figure made also of
basalt. The lion was similar to those found in the neighbouring wayside
cemetery, hence called Arslan Tash, which we shall presently describe;
the columnar figure,[308] however, is unique and instructive. The
fragment preserved is fifty-two inches high and about fifty-five inches
in circumference towards the top: it swells a little lower down. It
‘represents the lower portion of a draped figure; it is a mere shapeless
column without feet, but a double protuberance of the stone at the end of
the first line of the inscription is evidently intended to represent the
buttocks. The drapery consists of an underskirt, plain except for a short
series of perpendicular pleats down the middle of the back, and an upper
garment thrown round the left side, the folded edges almost meeting under
the right arm.[309] This mantle or cloak reaches down below the level of
the knees; its vertical edges are fringed with a border of narrow lappets
or tags very similar to those represented on a terra-cotta statuette from
Cyprus.’[310] The inscription on this monument extends from the front
of the figure around the left side to the back, covering two-thirds of
the circumference. The signs are incised, and arranged in four bands,
whereof the lowest is broader but less carefully cut than the others. Mr.
Hogarth, in his description, points out other interesting analogies. The
columnar form, the flat treatment of the drapery, and the ribbed pleats
of the underskirt, recall to him the Hera of Samos in the Louvre; while
for the rendering of the zigzag folds at the edges of the cloak and the
buttocks, a parallel might readily be found in early Greek art, as, for
example, among the archaic statues in the Acropolis Museum at Athens.
In particular, the large terra-cotta figures from Salamis present an
interesting comparison as regards both form and the general disposition
of the draperies.
It is difficult to point to any nearer analogies than those which Mr.
Hogarth indicated at the time of his discovery. Though belonging to
a different place and later period, the statue of Hadad, found near
Sinjerli, seems to us to be a product of the same tradition in art.[311]
There is another statue of later date from the latter place, the
discovery of which was recently announced.[312] This is also of columnar
form, though the bottom of the skirt and feet are shown. The arms also
are in relief, while the head and face, the latter wofully ill-drawn, are
in the round. It is a survival and development from the older motive.
[Illustration: PLATE XLV
PALANGA: INSCRIBED COLUMNAR STATUE]
The string of monuments from Palanga to Albistan indicates a southern
bifurcation of the route, linking in Hittite times with the valley of the
Pyramus. The suggestion of an important Hittite road leading continuously
up the valley of the Tochma Su, and so over the watershed to the Halys
and possibly towards Pteria, seems to be substantiated by two further
inscriptions found on the rocks at Gurun, which is some way further
up the river on the edge of the divide. This place (the _Gauraina_ of
Ptolemy and _Guriania_ of the Assyrian texts) lies in a defile on both
banks of the river. Just above the village the waters race through a
narrow rocky gorge, at the foot of which the two inscriptions were
found.[313] The one is incised on the face of an overhanging crag, near
a small spring. It fills a space about four feet wide and three feet
high, and is placed about twelve feet or more above the ground. The
other is somewhat higher on the declivity, and further from the stream:
the hieroglyphs are larger than in the former case, and less carefully
incised. The inscriptions are very weathered, so that it is hardly
possible to make much of them, but they seem to be partly in duplicate.
The emblems which distinguish the two chief male deities in the divine
triad at Boghaz-Keui[314] may be recognised; and Professor Sayce has
also detected a variant of the place-name frequently recurring on the
inscriptions of Carchemish (_Gar-ga-me-i-si-ya_), which makes it appear
that there was some political relation between the two places.
Turning from Derendeh southward up towards the divide, ‘Arslan Tash’ is
reached, about three miles after passing Palanga. The place lies about
one mile east of the Kurdish village of Yeni Keui. The spot is marked by
a series of hummocks near a small wayside graveyard, and receives its
name[315] from two great monumental lions of hard limestone,[316] one
erect, and the other fallen on its left side. They form a pair each about
eight feet in length, and nearly six feet in height. These monuments,
though large and impressive, are of crude appearance. They recall most
nearly two massive early lions found at Sinjerli,[317] but though obeying
certain early canons they are less thoroughly worked, as well as more
roughly drawn. Their mouths are open, but exaggerated in size. The rough
of the mane is strongly but not finely marked; the legs are not at all
disengaged from the stone; the forepaws are almost shapeless, but the
hind ones are fully outlined, with the muscle of the thigh suggested.
Only one forepaw and one hindpaw appear in the profile view (a purely
Hittite convention) while the tail comes down between the legs forward,
ending in a curl.[318] Mr. Hogarth thinks that as they lay when found
these lions may have marked the position of the entrance to a building.
Just over the watershed, at a place called (Ashagha) Yapalak, a badly
defaced Hittite inscription has been seen,[319] but not published,
and it seems to have been removed. The record, however, marks the
continuity of the track, and the next discovery brings us well into
the valley of the Pyramus at Izgîn. The monument itself was seen and
photographed amid considerable excitement at Albistan,[320] whither it
had been transported, and it is now in safe keeping in the museum at
Constantinople.
The object is an obelisk, a unique example among Hittite works. Its
Hittite origin is attested by the inscription which covers its four
sides. Its material is coarse limestone; in height it measures eight feet
two inches; in form it narrows slightly towards the top from one point
of view, maintaining its width (twenty-one inches) in the other. The
tapering faces are narrower at the bottom than the others, being only
ten inches wide. The apex is slightly rounded. The hieroglyphs are in
strong relief, arranged in rows. There are about nineteen of these rows
on the broad faces, and sixteen only on the narrow ones, so that the
signs are less crowded on these sides. Unfortunately the monument is very
worn around the middle, and a considerable portion of the inscription
cannot be recovered. It was originally seen standing as a headstone
in a graveyard at Izgîn, which is a Turkoman village, some six miles
north-east from Albistan, near the confluence of the Kurman Su with the
Pyramus.
We have seen that the monuments which we have examined thus far in
the Taurus region mark out the track of two main highways, the one
following the valley of the Tochma Su, the other branching from that
route southward to gain the valley of the Pyramus. A monument recently
discovered now suggests one way at least by which in ancient times
the Anti-Taurus might be traversed. This is found in the high pass of
Kuru-Bel, a route which has now fallen considerably into disfavour,
though not without its advantages. The distance is not more than ten
miles to COMANA (identified with the modern village of Shahr), which
lies to the south-east. By this route, the tracks from the east, whether
by way of Marash or by Albistan, converging on Comana, might lead down
directly to Cæsarea and the interior; or they might, without serious
difficulty, connect with Ekrek farther to the north, or Tashji and
Fraktin farther south, all of them sites of Hittite works. In this case
the monument seems like a great altar of stone, square cut, with a lion
crouching on the top on either hand. The material is grey trachyte, which
is only found fifteen or twenty miles nearer to Mount Argæus;[321] and
as the object weighs just over a ton, it is a matter of considerable
perplexity how it was transported in ancient times over the rugged
path to the spot where it now lies. There is little doubt but that it
remains in its ancient position. It is found on a limestone rock which
rises from a small grassy plateau overshadowed by the lofty peaks of the
Soghan Dagh, being itself about 7500 feet above the sea. The base of the
object is solid and rectangular in form, with a length of four feet; its
width is just under three feet, and its height seventeen inches. The two
crouching lions are carved in the same piece of stone, one on either
side, like the decorative arms to a throne. The stone is considerably
weathered, so that it is not possible to recover much impression of the
original finish or detail of the work. The limbs of the animals are
outlined, and shown in full relief; the carving is all in the round.
The lions are nearly as long as the stone is broad, while they are ten
inches high and about eleven inches broad. The clear space between them
on the top of the altar is about two feet. In front there may be made out
several incised Hittite hieroglyphs, which seem to have formed part of a
considerable inscription in three lines. We accept the term altar as an
explanation of this monument on the mere general suggestion of its shape;
it is, however, unique, and there is no material for forming a definite
opinion. The modern shepherds of the vicinity make use of it for pounding
up the roots from which they extract a dye for marking their sheep. This
usage has considerably damaged the lions, and affords us no clue as to
the original purpose of the monument. It may, however, have very well
been an altar to the God of the Mountain or of the Pass. The sculptures
of the Kara Dagh,[322] and even those of Boghaz-Keui,[323] prepare us
for local cults of this character.
From Kuru-Bel, as we have mentioned, several different routes lead on
to the plateau of the interior. One of these (but not the easiest or
most direct) follows the stream called Kuru Chai down till it joins the
Zamanti Su. A little way above the junction on the opposite side there
flows in another stream which comes past Ekrek. This is a small Armenian
village, eight hours’ easy journey eastward from Cæsarea. It boasts three
Christian churches, and from one of the graveyards there has come to
light a stone[324] of special interest. This was originally a Hittite
monument with a panel of hieroglyphs incised along the bottom, bordered
by a double line. A few signs appear below, but they are not continued.
The stone has been re-dressed, it would appear, in Christian times, and
five crosses have been carved upon it, being left in false-relief by
cutting away the surface of the stone. There is a feather and zigzag
border around the edge, which may possibly be original. The two rosettes
might equally well be a Hittite device, but their relief corresponds
with that of the crosses. The latter are symmetrically arranged, two
small ones on each side under the arms of the larger central cross, which
stands on a bar upon a roughly incised ‘calvary.’
[Illustration: PLATE XLVI
EKREK: HITTITE INSCRIPTION REDRESSED WITH CHRISTIAN EMBLEMS]
Farther down the Zamanti Su we come to the village of Tashji, placed in
a narrow glen on the bank of a small tributary. Here, upon a rock, there
are visible the incised outlines of two figures and a considerable number
of hieroglyphs.[325] The carvings are so weathered, and the record of
them so insufficient, that little can be made out of the inscription. The
two figures, however, may be judged to have been clad in priestly dress,
with close-fitting skull-cap. The sharply-cut features of one of them
remain conspicuous. They are to the right hand of the scene as published,
and facing to the observer’s right; hence it is probable that they are
facing some deity or deified object which has escaped observation. The
position of this monument is of special interest, as it is only eight
miles eastward from Fraktin, which is found on the next main bend of the
river.
Here, at Fraktin (otherwise Ferak-Din),[326] is one of the most famous of
Hittite sculptures, which makes most important contributions to Hittite
religious symbolism.[327] From its position on the river, Professor
Ramsay has, with reason, identified this place with the _Dastarkon_ on
the river _Karmalas_ mentioned by Strabo,[328] and has shown how the
omission of the name of the place from the list of _Hiera_, though at
one time the most important, and the head over all others in Cappadocia,
argues for its extreme antiquity as a religious centre, the importance
of which was already passing when the list was made. Its sanctity
was preserved, however, even in Christian times, by the Bishopric of
Kiskissos, situated at Kiskeui, the nearest village to the site.
The sculptures[329] of Fraktin are found about half a mile
north-north-east of the village, carved upon a convex rock facing to
the west, where a cliff about fifteen or twenty feet high rises above
a sluggish stream, the Kara Su, which flows past at the foot. They are
about four feet from the ground, and the figures are from three feet
to three feet four inches in height. The group fills a space nine feet
eight inches wide, or, including an outer group of hieroglyphs, thirteen
feet ten inches over all. The carving is executed in relief about two
inches high. There are two scenes, in each of them two personages. The
group on the left consists of two male figures, facing one another, and
separated by an altar. They are both clad in Hittite fashion, with short
tunic, conical hat, and shoes with upturned toes,[330] while each has
seemingly a dagger at the waist. The figure to the left holds out some
object in his extended left hand above the altar. In his right hand there
is grasped a curving staff, which rests upon the shoulder.[331] With this
figure there is associated the divided oval, the emblem of sanctity; so
that we cannot doubt that if either of these two is a divine figure to
whom the other is ministering, then it is the one in question. The figure
upon the other side of the altar is more defaced; he seems to hold under
the left arm a triangular bow,[332] while with his right hand he grasps
an object which is continued by a wavy outline to the ground before his
feet.[333] The altar between the two is very curious, and the object upon
it unintelligible. The pedestal seems to be draped almost like a human
figure with a narrow folded garment ending in a fringe. The narrowing at
the top, representing the waist, and the horizontal belt around it, are
evident.
[Illustration: PLATE XLVII
FRAKTIN: THE ROCK-SCULPTURES
Oblation scenes to the Mother-Goddess (right) and to the Son-consort
(left).]
The group to the right is not completely carved, the outlines only
being shown, though the background is cut away. On the left of the
altar in this case, the figure is seated on a square-shaped stool, and
notwithstanding the conical hat (generally a part of the male attire),
the only parallel cases of a seated deity suggest the figure of Ma, the
Mother-goddess.[334] Whoever or whatever it may be, the hands are held
out towards the altar. On the opposite side there is a similar long-robed
figure standing, and the garment in this case shows a considerable train
behind, while in front the turned-up toe of one foot protrudes. The right
hand seems to lean on a long staff,[335] while the left, contrary to the
usual convention, is extended, and grasps a long pendent object which
reaches the floor,[336] as in the counterpart. The object perched upon
the altar is unexplained, but most resembles the crudely drawn outline of
a falcon or other large bird[337] facing the goddess.
Much has been written, and much might still be argued, as to the meaning
of these sculptures. All that is certain is the insufficiency of
evidence by which to identify them. We seem to have, however, two acts
of worship, probably oblation scenes, represented; and on the analogy of
the sculptures of Boghaz-Keui,[338] we may feel drawn to see in these
sculptures two shrines, the one of the Mother-goddess, later known as
Cybele, the other of her companion, likewise familiar in later times as
Attis. At Boghaz-Keui the same divine pair appear in other guise. But
being ignorant of the local religion, we learn little or nothing from
these identifications. It is however of interest to notice how deeply
permeated and how widely spread throughout the Hittite lands was the cult
of the Nature-goddess in early times.