SECTION II.

DOMINIONS OF THE FAMILY DESCENDED FROM MAKANDA SEN,

RAJA OF MAKWANPUR.

General History.—Branch of Lohanga which occupied the Country of the

Kiratas.—History.—Former Government.—Military Force, Police, and Revenue,

and Justice.—Present State.—District of Morang.—District of

Chayenpur.—District of Naragarhi.—District of Hedang.—District of

Makwanpur.—Western Branch, which occupied chiefly the Country of

Palpa.—History—Description.—Tanahung Family and its Possessions, and

Collateral Branches.—Rising, Ghiring, and Gajarkot.

The next principality to that of the Lapchas was that of the Kiratas,

which fell to the lot of a family that pretends to be sprung from the

Rajas of Chitaur, although its claims, as I have said, are by no means

well substantiated, and the different branches of the family differ much

in the account of their genealogy.

In the account of the Newars, I have mentioned, that the tribe called

Bhawar or Bhar has many territories, which had been subject to a powerful

chief, whose capital was Garsamaran in Tirahut, and the dominion of these

Bhawars extended once all over Gorakhpur. Garsamaran was destroyed in

1322 by the Muhammedans, and in its vicinity a state of anarchy, under

petty chiefs, prevailed for twenty-four years, while the Muhammedans

seized on the parts towards the Ganges. About 1306, the Muhammedans had

destroyed Chitaur, and expelled from thence the Chauhan tribe, called

also Sisaudhiyas, because they had been settled in a town of that name

before they occupied Chitaur.

In the account given of the mountain Hindus, I have mentioned, that these

Chauhans are said to have retired to the mountains, and founded the

dynasties of Karuvirpur and Yumila; but another family pretends also to

be descended from the Rajas of Chitaur, and to have long occupied a great

extent of country to the east, south, and west of Nepal Proper. In the

eastern parts of this dominion, it was said, that the first chiefs of

this family, who came to the parts of which I am now treating, were Jil

and Ajil Rays, sons of Buddhi, brother of Chitra Sen, Raja of Chitaur,

and son of Pratap Sen, son of Udayraj Sen, of the Sisaudhiya tribe of the

Kshatriya race. These two adventurers, with 700 soldiers of fortune,

entered into the service of Karma Singha, a person of the impure tribe of

Bhawar, which is very numerous in the low country subject to Nepal. This

chief resided at Rajpur, on the west side of the Gandaki or Salagrami,

where that great river enters the plains, and he had subject to him many

of his countrymen, who chiefly cultivated the low lands, and some Kirats,

and other barbarians, who occupied the adjacent hills, and formed his

military power. He is said to have had two brothers, Nandakumar, Raja of

Nandapur Tisuti, near Bhawara, (Bawara R.) in Tirahut, and Sarandeo, Raja

of Belka on the Kosi.

For twenty-two years the Hindu nobles served this low man, but were then

able to cut him off, and Ajil Sen assumed the government. He was

succeeded by his son Tula Sen; and it must be observed, that all the

princes of this family are called Sen, which I shall for the future in

general omit, although among the natives, in speaking of them, it is

always annexed. Tula built on the hills the fortress of Makwanpur,

(Mocaumpour, R.) since which time the principality has been often called

by that name, but it seems then to have extended only from the large

Gandaki to the Adhwara River. He was succeeded in regular lineal descent

by Dambhal, Gajapati, Chandra, Rudra, and Mukunda, by which time the

principality had been extended far towards the west, over the mountains

of the Magars and Gurung.

In the western parts of the territory belonging to this family, I

procured a manuscript said to have been composed by Rana Bahadur, late

Chautariya of Palpa, and one of its descendants. He states, that the

first of his ancestors, who came to this country, was Rudra Sen, the son

of Chandra Sen, Raja of Chitaur, descended of Ratna Sen, first Chauhan

chief of that city; but I think that this account is not tenable, and

Samar Bahadur, the brother of Rana Bahadur, gives one totally different,

and, in my opinion, more probable. He says, that Ratna Sen, instead of

being the first Raja of Chitaur, was the last of these princes; and that

Naya Sen, his eldest son, settled at Prayag or Allahabad, which he seized

with 20,000 men, and he considers Tutha Sen, Ribeli Sen, Dimirawa Sen,

Udayarawa Sen, Udayachanda Sen, Jagadbrahma Sen, Dharma Pala Sen, Aneka

Singha Sen, Ramraja Sen, and Chandra Sen, the father of Rudra Sen, not as

Rajas of Chitaur, as his brother’s manuscript represents, but as chiefs

of the colony from that city, which settled in the vicinity of Nepal.

Tutha Sen, he says, having been driven from Prayag, seized on the country

adjacent to the hills of Butaul, and afterwards seized on the

principality of Champaranya, the capital of which was Rajpur. Now, this

seems highly probable, for Chitaur was taken in about 1306, and

Garsamaran, of which Champaranya was originally a dependency, did not

fall until 1322, while an anarchy prevailed throughout the territories of

Garsamaran until 1346, that is to say, until these were mostly reunited

under the colony from Chitaur, 40 years after the fall of that city. It

is, therefore, unlikely, that the chief who left Chitaur should have seen

his family established in a new dominion; but, that it should have been

his son who accomplished this event, as Samar Bahadur says, is highly

probable. Tutha’s first acquisition on the hills seems to have been

Rishiyang, now an inconsiderable place between Butaul and Palpa. His son

founded Ribdikot in that vicinity, of which it continued to be the

capital, until Palpa was founded by Rudra Sen. It must be observed, that

the accounts procured in Puraniya and Gorakhpur differ totally as to

names, until the time of Chandra Sen, after which they agree tolerably

well, and Rudra was probably the first of the family, as his descendant

alleges, who assumed the title of the Palpa Raja. It is agreed by all,

that the Makanda Sen, the son of Rudra, possessed very extensive

dominions, and might probably have founded a kingdom equal to that which

the Gorkhalese now enjoy, but he had the imbecility to divide his estates

among his four sons. The accounts concerning these sons differ somewhat.

According to what I heard in Puraniya, Manik, the eldest son, obtained

Palpa, Bhringgu received Tanahung, Rajpur the original possession of the

family, was given to Arjun, and Makwanpur, with its hardy mountaineers,

fell to the lot of Lohangga. But the account given in the manuscript of

Rana Bahadur, which here, I think, deserves most credit, is, that the

eldest son was Binayak, who communicated his name to a large territory on

the plain west from the Gandaki, which he received as his patrimony; but

this territory is now most commonly called Butaul, from its chief town,

and in the low country the chiefs are commonly called the Butaul Rajas.

The second son, Manik, obtained Palpa; the third son, Bihangga, (Bhringga

of the Puraniya account,) obtained Tanahung, and Lohangga, the fourth

son, obtained Makwanpur.

I shall now return to the Kiratas, the nation next to the Lapchas, when

they were about to receive Lohangga as their chief.

At that time the country between the Kosi and the Kankayi, and on the

plain so far as the Mahanandah, was subject to Vijayanarayan, whose

ancestors are said to have come from Kamrup. From his title, one might

be led to suppose that he was of the Vihar family; but one of this race,

who was in my service, denied any such relation; and, indeed, as Vijaya

is said to have been the seventh prince of his family, he could scarcely

have been descended of the grandson of the Koch Hajo, ancestor of the

chief’s of Vihar. The natives allege, that the title of the chiefs of

this family was Harbhang Raja, and that the title of his minister was

Bharbhang Mantri. Harbhang Bharbhang, in the provincial dialect, implies

foolish, similar to the notions entertained by the Bengalese of

Havachandra and Bhavachandra of Kamrup, which may perhaps serve to

connect the history of the two dynasties. Not that these princes seem to

have been more foolish than their neighbours, but they probably had some

customs, that appeared extraordinary to their subjects. Two dynasties

are mentioned as having preceded that of the Harbhang Rajas; 1_st_, That

of Kichak Raja, contemporary with Yudhishthir; and, 2_d_, That of the

Satya Rajas, in whose time probably the power of the Kirats or Kichaks

was at the greatest height.

I have received three accounts of the manner in which Vijayanarayan was

overthrown. The first was given me orally by Agam Singha. He says, that

the ancestors of Vijayanarayan originally possessed only the low country

called Morang; but that this prince took into his service his ancestor

Singha Ray, the son of Khebang, who was Hang or hereditary chief of the

Kirats, that occupied the hills north from Morang. When the needy

mountaineers had for some time been accustomed to the luxuries of the

plains, the Raja built Vijayapur, and took the title of Vijaya Bharati,

or victorious over the earth. He soon after took occasion to put the

mountain chief to death, under pretence, that he, being an impure

beef-eating monster, had presumed to defile a Hindu woman. Baju Ray, son

of the mountain chief, immediately retired, and, going to the Rajput

chief of Makwanpur, promised to join him with all his Kirats, if that

prince would enable him to destroy the murderer of his father. This was

accordingly done, and the Hang was constituted sole Chautariya or

hereditary chief minister of the principality, which dignity his

descendants enjoyed, until its total overthrow, and Agam Singha, the last

possessor of the office, accompanied his master, when he fled for refuge

into the Company’s territory, and now lives with the mother of that

unfortunate youth.

The second account was given by the Munsuf of Bahadurgunj, mentioned in

the Introduction. He nearly agrees with the Kirat chief, but says, that

the new dynasty was formed in a manner entirely peaceable. Vijayanarayan

having died without heirs, the Kirat chief, who was the second person in

the government, invited a brother of the Palpa Raja to take possession of

the government.

The third account was communicated to me in writing by Premnarayan Das,

mentioned also in the Introduction. The scribe says, that one day

Vijayanarayan went to Varahachhatra, a place of pilgrimage on the Kosi,

where Vishnu is worshipped under the form of a boar. Here he found a

Sannyasi, Ramanath Bharati, who, warned by a dream, had come from Surya

kunda, and had taken up his residence in a hut near the place of worship,

where he was assiduous in prayer. The Sannyasi having been insolent to

the Raja, a circumstance not at all improbable, the prince had the

audacity to kick him down the hill, and to burn his hut. The god then

appeared to the saint in a human form, and gave him authority of speech,

(Bakya Siddhi,) by which all men would obey his command. Bharati then

went to the poor chief of Makwanpur, who, having been kind and attentive,

was commanded to take possession of the dominions of Vijayanarayan, and

was informed how it might be done.

The account of the Kirat is evidently the most credible, although it is

not unlikely that Ramanath may have been disgusted, and might have been

employed to gain over the people, and to negotiate between the Rajput and

Kirat; but the scribe alleges, that these barbarians were not elevated to

the first office of the state until a later period. However that may be,

in the remainder of the history, I shall follow chiefly his account,

although even there it differs in some particulars from the accounts that

I received both from Agam Singha, and from the Brahman.

Lohangga, on crossing the Adhwara, first subdued a petty chief of the

Magar tribe. He then took possession of a small territory on the plain,

belonging to an Aniwar Brahman. Then he destroyed Mohan Thakur, another

chief of the last mentioned tribe, and seized on his territory, which now

forms the district of Mahatari. He in a similar manner seized on Korani,

belonging to a Bhawar, and probably a descendant of Nandakumar, (p. 129;)

on Khesraha, belonging to Raja Langkeswar; on Rampur belonging to Raja

Muzles; on Pokhari, belonging to Raja Karabandar; on Jhamuna, belonging

to Raja Roja; on Jogoda, belonging to Raja Udaygir; on Dhapar, Kalisa,

and Belka koth, belonging to Raja Karnadeo; on Samda, belonging to

Ballabh deo; and on Karjain, belonging to Dullabh deo, a brother of the

two last mentioned chiefs, who were descended of Saran deo, brother of

Karma Singha and Nandakumar, (p. 129,) as I am informed by Gauri

Chaudhuri, their representative, and now Zemindar of Dhapar, in the

district of Puraniya. All these were petty independent chiefs, whose

territories now form Pergunahs in the Subah of Saptari, belonging to

Gorkha, or in the adjacent parts of the Company’s territory. The

rapacious chief now made an attack on the hill Gidha, but here he was

opposed by a devil, (Dano,) who killed a number of his troops, and

prevailed, until the holy man Ramanath ordered the god Ramkrishna to cut

off the devil’s head, which was accordingly done. The Raja then

descended to Meghvari on the banks of the Kosi, where he learned that

Vijayanarayan had died. He, therefore, left one-half of his troops at

Meghvari, and, advancing with the other, took quiet possession of

Vijayapur, (Bissypur, R.) The nature of these transactions strongly

confirms the account given by Agam Singha, as the force of the petty

district of Makwanpur seems to have been totally inadequate to effect

such conquests; but the junction of the Kirats will readily account for

the success.

Agam Singha says, that during these wars, his ancestor Baju was killed,

and was succeeded by his son Bidyachandra, who relinquished the title of

Hang, and in its stead took that of Chautariya, and who, like all his

successors, assumed a Hindu name, and adopted some degree of purity in

his manner of life.

Lohangga had now acquired a very extensive territory, reaching from the

Adiya on the west to the Mahananda on the east, and from the alps of Bhot

to Julagar near Puraniya. When the Sannyasi had placed the Raja on the

throne, he wished to return to his native country, but, at the

intercession of the prince, he remained some time longer, having been

appointed priest (Mahanta) to a temple (Math) erected at Varaha Chhatra,

and well endowed. According, indeed, to my authority, the priests, his

successors, seem to have held a distinguished place in the state; but,

since the conquest, they have sunk into insignificance, although the

Gorkhalese still allow them ample endowments.

Lohangga had two sons, Raghav’ and Bhagawanta, but rationally left the

whole of his dominions to the former, who, by all other persons except

the scribe, is considered as having been the founder of the family in

these parts, and as a brother of the Raja of Palpa. In his reign

Ramanath delivered over his office to Jagamoban, and disappeared; but he

promised his successor to favour him with an annual visit.

Harihar’, the son of Raghav’, extended his dominions to Gondwara, and

took the title of Hindupati, or chief of the Hindus. His wife, Jagamata,

having been delivered of a daughter of most extraordinary beauty, he, in

his joy, called to her by her name; but, as it is totally contrary to

Hindu law for a man to call his wife Mata, that is, mother, he was under

the necessity of divorcing her, which will, perhaps, show that his

civilians had a considerable skill in discovering legal pretexts for the

actions of their prince. The chief was soon after supplied with other

wives, for, having made war on the Vihar Raja, and taken that prince in

battle, his anger was pacified by obtaining Mahisi and Maheswari, two

beautiful daughters of the descendant of Siva. By Mahisi the Morang Raja

had four sons, Chhatrapati, Padma, Pratap, and one who died an infant.

Maheswari bore only one son, named Subha, to whom his father intended to

leave the whole of his dominions, and, in order to secure his authority,

gave him immediate possession of the territory of Makwani.

After this, Harihar seems to have fallen into a state of dotage, and his

three sons by Mahisi rose upon their aged parent, and put him in

confinement. In this difficulty he applied to Adanuka, the wife of

Chhatrapati, one of these unnatural sons, and promised, if she would

procure his release, that he would leave the whole of his kingdom to the

child with which she was then pregnant. This lady, who seems to have

possessed great abilities, persuaded her husband and his two brothers to

release their father, on condition that the whole kingdom should be

divided into four equal shares, one for each brother. The three sons of

Mahisi then went and attacked their brother, in order to compel him to

agree to this engagement, but they were defeated with great loss, and

retreated to Phulwari, on the Kamala river, where Adanuka was delivered

of a son, whom his grandfather immediately created king of all the

territories east from the Kosi, while he left all on the west of that

river to his son Subha. The father and uncles of the infant had probably

been too much weakened by their defeat to venture on any farther

enterprise of villainy.

I shall now follow the history of Subha, who soon after these events fell

sick, and sent for Ganggadhar, the successor of Jagamohan as priest at

Varaha Chhatra. This person informed the Raja that he was just about to

die, but, as he himself had forty years of life to spare, he would

transfer them to the prince, for whom he had a great regard. The Raja

accepted the offer, and soon after the priest went and buried himself

alive, (Samadi,) a manner of taking leave of the world which is

considered as very laudable, and to this day is occasionally practised at

Varaha Chhatra. The Raja, on the strength of this accession of life,

married a young Rajput named Amarawati, by whom he had two sons, Mahapati

and Manik.

Subha Sen had governed thirty-one years of his additional life, when he

had a dispute with Pradyumna Upadhyaya, a Brahman of Tanahung, who was

his Dewan, or minister of finance. This traitor entered into a

conspiracy with a certain officer named Parasuram Thapa, and, in order to

induce this man to rebel, did not hesitate to give him his daughter in

marriage, although the fellow was of the spurious breed called Khas,

descended by the father’s side alone from the sacred order; and this

would appear to be considered as by far the most reprehensible part of

the Brahman’s offence. Having seized on the old Raja, their master,

these traitors intended to deliver him up to Isfundiyar khan, the Nawab

of Puraniya. By this time Indu Bidhata, the infant who had been made

Raja of Marang, had grown up, and, hearing of his uncle’s misfortune, led

an army against the Nawab and the traitors, and was accompanied by his

brother Budha Sen. Having obtained a victory, he restored his uncle;

but, while they were still in the midst of their joy, Kalu Upadhyaya, a

relation of the treacherous Brahman, contrived to seize on both the uncle

and nephews, and again delivered them to the Nawab, who had made the most

liberal promises. It was on this occasion that the Moslems reduced the

greater part of the low country of Morang, and, in fact, they settled

some free land on the family of the traitor, but to no great extent, and

vastly less than was expected. One of his descendants is now the Munsuf

at Bahadurgunj, mentioned above as one of the persons from whom I

received information respecting this principality.

The unfortunate Subha and his nephews were sent to Dilli, where Muhammed

Azim, then emperor, deprived them of cast by a curtailment of which the

faithful are proud.

Prabodh das, the then Neb, or second hereditary minister of the family,

fled with the two sons of Subha Sen to the Kirats, and his descendant,

who gave me the written account, alleges that it was then only that the

chiefs of this tribe were elevated to the dignity of Chautariya; but in

this, I imagine, he is mistaken.

Mahapati, the eldest son, was placed by the Kirat Bidyachandra Ray on the

throne of all that remained to the family east from the Kamala river,

while the smaller portion west from that river was given to his brother

Manik, to whom Prabodh das adhered; but a Kirat of the same family with

Bidyachandra acted as the Chautariya of Manik, and Mahapati had a Neb of

the family of Prabodh das.

Mahapati married, but neglected his wife, and had eighteen illegitimate

children. Mahapati means elder son, and I was assured by the Munsuf of

Bahadurgunj, that his real name was Mandhata. Here, indeed, I must

follow chiefly the authority of the Munsuf; for the descendant of Prabodh

das is little acquainted with the history of the eastern division, while

the Munsuf was naturally unwilling to speak of the western.

Mandhata governed eighteen or twenty years, and left his territory to his

natural son Kamdatt. I am informed by a Brahman, who had resided long in

these parts, and by an intelligent Kirat, that Kamdatt lived on very bad

terms with Bichitra Ray, the Kirat Chautariya of this part of the

principality, who drove Kamdatt to Lasa, and placed on the throne Jagat,

a younger but legitimate son of the western branch of the family. This

prince reconciled the Chautariya to Kamdatt, and while Jagat reserved to

himself the country between the Kamala and Kosi, he gave all the

territory east from the latter river to his kinsman Kamdatt. Thus the

principality became divided into three shares.

Soon after this Bichitra the Chautariya died, and was succeeded by

Budhkarna his son, with whom Kamdatt continued to live on the worst

terms; sometimes the one, and then the other, being under the necessity

of flying from Vijayapur, which was the seat of government. On one of

these occasions Kamdatt came to the Company’s territory, and applied to

Ghanasyam Upadhyaya, of the family of the traitor who had betrayed Subha

Sen. The Brahman took him to Calcutta; but, receiving no countenance

from the Governor-General, they returned to the frontier, where they

raised some men, with whom Kamdatt recovered the government of Morang.

Kamdatt still farther enraged the Kirat by putting his brother to death,

on which event Budhkarna applied to the legitimate heir of the family,

then in exile, who recommended an alliance with the Sikim Bhotiyas.

Budhkarna having gone to that country, and having formed an alliance with

its rulers, ten men were sent by them under pretence of adjusting the

differences between the prince and his minister. These ruffians, having

been admitted to a conference without suspicion, rushed on Kamdatt and

put him to death. Budhkarna then placed on the throne of Vijayapur the

legitimate heir, Karna Sen, whom the Gorkhalese had then expelled from

the middle principality. He died in about eighteen months afterwards, in

the year 1774, leaving an only son, a boy, under the charge of his widow,

and of his Chautariya Agam Singha, descended in the fifth degree from

Bidya Chandra, who was contemporary, according to Agam Singha, with the

first Rajput prince of this country. In the same year the Gorkhalese

attacked Vijayapur, and the widow fled with her son, and accompanied by

Agam Singha, to the Company’s territory.

The widow, her son, and minister, settled near Nathpur; while Budhkarna,

after some fruitless engagements, went to Calcutta to solicit assistance,

but without success. He soon after came towards the frontier, at

Chilmari in the Company’s territory, from whence he was carried off by a

party of Gorkhalese soldiers disguised like robbers. He was taken to

Vijayapur, where, under pretence of avenging the death of Kamdatt, the

slender claim which the Gorkhalis used to cover their unjust attack on

the infant son of Karna Sen, he was put to the most cruel tortures, which

continued three days before he expired.

The jealousy of Prithwi Narayan of Gorkha did not permit him to view the

poor child, then five years old, without anxious fears. His first plan

was to endeavour to inveigle him into his power, by promising, on

condition of an annual tribute, to restore his inheritance. He next

offered to hold the territories of the youth from the British government,

and to pay an annual sum; for he was cruelly alarmed lest the governor

should interfere. At length he is alleged to have calmed his fears by a

stratagem worthy of his savage nature. A Brahman was hired to insinuate

himself into the favour of the mother, to whom he represented himself as

a person skilled in the inoculation for the small pox. Having gained the

mother’s consent, he performed the operation; but the smallpox did not

appear; in its stead most dreadful ulcerations took place, and the child

perished of a wretched disease. It is in general believed that poison

was used instead of matter, and that the perpetrator was hired by Prithwi

Narayan; for, immediately after the operation, the Brahman disappeared,

and is supposed to have retired to Nepal. The character of the prince

does not leave much room to think that he would hesitate about employing

such means.

The unfortunate widow, deprived of her only hope, seems to have harboured

views of revenge. She sent to Mukunda Sen, the Raja of Palpa, and, as I

have said above, of the same family with her husband, in order to request

one of his sons, whom she might adopt, and to whom she might transfer the

right to the middle and eastern divisions of the principality. The Raja

accordingly sent Dhwajavir, one of his younger sons, who came to Puraniya

in the year 1779, and sent letters to the Deva Dharma Raja, to Sikim, to

the Chaubisiya Rajas, and to the Governor of Bengal, soliciting aid, but

without the least probability of success. He had remained about three

years at Puraniya, and had formed a friendship with Madrapati Ojha, a

Brahman, who managed the estate Dhumgar, within nine coses of the

frontier of Morang. He had also formed a friendship with a Ganes Bharati

Mahanta, a priest, who lived between Puraniya and Dhumgar. This man, in

the year 1782, promised, that, if the youth came to his house, he would

adopt him as his pupil, (Chela), and lend him money, of which the young

man was in much need. On his arrival at the residence of this priest,

various delays and frivolous excuses were made to avoid the performance

of the promises; and the youth was tempted, by an invitation from his

friend Madrapati, to advance to Dhumgar, where he and his attendants were

entertained eight days, in the office where the rents of the estate were

collected. In the night of the eighth day the party were suddenly

awakened by the approach of a body of men; and, on looking out, perceived

that these were armed, and had surrounded the house. The party in the

office now looked for their arms; but these had been removed in the night

without their knowledge. They soon learned, from the language of the

people by whom the house was surrounded, that they were Gorkhalese

soldiers, who ordered them, in opprobrious language, (Nekal Bahenchod,)

to come out. Several who went out were killed, but the Raja remaining

within, and all his people invoking the protection of the Governor and of

the Company, as usual in such cases, the soldiers entered, and said,

there is no Governor nor Company can now give you any assistance. The

Raja soon received a cut in his forehead, and then acknowledged himself;

asking them, whether they intended to carry him away or to murder him.

They replied, that they came for his life; on which he began to pray, and

held out his head, which was cut off with a sword. During the confusion

a Brahman escaped, and repaired to Madrapati, who replied with the utmost

composure that he could give no assistance. The Raja had with him

thirty-four people, of whom fifteen were killed, eleven wounded, and four

carried away. Among the killed were Ripumardan, a natural son of Karna

Sen Raja of Morang, and a messenger from the Sikim Raja, with five of his

attendants. The soldiers were disguised like robbers, and took away such

property as they found with the Raja, more probably to show what they had

effected than for the sake of the plunder, as they gave no disturbance to

the people of the village. From all the circumstances attending the

event, few doubt that the scheme was preconcerted, and that the Mahanta

and Brahman were the agents of the Gorkhalese, to decoy the youth within

their reach.

The poor widow was now totally helpless. She was originally allowed a

pension of 100 rupees a month; but for many years this has been withheld,

and the Zemindars in the Company’s territory are giving her great trouble

respecting some lands, which had been granted her free of rent. Her

sister-in-law died in the year 1810, in Tirahut, where she had some

villages, which she left by will to the unfortunate old lady; but I am

told that the Raja of Darbhangga has seized on them as Zemindar, although

his claim is probably dubious, the grants having been made before the

decennial settlement.

Having thus traced the fate of Mandhata and his descendants, I return to

his brother Manik, who procured the share of the principality that is

west from the Kamala river.

By the Munsuf of Bahadurgunj, Manik is said to have governed his country

quietly for twenty years. Although his share of the principality was one

of the most productive of revenue, as including a large portion of the

plain, he had little power, few of the hardy Kirats being under his

authority; but then he was exempted from the dangers arising from the

turbulence of these mountaineers. He left four sons, Hemcarna, Jagat,

Jaymanggal, and Vikram. The first succeeded his father, and Jagat, as I

have mentioned, was placed by the Kirats in the government of that part

of the principality which is situated between the Kamala and Kosi.

Hemcarna had a son, Digbandan, and a daughter, Maiya Saheb, of most

extraordinary beauty. About this time first rose to notice Prithwi

Narayan Saha, whose ancestors had held the petty territory of Gorkha, in

some measure dependent on the Palpa Rajas, the kinsman of Hemcarna. This

person had by various means acquired some little power, and had induced

the people of Lalita Patan to choose his brother Dalmar-dan Saha for

their king; for they had fallen into anarchy, and had displaced their

lawful sovereign of the Mal family, which had long been in possession of

the three principalities into which Nepal. Proper had been divided.

Prithwi Narayan, about this time, offered himself as a suitor for the

beautiful daughter of Hemcarna, but was rejected with scorn, as a match

far beneath her rank. Soon after, however, he was the fortunate suitor,

but I do not exactly know the period. Hemcarna having died, was

succeeded by his son Digbandan, a very weak prince, in whose affairs his

brother-in-law, Prithwi Narayan, soon began to interfere; and by his

courage, liberality, and strength of understanding, totally drew to

himself the minds of the soldiery. In the year 1761 he openly attacked

his brother-in-law, and took him and his family prisoners. The chief

persons that had resisted his attack he put to death, some by the sword,

some by the rope, and some by flaying them alive. Their children he

delivered to the most vile and abominable tribe, (Sarki,) to be educated

in their odious profession, as outcasts. The captives he conducted to

Nepal, the open attack on which he then commenced; for, until then, he

had contented himself with seizing on the passes, by which the valley is

surrounded, and with fomenting dissensions among the three divisions of

the principality. In 1769, having completed his conquest of Nepal

Proper, he attacked the petty Rajas west from Gorkha, usually called the

Chaubisiya, or Twenty-four. For some time he had rapid success, but in

an engagement with the Tanahung Raja, he was so roughly handled, that he

was compelled to relinquish these conquests. In the meanwhile, his

brother-in-law Digbandan, his wife, and seven sons, were kept in close

confinement, and were only prevented from starving, by a pittance sent to

them by their kinsman the Palpa Raja. What became of the remainder of

these unfortunate persons I cannot say; but in the year 1780 Bhubar, one

of the sons of Digbandan, effected his escape to Betiya, in the Company’s

territory, where he was kindly received, and two villages, free from the

obligation of paying any revenue, were granted to him. He died lately,

and has left two sons, one of whom in 1810 was eight, and the other five

years of age; and these are the undoubted legal heirs to the whole

principality founded by Lobangga Sen.

I have already mentioned, that Budkarna, the Kirat chief of the eastern

division of the principality, discontented with the illegitimacy and

temper of Kamdatt, invited Jagat, a younger son of Manik, to assume the

government, which he accordingly did, but he seems to have been a person

of moderation; he contented himself with the middle portion of the

principality, situated between the Kamala and Kosi, and allowed Kamdatt

to retain whatever was beyond the latter river, for a maintenance, but

not as a sovereign. Jagat usually resided at Chaundandi and Shikarmari,

and died in peace. He had no son, and his dominions went to his brother

Vikram, who left them to his son Karna Sen. In 1773 Prithwi Narayan,

having somewhat recovered from the defeat which the Tanahung Raja had

given him, attacked Karna Sen, and took his dominions. The fugitive

prince, as I have mentioned, was received by Budkharna, the Kirat, as

sovereign of Morang; but I have already given an account of the miserable

events that immediately after happened.

Having now detailed the first origin and total overthrow of the

principality founded by the Rajput Lohangga, I shall mention what I have

learned concerning the nature of the government, which his descendants

administered.

The Raja, in most cases, seems to have given himself very little trouble

about the affairs of government, but was surrounded by Rajputs and Khas

much attached to his person and family, and by Brahmans; by whom both he

and his guards were duped, and who seem to have been the most active

intriguers of the court.

Next in rank to the Raja was the Chautariya, who, as I have said, appears

to me to have always been a Kirat of the family, that had governed his

nation before the union with the Rajputs. The Kayastha alleges, indeed,

that this was not the case; but he appears to me to be either mistaken,

or to have made his representation from hatred to the Kirats, by whose

power the Rajas and their Hindu adherents were very much controlled; for,

setting aside the evidence of Agam Singha, a plain unaffected man, but

who may however be supposed to be influenced by vanity, the Kayastha

pretends, that, until a late period, the office of Chautariya was held by

the family of the perfidious Brahman, who delivered Subha Sen to the

Moslems; but the descendant of that person does not pretend that his

ancestors ever enjoyed the dignity of Chautariya, and says, that they

held the lucrative appointment of Dewan, which will be afterwards

mentioned. The Chautariya signed all commissions and orders, while the

Raja applied his seal. The Raja might punish the Chautariya in whatever

manner he pleased, and even put him to death; but he could not deprive

him of his rank, nor his son of the regular succession. This power of

punishment, however, must have been very much limited, as the Kirats seem

to have been entirely guided by their chief; and they composed almost the

whole strength of the state. The Chautariya was allowed one-tenth part

of the whole revenue.

The ancestor of the Kayastha held, by hereditary descent, the office of

deputy (Neb) Chautariya, and seems merely to have been the person

appointed by the Hindu Raja to carry on the writings necessary to be

executed by the chiefs of the Kirats, who, if we may judge from Agam

Singha, were no great penmen.

Next to the Chautariya was the Kazi or Karyi, to whose office the Raja

might appoint any person that he pleased. The Karyi was usually the most

active person in managing the affairs of government, and received

one-sixteenth of the profits of the whole country.

Next to these was the Dewan, whose office, as I have stated, was

hereditary in a family of Brahmans. The Dewans managed the whole

collections of the territory on the plain, and probably made much more

than either Chautariya or Karyi, which, joined to their birth, gave them

great influence. When the principality subdivided, each Raja had his

Chautariya, Karyi, and Dewan, who formed his council.

The regular military force consisted of two kinds. First, the Rajputs

and Khas, who generally resided near the person of the Raja, and formed

his immediate security. They were by no means numerous, and were usually

paid in money. The other branch of the regular army was more numerous,

and consisted chiefly of Kirats. They were under the orders of Serdars,

but the number of men under each of these was not defined; each was

appointed to command a number proportioned to the supposed extent of his

abilities. The Serdars could at pleasure be removed, or the number of

their troops altered. Each Serdar, in proportion to the extent of his

command, received a quantity of land in the hills, which he subdivided

among his officers and soldiers, reserving a share for himself. He might

at pleasure appoint new soldiers, or remove old ones; but he received no

regular tribute from the lands, although all his men made him presents.

When called upon by the Raja, he was bound to appear in the field with

his stipulated number of men; and a few Kirats, in their turn, were

always on duty at the residence of the prince. When on actual service,

the men were allowed subsistence. The Kirats seem to have been chiefly

armed with swords and bows, their arrows being poisoned. The Rajputs had

fire-arms. It is said, that there were in all 90,000 Kirats able to

carry arms; but not above 5000 or 6000 were considered as regulars. The

others paid rent.

In the hills the management of the police and the collection of the

revenue was entrusted to officers called Subahs, who accounted to the

Dewans for the revenue, but as commanding the militia, were subject to

the Serdars. There were also Zemindars, who appear to have held the

property of the soil, but were allowed to retain only a small portion (15

to 20 bigas) of good land, fit for transplanted rice, and for this they

were held bound to pay three rupees a-year, and to appear in the field as

a militia, when called upon by the Subah. The Zemindar, however, as lord

of the soil was entitled to cultivate, without additional burden, as much

as he pleased of any ground not fit for transplanted rice, and no one

could cultivate such without giving him a present. Every family, except

the Zemindars, who cultivated this kind of ground, paid three rupees

a-year to the Raja, and the men, when required, were bound to appear in

the field. All the land fit for transplanted rice, except that held by

the Zemindars, was Melk or free of revenue. Part had been granted to

Brahmans and temples, and part to various officers of the state, none of

whom were paid in money; but by far the greater part was given to the

Serdars, for the support of their men. Over every three or four villages

the Subah appointed a deputy, called a Duyariya.

In the hilly part of the country, much of the cultivation was carried on

by Adhiyars, who gave to the soldier, officer, or Zemindar that employed

them, one half of the produce for rent. Each family of this kind paid a

rupee a year to the Raja. All persons not employed in agriculture

(Sukhvas and Khosvas) paid eight anas for ground-rent, and two anas for

holidays. No casts were exempted.

In the level country the lands were cultivated by tribes, who had little

or no turn for military affairs, and paid a rent in money, which was

collected under the Dewans by Fouzdars, who managed districts (Garhis) by

means of Chaudhuris, who held manors, (Pergunahs,) and under these by

Mokuddums, who held villages, (Gangs.) In some places the word Pergunah

had not been adopted, but the Chaudhuri held the space between two

rivers, which is called a Khari.

Independent of the Dewans was a register called Suduriya, and, wherever

there was a deputy of the Dewan, the register had also a deputy. In

fact, the Mogul system of finance had been completely introduced, while

in the mountains the Hindu system of military tenure seems to have been

more completely retained.

The trial of civil causes was conducted at the capital by four Bicharis,

who appointed a deputy for the jurisdiction under each Subah, and for

each subdivision; and these judges seem to have had a much greater

authority than is usual in Hindu or Muhammedan governments. Under the

Bicharis and their deputies were petty officers, named Duyariyas, who

arrested offenders, and decided petty suits. These were assisted by

Kotwals, or messengers. The reason of the attention paid to suits seems

to have been, that the Raja took one-fourth of all property recovered by

legal process, and allowed the judge a share; of course, the complainant

usually gained the cause. The principal chance which the defendant had

was giving a bribe higher than the share that the judge would legally

receive; but the Raja was a check on this kind of gain.

In the hilly country there were no duties levied, except at custom-houses

placed on the passes towards the plain, or towards the dominions of Lasa.

On the plain there was a vast variety of duties, similar to those now

exacted, and which will be afterwards detailed.

I shall now proceed to consider the present state of this principality,

in the footing on which it has been placed by the Gorkhalese.

In the first place, it has been divided into districts.

The eastern division of the principality, founded by Lohangga, together

with the part of Sikim, and a portion of Thibet, that have been

conquered, are now divided into two districts, (Zilas,) Morang and

Chayenpur, each under the management of a Subah.

Morang, in a general sense, extends in the low country from the Tista to

the Kosi, for the level country, that formerly belonged to Sikim, has now

been annexed to this district. Its extent, therefore, from east to west,

is rather more than 87 miles. On the low hills, it extends from the

Kankayi to the Kosi, which is about 48 miles. It includes very few or

none of the mountains, and none of the Alps.

The most remarkable places are as follows:

Vijaypur, the residence of the Subah, and of a former dynasty of princes,

is situated on the higher part of the low hills, and is in so much exempt

from the unhealthy air of that region called Ayul, that the people, they

say, can eat three-fourths more there than they can in the lowlands; a

manner of measuring the salubrity of different places, which is in common

use among the natives, but, I suspect, is rather fanciful. The fort is

always garrisoned by regulars, and a Serdar very commonly resides in it,

superintends the conduct of the neighbouring civil officers, and watches

over the frontier.

Samrigarhi is another small fort still occupied.

Chaudanda, until the division of the principality founded by Lohangga,

was most commonly the seat of government. It is now almost entirely

deserted.

Satya Raja is a ruin, which is said to have been the residence of a

dynasty, that governed the country before the ancestors of Vijaynarayan.

Kichak jhar is also a ruin, which is said to have been the residence of

Kichak, the brother-in-law of Virat, king of Matsya, celebrated in Hindu

legend. I am assured by the people of the vicinity, that in a very thick

wood at Kichak jhar there are ruins.

At Sorahbag was the residence of the wife of Vijaybharat, the last king

of the dynasty, which preceded Lohangga.

Varaha kshetra is a temple dedicated to Vishnu, in the form of a boar.

During the government of the former dynasty, the priests (Mahanta) of

this temple seem to have had great weight; and their successor enjoys

some land, and the whole duties collected at a neighbouring custom-house,

(Chatra Gola.) The place is still frequented by a good many pilgrims,

but the number has, of late, considerably diminished. This is a place

where holy persons sometimes bury themselves alive, and on such

occasions, are supposed to be endowed with the gift of prophecy. The

buildings are not considerable, and, of late, have become ruinous.

The market places (Hats) are 24 in number, as will appear by the map.

The Golas, or custom-houses, are frequently changing, and, of late, have

mostly been placed near the frontier, and removed from the hills.

At present, Morang is divided into three Taluks, or districts. Each is

under the charge of a deputy collector, or Fouzdar. The first has under

him one Chaudhuri, or Zemindar; the second has four Chaudhuris; and the

third three Chaudhuris. The land, under this Subah’s authority, is

divided into Pergunahs.

Rupees Sayer

1. ( Nangang and Dhapar, 5,000 ) 1,300

land rent,

( Beli, 600 )

( Futehhari, 4,500 )

( Gogra, 7,500 ) 1,000

( Hathiya Simar, 450 )

(

2. ( Mangar, 250 )

( Beliya, 700 )

( ) 2,500

( Kuthor, ) 12,500 )

( Bariyati, ) )

( Harchand garhi, 14,500 ) 1,600

3. ( Kerayan, 1,125 )

( Atmanza, 7,000 1,100

( Mechpali and Latang, 400

-------- --------

R. 54,025 R. 7,500

Total land rent, R. 54,025

Do. Sayer, 7,500

Kascharai, or rent for 24,000

pasture,

Khayer Sal, or duty on 3,000

Catechu,

Kathmahal, or duty on 38,000

timber,

Chiriyamahal, or duty 500

on birds,

Customs at the Golas,

Chatra, (given to a R. 1,500)

temple,

Vijayapur, 2,000

Raksa, 800

Latang, 600

Rotoya, 1,000

---------

4,400

---------

Total Rupees 131,425

The land rent is levied by so much on each crop, by a biga of nine common

cubits the Katha, equal to 72,900 square feet. The following was the

rate at the time when I procured the account; but the chief of the

village, (Mokuddum,) for every hundred bigas that pay rent, is allowed

five free of that charge.

Rate in the year Sambat 1868, A.D. 1810.

By the country measure. By the Calcutta

measure.

_Rupees_. _Anas_. _Anas_. _Pies_.

Sali or rice 3 5 10 5½

Maruya and 2 11 8 6

Mustard

Cotton and patuya 2 4 7 0

or corchorus

Kitchen gardens 5 0 15 9½

and tobacco

Sugar-cane 4 0 12 7½

No other crop pays any thing, and the tenantry pay no ground rent for

their houses. The Calcutta Biga is one-third of an English acre, and the

rupee weighs 179½ grains of silver; it is divided into 16 anas, and the

ana into 12 pies.

The settlement in the year Sambat 1846, soon after the conquest, was

considerably lower, but more crops were included.

The duties called Sayer include a capitation on artists, a duty on the

sale of oxen and buffaloes, on marriages, on the contract with a

concubine, on grain exported, on all things sold at Hats or markets, and

on adulterers.

The duty on Catechu I have already explained.

The management of the mines is not entrusted to the care of the Subahs.

The whole amount which the Subah collected in the year 1809–10 is said to

have been 131,425 rupees, out of which the Subah pays 80,000 rupees to

government; and his share of the Rajangka, and presents to the twelve

great officers of state, usually amount to 20,000 rupees more; but this

is probably compensated by similar exactions that he makes from his

inferiors. He, however, incurs a heavy expense in furnishing the regular

troops with provisions, which he must do at a price fixed by government,

and which is always far below the market price; but he squeezes a great

part of this from the neighbouring tenantry. Colonel Kirkpatrick {154}

estimates the nett revenue of this territory, which he calls East Turrye,

at from 125,000 to 150,000 rupees, including, perhaps, Rajangka and

mines.

Each village (Gang) is under a Mokuddum, who has five _per cent_. of the

land free of rent; a Patwari or clerk, who has one-half ana on the rupee

of rent, and two anas a-year on each house, both from the tenants, and

gives one-half of this to his superiors, the Mohurers, who are registers

to the Fouzdars, and to the Kanungo, who is register to the Subah. The

messengers (Gorayits) from every house get about two loads of the ears of

rice, which give about one _man_ (82 lbs. avoirdupois) of grain; so that,

neither on account of the village establishment, nor on that of the

Kanungoes or his clerks, (Mohurer,) is there any deduction from the above

sum; but the Subah pays several heavy establishments.

At his chief office, it amounts to about 3500 rupees a-year. There are,

besides the Fouzdars, Chaudhuris and armed men, at the three subordinate

divisions for the land rent and sayer.

The Subah, being a merchant of Banaras, keeps the Catechu at his own

disposal, and, besides the duties, has probably much profit on this

article as a merchant.

The duties on timber are formed in three lots, to three Fouzdars, and the

nett proceeds only have been included.

The rents on pasture are farmed on the same plan to two Fouzdars.

His whole establishment, therefore, does not probably exceed 7000 rupees

a-year.

Two captains (Subahdars) have lands in the district for the maintenance

of 300 men.

The Subah, as judge, receives 25 _per cent_. on all sums recovered in his

court, but the greater part of this goes to the Raja. The Subah,

however, always receives presents from the defendant, when the suit is

given in his favour, and he has fees in the management of the police.

The avowed profits, in the management of justice and police in the year

1809–10, are said, in even numbers, to have been 15,000 rupees.

The inhabitants of Vijaypur, towards the east, are chiefly Koch or

Rajbangsis, who are considered as the same, live on the plain, and speak

the dialect of Bengal; on the lower hills are many Mech. Both these

tribes are original inhabitants of Kamrup. In the western parts, most of

the cultivators are of the Gangaye cast, who speak the dialect of

Mithila, and adhere to the doctrines of purity, as established in that

country. On the hills, the people are mostly Khas, or a mixed breed

between the mountain Hindus and natives, with some Rajputs, and some

Magars, who have been lately introduced.

The northern part of the eastern division of the principality, founded by

Lohangga, has been lately formed into a distinct district, and its Subah

resides at Chayenpur. The hilly parts of Sikim, so far as has been

subdued, and a portion of Thibet, bordering on the Arun river, have been

annexed to the jurisdiction, which is bounded by the Sengkhuya Arun, and

Kausiki on the west, and by the Tista on the east, extending between 80

and 90 miles in these directions, and perhaps about 60 or 70 from north

to south. It consists altogether of lofty mountains, rising, in many

parts, to the most tremendous Alps.

The land revenue, I am told, is very trifling, the whole almost being

held by military tenure; but I did not learn the particulars. The chief

revenues are the customs at Golas, mines, and capitation, (Rajangka,) but

the two last are not collected by the Subah. There is no Sayer.

The forts are Chayenpur, about two or three coses from the Arun,

Changiya, Hedang, a large place towards the frontier of Thibet,

Darjiling, and Sikim.

The Golas, or custom-houses, are Ilam, Majhuya, Bilasi, Tangting,

Huchi-Mechi, Dimali, and Satang, all in the territory formerly belonging

to the Sikim Raja. The Gorkhalese have no connection with Thibet in that

quarter, because the route is still in possession of the Sikim Raja.

Chayenpur, however, has a considerable trade with Thibet by that part of

the country which is near the Arun. Hatiya on the Arun, and Alangchang

on the Tambar, are at present the marts established for this commerce.

Formerly it was carried on at Pokang in the middle between the two

rivers. People can pass to the two former all the year; the trade at

Pokang was confined to summer. The goods imported at these places from

Thibet are salt carried on sheep, gold, silver, musk, and musk-deer

skins, the tails called Chaungris, blankets, borax, Chinese silks, and

medicinal herbs. The goods sent from Chayenpur are rice, wheat, maruya,

(Cynosurus corocanus,) uya, a grain, oil, butter, iron, copper, cotton

cloths, broadcloth, catechu, myrobalans, (harra bahara,) planks of the

Dhupi, pepper, and spices, indigo, tobacco, hides, otters’ fur,

sugar-candy, and extract of sugar-cane, occasionally some pearls.

The route from Vijaypur to Pokang is said to be as follows in days

journeys:

1. To Mulghat on the Tambar river. The road hilly, but not mountainous.

Much cultivation. No river of note.

2. To Dhankuta, or Dhankot. The same kind of country. Cross the

Tambar.

3. To Ukhaliya. Country more hilly, and less cultivated. Several small

rivers, especially the Mangmay.

4. To Jaresang, a town in a plain well cultivated country.

5. To the Leghuya river, where there is a fine valley. The road passes

over low hills.

6. To Dobhang. The road hilly, but in many parts cultivated. Cross the

Piluya river below Chayenpur Fort. Dobhang is situated on the Soyeya

river, near where it joins the Arun.

7. To Tamlingtar, a smooth road fit for horses. It stands between the

Soyeya and the Arun, which are about 1⅔ coses distant from each other.

This is the largest place in the district, and is said to be about the

size of Kirtipur, in the valley of Nepal, which, I suppose, may contain

6000 people; but Tamlingtar is not built with brick, as is the case with

Kirtipur. The plain round it is very considerable, extending twelve

coses north and south, and four coses east and west. The plain is

bounded on the west by the Arun, and is not quite so cool as Kathmandu,

nor is it fully cleared.

8. To Tamling, a smooth road fit for horses. Tamling is about three

coses east from the Arun.

9. To Segeya, a smooth road fit for horses. The country is well

cultivated. Segeya is a day’s journey east from the Arun.

10. To Lum, a good road.

11. To Jupha, a very hilly road with steep ascents and descents, but

much cultivation.

12. To Jholangghat, on the Arun, where there is a bridge suspended by

rattans.

13. To Hedang, the route being on low hills by the west side of the

Arun. West from Hedang two days journey, is Meyangma, a snowy mountain,

and at the same distance east is another named Mirgu.

14. To Komba, a village of Bhotiyas, at a distance from the Arun, and

formerly at least the residence of a Lama, who was supposed to be an

incarnation of God.

15. To Chamtang, another village inhabited by Bhotiyas, and at a

distance from the Arun.

16. To Seksula, or Seksura, on the Arun. Some accounts place it on one

side, and some on the other of the Arun. It is a village of Bhotiyas,

and part may be on each side of the river, which is crossed on a bridge

of rattans.

17 and 18 to Pokang. The country is not very hilly, but so high and

cold, that it is frequented only in summer by shepherds and traders who

attend the mart.

From Seksula, proceeding on the west side of the Arun, you have,

17. Hatiya, a Bhotiya village, where there is a mart.

18. Chipachintang, another Bhotiya village belonging to Gorkha. A

little way beyond it is Manigumba, a village subject to Lasa.

The Arun here would seem to pass through the highest ridge of the snowy

mountains. The Kirat, who gave me the map of the eastern parts of the

principality, names the portion of these mountains towards the east

Papti, and says, that between it and Mirgu, mentioned above, there is a

large valley; but, except near the Arun, it has no regular inhabitants.

In summer it is frequented by shepherds alone; but he would not appear to

have been acquainted with its eastern parts; for, though he admits that

the Tambar rises from Papti, and afterwards passes through Mirgu, he knew

nothing of the Gola that is there, and is called Alangchang. South from

Mirgu is another high ridge; but the snow that occasionally falls on it

in winter soon melts. The Kirat calls it Ichhanglima; I have no doubt

that it is the Phakphok of the map made by the slave; for the Kirat says,

that the Kankayi rises from Mirgu, and passes through a gap in

Ichhanglima. The slave in his map says that Phakphok is the proper

source of the Kankayi, but admits, that it receives a stream from the

snowy mountains. The Kirat alleged that the hollow between Mirgu and

Ichhanglima is overgrown with immense forests occupied by elephants and

rhinoceroses, which is scarcely reconcilable with its necessary

elevation; and the compiler of the other map represents it as a well

inhabited country, which is the most probable account, as the Kirat had

not visited that part.

On the west side of the Arun, again, the Kirat places Syamphelang as the

highest ridge of snowy mountains, and he seemed to think, that the very

highest peak visible, and bearing about N. by W. from Nathpur, was part

of this mountain connected with this, but leaving between them the valley

watered by the Tarun, is another snowy mountain, which the Kirat calls

Meyangma, but which the slave who constructed the map calls Salpa pahar.

The inhabitants of the eastern parts of Chayenpur have been already

mentioned. In the western parts the most numerous tribe is Kirat, next

Limbu, then Magar, lately introduced as soldiers, then Khas and Rajputs.

There are also Murmis, and towards the N.W. Bhotiyas.

The middle part of the principality of Lohangga has also been divided

into two districts under Subahs. The first comprehends the southern

portion called Saptari, but the low land between the Rato and Kamal,

named Mahatari, which formerly belonged to the western division of the

principality, has lately been placed under the authority of this Subah.

His jurisdiction, therefore, on the plain extends about 100 miles from

east to west, and its width there is nearly the same as that of Morang;

so that it possesses more level land. Very little of the hilly country

belongs to it, as Khatang and Makwanpur come far down and meet at the

Kamal.

The most remarkable places in this district are Naragarhi, a small fort

on the plain, where the Subah usually resides; Bhemagarhi, another

similar place, where he occasionally resides; and Janakpur, a place of

pilgrimage noted in Hindu fable, and already mentioned as the seat of a

very ancient dynasty. I am told that there are no remains of former

power or greatness.

There are ten market-places.

The Golas, or custom-houses, are placed in the map.

The land-rent is collected by two Fouzdars, one for Saptari, the other

for Mahatari; but these also collect some trifling dues which have not

been let with the sayer or duties on markets; for there is no regular

system of finance. These dues are those on marriages, (Bihadani,) on

contracts of concubinage, (Sagora,) and a fine on adulterers of rupees

2-10/16, levied by the collector, besides the fine that goes to the Raja;

for the man who has farmed the duties on the markets takes a part of the

fine, amounting to rupees 2-10/16. The following will show the sums

collected on these heads in the year Sambat 1867, (A.D. 1809.)

ZILA. SAPTARI. Land-rent. Marriages. Concubines. Adulterers.

Pergunah Khalisa 10,015 75½ 50 25

Jagadal 2,485 25 12½ -

Pakri 13,345½ 55½ 25 30

Maljhumna 754½ 15 5 -

Rayjhumna 941½ 25 7½ 10

Pakuya 855½ 10 5 5

Gudagari 501½ 25 7½ 20

Rampurbehara 481 - 5 -

Mahishan 501½ 20 5½ -

Khonjvaghni ) Totally waste

Majhoya )

Dhanchhoyar )

Vihar )

------- ------- ------- -------

Total 29,881 251 123 90

ZILA. MAHATARI. Land-rent. Marriages. Concubines. Adulterers.

Pergunah Mahatari 9,115½ 103 50 25

Korari 10,025 40½ 10 16

Khesraha 11,212 50 25 -

Pihan 7,855½ 80 40 65

-------- -------- -------- --------

Total Rupees 38,208 273½ 125 106

The establishment is nearly similar to what is maintained in Vijaypur. A

great part of the rents are farmed. The rent is paid by so much a biga

for each kind of crop. The biga is of the same size as in Morang. The

following is the rate:

According to Country According to Calcutta

measure. measure.

Rupees. Anas. Anas. Pies.

Rice (Sali) 4 10 14 7¼

Mustard (Turi) 3 10 11 6¾

)

Corocanus

(Maruya) )

Cotton 3 12 11 10

Tobacco and 5 0 15 9½

Kitchen Gardens

All ranks pay the same rate. Tradesmen pay a ground rent for their

houses of rupees 5. 10. included in the land-rent, and a capitation tax

to the Sayer of rupees 1. 10. Those who have regular shops in the

market-places pay to the Sayer rupees 7. 10, and nothing for ground rent.

Washer-men, barbers, tailors, and shoe-makers, pay no capitation.

The Sayer, consisting of the capitation on tradesmen, and of the duties

levied on goods sold, and grain exported, is farmed to two men for

Saptari, one paying 3254 rupees, and the other 3?35½; and for Mahatari,

to one man paying 6595½.

The rents on the pasture of buffaloes is farmed at 1431 rupees for

Saptari, and 3956⅛ rupees for Mahatari.

The duty on those who make catechu is farmed in Saptari for 1015 rupees,

and in Mahatari for 1212 rupees.

The duties on timber are farmed in Saptari for 2462 rupees, and in

Mahatari for 2225 rupees.

The duties on boats loaded with timber are farmed in Saptari for 2441

rupees, and in Mahatari for 345.

The duty on birds for both is farmed at 698½ rupees.

The duties levied at the Golas, or custom-houses, have been farmed for

three years at 100,000 rupees, or 33,333⅓ a year; but in this bargain are

included the duties at Varaha kshetra and Vijaypur, for which the renter

pays 1500 rupees annually to the priest of the former place, and 2000 to

the Subah of Morang; so that the customs here are actually farmed at

29,833 rupees a-year. The person who has farmed these rents, Achal

Thapa, resides at Bhangraruya on the Kosi, and has endeavoured to secure

a monopoly; but his plans have not been very successful, and he will be a

heavy sufferer by the interruptions of commerce that have ensued in

consequence of the disputed frontier.

The total revenue collected by the Subah is as follows:

Rupees

Land-rent and several casualties 68,957

Pasture 5,386

Catechu 2,227

Timber cutters 4,687

Duties on boats loaded with timber 2,786

Duties on birds 698

Customs at Golas 29,833

Duties on markets or Sayer 12,985

---------

Total 127,559

Exclusive of the Rajangka or income tax, he pays to the Raja 58,000

rupees a-year.

There is very little land granted for the support of the army, or

officers of government, and no great religious establishment.

At Jaleswar, in Mahatari, south from Janakpur, the Raja has a manufacture

of saltpetre and gunpowder.

There is only one mine of iron at Sisuya, near the Kosi.

The Tharu cast, resembling, in its manners, the Gangayi of Morang,

composes the greatest part of the population on the plain. Next to

these, are nearly equal parts of the impure Bhawars, and of the military

and agricultural tribe of Brahmans, called Aniwar, both of whom have, at

different times, been sovereigns of the country. Immediately under the

hills are many Batars, who speak the Hindwi language. The lower hills

are occupied by Sringguyas, a branch of the Limbu tribe, and by Magars,

and Rajputs or Khas. The Magars have been lately introduced.

The northern parts of this middle division of the principality of

Lohangga, form the jurisdiction of the Subah of Khatang, who possesses an

extensive region of mountains, bounded by the Arun on the east, and on

the west by the Tamba Kosi, which separates it from the territory of

Bhatgang, one of the three principalities into which Nepal Proper was

divided. Towards the south it descends to the Kamal, which, in part,

separates it from Makwanpur. On the north it is bounded by the snow

hills, which separate it from Thibet or Lasa, and, in this part, advance

far south.

The land revenue has been almost entirely granted to the different

officers of the Gorkhalese government, and there is no Sayer, nor

customs, so that the Raja chiefly receives the income tax, (Rajangka,)

fines, and the profits of mines. The Subah pays only 12,000 rupees

a-year, and about 3000 rupees as Rajangka. This district maintains two

companies of 120 fusileers each.

The forts are Hedang, where the Subah resides; Chaudandi, where the Rajas

formerly lived; Rawa, near the junction of the San and Dudh Kosis;

Chariyagarhi, on the Kamal; and Hatuya, at the junction of the San Kosi

and Arun, where a Serdar often has a military station.

At the temple of Siva in Halesi, where the Dudhkosi and Sankosi unite, is

a very great fair in February.

With Thibet there are two routes of communication.

On the Dudhkosi is Lamja, to which the Bhotiyas come at all seasons. The

Alps extend two day’s journey beyond it, on the banks of the Dudhkosi;

afterwards there is a plain country. The road from Kalesi to Lamja Gola

is as follows:

One day’s journey to Rawa, a large town with a fort. The country fully

occupied.

One day to Hakula, a large village. The country here, also, is well

inhabited.

One day’s journey to Jubing, a large village.

One day to Ghat, a village inhabited chiefly by Bhotiyas, the climate

being too cold for the mountain Hindus.

One day’s journey from thence to Lamja, also inhabited by Bhotiyas. The

imports are as usual from that country, but there are no duties.

The other route to Thibet, from this district, is towards Dudhkunda, a

place in Thibet, where there is a very great annual fair. The road,

commencing at Lengleng, at the junction of the Tamha and San Kosi, is as

follows:

One day to Namari, a large village.

One day to Jirikampti, where the Raja of Gorkha has 10,000 or 12,000 cows

on fine plain land, kept waste on purpose.

One day to Gama, a large village inhabited by Bhotiyas.

One day to Goyang, a similar village.

One day to the snowy mountain Pangmo. Dudhkunda is a little way among

the Alps, but is subject to Thibet.

The commerce by the Tamba kosi goes by Phala, a Gola or custom-house in

the former territory of Bhatgang.

The roads from the San Kosi to the mountains are difficult, but, for a

part of the way, people can ride on horseback.

From Chatra to Nepal the road is rather better, but, in many places, the

rider must dismount. After, however, passing the falls of the Kosi at

Chatra, the San Kosi is navigable in canoes, to the junction of the Risu,

where it turns to the north. The Arun is navigable to Hedang.

The best route, by land, from Chatra to Nepal, is as follows:

On the first day’s journey, cross the Kosi to Mayna, and then the San

kosi to Lasuniya.

A day’s journey from Lasuniya to Kuta.

One day’s journey to Khatang, which may be five or six coses north from

the San kosi.

From Khatang to Kamtel, one day.

To Halesi, at the junction of the Dudhkosi, one day.

To Teliya, about three coses from the San kosi, one day.

To Bangnam, on the west of the Lekho, one day.

To Chupulu, one day.

To Mantali ghat, on the Tamba kosi, one day. The village is on the west

side.

To Puchi ghat, on the San kosi, one day.

To Dumja, on the Rusi, one day.

To Dapcha, on the north side of the Rusi, one day.

To Banipa, at the head of the Rusi, on the hills that bound the valley of

Nepal, one day.

The mines in this district are numerous, as will appear from the map.

There are no markets, (Hats,) but some shops in all the towns.

The chief place in Khatang is Dalka, on the Tamba kosi, upon a plain

extending to Puchigat, on both sides of the Tamba kosi, and about a cose

in width. This valley extends down the San kosi, from one-half to one

cose in width. Dalka is a town like Timmi, in the valley of Nepal,

which, I suppose, may contain 4000 people, and is chiefly inhabited by

Newars, and built of brick. At it there is a celebrated temple of Bhim

Sen, one of the sons of Pandu. The Pujari is a Newar, and the temple is

considered as the eastern boundary of Nepal Proper.

The most valuable district which the Raja of Nepal possesses, is that

which formed the western division of the principality, founded by

Lohangga, although the district called Mahatari has been separated, and

annexed to the Subah of Saptari. The Subah of this district resides

usually at Makwanpur, on the hills, but, in the cold season, he visits

the plains and resides at Baragarhi, from whence he is often called the

Baragarhi Subah. His jurisdiction extends from the Rato, on the east, to

the Trisul Gangga, and Gandaki, on the west; and from the Company’s

territory, on the south, to the San kosi, and Rusi, on the north. In

some parts, towards the north, this boundary was disputed between the

Rajas of Patan, in Nepal, and the Rajas of Makwanpur. One would

naturally have supposed, that the boundary would have been determined by

the mountain called Lama dangra, which extends from the Trisul gangga to

the Arun, and which, except by the Vagmati or Vagwati, is crossed by no

river, all those from its north side falling into the Trisul gangga,

Vagmati, or Kosi. In fact, where I passed this mountain at Chisapani, a

little above the fort, I was shown an old wall on the summit, which was

said to have been the boundary; but I am told, that the copper mine on

the north side of the hill belongs to Makwani, and that the boundary goes

thence obliquely towards the north-east, so that it includes many

villages between Lama Dangra, and the Rusi, and San kosi rivers.

When Colonel Kirkpatrick visited Nepal, {168a} it would appear that the

Subah of Makwanpur, or Baragarhi, governed the whole country from the

Kosi to the Gandaki, divided into five Zilas, which he names Subtuni,

(Saptari,) Mohtuni, (Mahatari,) Rohuttut or Rohtut, Bareh, (Baragarhi,)

and Persa, (Pasara.)

One-half of this territory is on the level country, called Tariyani, and

is exactly on the same footing with the level of Morang, Saptari, and

Mahatari.

About one-fourth of the district consists of low hills, very thinly

occupied; and one-fourth consists of high mountains.

The most remarkable places of strength are the fort of Makwanpur, where

the Rajas formerly dwelt; Hariharpur, commanding the Vagmati; Sinduli,

(Seedly R.) and Chisapani, commanding two passages through the mountain

called Lama dangra; Chayenpur, on the San kosi; and Kumbi, Gar Pasara,

Kurarbas and Baragarhi, commanding the plain. Chisapani, the most

important, and Gar Pasara, both of which I have seen, are altogether

contemptible; and it is probable that the others are still worse.

Baragarhi, (Barra Gharry,) according to Colonel Kirkpatrick, {168b} is a

mean place, containing 30 or 40 huts, and its fort is not more

respectable than Gar Pasara. In the whole district, there is not one

considerable town.

At Hethaura, Sinduli, and Bichhakhori, customs are collected, but none of

them are marts for the sale of goods. On the plain country are several

markets, (Hats,) but I have not learned the names nor situations of the

whole.

I did not learn the particulars of the revenue of this district, but was

told at Kathmandu, in a general way, that the Subah pays annually 100,000

rupees. Colonel Kirkpatrick {169} estimates the money annually remitted

by the Subah at 200,000 rupees; but then this Subah held also Saptari,

which, paying now 58,000 rupees, should leave 142,000 for the present

territory; but, in what Colonel Kirkpatrick states as the remittance, the

Rajangka was perhaps included. There are, besides, many mines. The

greater part of the hills has been granted in Jaygir to various officers.

The plains alone are rented on account of the court.

On the plains, the population consists chiefly of Tharus and Aniwars.

The great cast on the hills is the Murmi, and this is also the case on

the north of the valley of Nepal. About the forts are some Rajputs, many

of the spurious breed of Khas, and a good many Magars.

The inhabitants of this part of the Tariyani, which I had an opportunity

of seeing, are quite the same in their circumstances, language, dress,

persons, and customs, with the Hindus of the northern part of Behar. The

peasantry are extremely nasty, and apparently indigent. Their huts are

small, dirty, and very ill calculated to keep out the cold winds of the

winter season, for a great many of them have no other walls but a few

reeds supported by sticks in a perpendicular direction. Their clothing

consists of some cotton rags, neither bleached nor dyed, and which seem

never to be washed. They are a small, hard-favoured people, and by no

means fairer than the inhabitants of Bengal, who are comparatively in

much better circumstances.

Having finished my account of the principality, founded by Lohangga, the

youngest son of Mukunda, in the eastern parts of the territory, now

subject to Gorkha, I proceed to give an account of the territory adjacent

to the west, which fell to the lot of the other branches of the same

family.

Makunda Sen the 1st, when he provided for his sons, gave Champaranya to

his brother, who left it to his son Rama Singha, descended of whom was

another Makunda Sen, whose son, or grandson, is supposed to have been

destroyed by the ghost of a Brahman, whom he had offended, and the

country now belongs to the Raja of Betiya. This is an account given by

Samar Bahadur. Others say, that Rama Sen, or Rama Singha, was a son of

Makunda the 1st, who obtained Tilpur and Rajpur, both in the Company’s

territory, as I intend hereafter to describe.

I have already mentioned, that Binayak, said to be the eldest son of

Makunda, received the territory on the plain now called Butaul. Jasu

Sen, the son of Binayak, did nothing worth remark, but left his patrimony

to his son Damodar Sen, who, in the same manner, begat Balabhadra Sen,

and he begat Ambar Sen, who succeeded to Palpa, the line of Manik having

failed. He was succeeded by his son Gandharba Sen, who begat Udyata Sen,

but survived his son, and was succeeded by Makunda Sen, his grandson, who

had wars with most of his neighbours, conquered Gulmi, and recovered some

of his dominions that had been seized by the Raja of Gorkha. In the

course of his wars with a Muhammedan Nawab, he took some guns and flags,

as trophies of victory. He had five sons. 1. Mahadatta S. who

succeeded. 2. Suravir S. 3. Karuvir S. 4. Chandravir S. And, 5.

Dhwajavir S. Mahadatta had three sons. 1. Prithwi Pal S. 2. Rana

Bahadur S. And, 3. Samar Bahadur S. Prithwi Pal S. succeeded his

father, and left one son named Ratna Sen, who is the present

representative of the family. This is the account contained in the

manuscript composed by Rana Bahadur, already mentioned. I shall now give

some farther detail.

Gandharba Sen of Palpa and Binayakpur made a considerable addition to his

dominions, having, with the assistance of his allies, the Rajas of Gulmi

and Kachi, seized on the territories of an impure Magar chief, who

resided at Balihang. This chief, of whose family there are no remains,

had large possessions, both on the hills and plains, especially on the

latter. These were divided among the three allies, Palpa taking the best

share. There was a small territory, however, called Khidim, about the

division of which the three chiefs could not agree. After much

squabbling, it was determined that it should be given to a Brahman, whose

descendants held it, until the country was seized by the late Raja of

Gorkha and Nepal, who gave it to his father-in-law, the Raja of Gulmi.

Makunda Sen the 2d held Binayakpur Palpa and a great part of Balihang,

and was at the head of an alliance of petty chiefs, composed of Gajarkot,

Rising, Ghiring, Argha, Khachi, and Gulmi, which last, after a vain

attempt at conquest, he was obliged to relinquish. Narabhupal, Raja of

Gorkha, had married his aunt, daughter of Gandarbha, and he received

kindly at his court his cousin Prithwi Narayan, the son of Narabhupal,

while that chief was a young man, very slenderly provided. One of

Prithwi’s most early acts was to subdue the three first mentioned allies

of Makunda; but from their territories he was soon expelled, and this is

what in the manuscript is called recovering part of his dominions from

Gorkha. After the death of Prithwi Narayan, his son Singha Pratap showed

so much favour to a Swarup Singha, whom he had raised from a low rank to

the important office of Karyi, that, on account of the envy which was

excited, the favourite was under the necessity of flying to the Company’s

territory. There some European gentlemen took notice of him, and

supported him with money. Having introduced himself to the unfortunate

widow of Karna Sen, chief of the eastern branch of the family, whose only

child, as I have already mentioned, had been poisoned by the intrigues of

Prithwi Narayan, Swarup obtained authority from this lady to proceed to

Palpa for assistance; and having gone there, Makunda gave him his

youngest son Dwaja vir to be adopted by the old lady, and to assert the

claims of his family. The melancholy fate of this youth has been already

detailed. At the time of his murder Swarup Singha was at Calcutta,

soliciting assistance. On his return he was invited to Kathmandu, and

all envy, it was said, having died away, large promises were made, and

the mother of the Raja’s heir gave an oath, that he should meet with no

harm. Immediately, however, after his arrival he was confined, and in

less than a year he was killed.

Makunda Sen procured from the Nawab Vazir a grant of the extensive estate

of Tilpur, and of that part of Rajpur, which is on the west side of the

Gandaki, and had once, as lately mentioned, belonged to a branch of his

family; but in the latter he never acquired proper authority, owing to

the intrigues of the Kanungo, or register.

This enterprising chief married the eldest daughter (Maha Kumari) of his

ally the Raja of Argha, and on this occasion presented his father-in-law

with an estate situated on the plain, and called Tuppah Bandar; although

he continued to pay the revenue to the Nawab. This was part of the spoil

taken from Balihang by his grandfather.

Mahadatta Raja of Palpa was very much in favour with Asofud Doulah, the

Nawab Vazir, who confirmed to him all his hereditary or acquired lands on

the plains, at an easy rate; and, going there frequently to hunt, seems

to have amused himself with the Raja’s children. The youngest son Samar,

a lame but shrewd man, seems in particular to have attracted his notice,

and he bestowed on him the title of Nader Shah, by which he is much

better known than by his proper name.

Mahadatta also entered into the strictest alliance with Bahadur Sahi,

younger son of Prithwi Narayan, and regent of Gorkha during the minority

of his nephew Rana Bahadur. In order to cement the friendship, Mahadatta

gave his daughter in marriage to the regent, which, on account of her

birth, was considered as a very honourable connexion for the chief of

Gorkha. These friends soon entered into a most iniquitous combination.

The Gorkha family had hitherto entirely failed in all their attempts to

extend their dominions to the west, and, if Palpa had continued to assist

the neighbouring Rajas, it is probable, that their resistance to Gorkha

might have been continued with success; but the father and son-in-law

agreed, that they should make a common cause, and divide the spoil. This

scheme completely succeeded, and Damodar Pangre, a Khas by birth, but

representative of one of the chief families in Gorkha, and a most gallant

officer, was sent in command of the regent’s forces. After the conquest,

Damodar took for his master the lion’s share, but allowed Mahadatta to

retain as master Gulmi, Argha, and Kachi, three of the states that had

been long in alliance with his family, and which he was bound to protect,

not only by the duty of alliance, but of kindred, for the Raja of Argha

was his uncle. The other three allies, who had been saved by his father,

were abandoned to the power of Gorkha, and annexed to Nepal. Mahadatta

was very soon forced to eat the fruit of his villany. Damodar advanced

the conquests of his nation to the west, and, having subdued Kumau, all

resistance to his force on the hills was in vain, and Mahadatta was soon

deprived of all the hope of protection, that he might have had from the

power of his son-in-law the regent, the young Raja of Gorkha having put

his uncle to death. The friendship of the Nawab Vazir, however, saved

Mahadatta, nor was any encroachment made on Palpa, so long as he lived.

Prithwi Pal succeeded his father, when very young, and was endowed with

great personal vigour, nor was he, I believe, at all scrupulous about

means; but he seems to have been rash and credulous, which rendered him

totally unable to resist the wiles of the people of Gorkha, who were

afraid to use open violence, on account of his connexion with the Nawab

Vazir. They did not therefore molest his ancient dominions, nor any of

the territory that he had acquired on the plains, all of which was

tributary to the Nawab; but, immediately after his accession, Rana

Bahadur, king of Gorkha and Nepal, compelled the Raja of Palpa to restore

the mountains of Gulmi to Siddhi Pratap, the legal heir of that country,

whose sister Rana Bahadur had married.

When Rana Bahadur of Gorkha determined to place the sovereignty in the

hands of Yuddha Vikram Sahi, his illegitimate son, he invited Prithwi Pal

to perform the ceremony of Tika, under pretence that he was desirous of

obviating the defects of his son’s birth, by having the mark of royalty

placed on his forehead by a person of Prithwi Pal’s high rank; for, among

the hill chiefs he was considered as the most eminent by birth, and the

Raja of Yumila had been expelled from his dominions; nor did the Gorkha

family, after the acquisition of Nepal, acknowledge the superiority of

its chief. The real object, however, of the invitation, was in all

probability to have power over Prithwi Pal; for he remained in a kind of

confinement until January 1803, when the noble and high-spirited lady,

wife of Rana Bahadur, who then governed Nepal, had the magnanimity to

allow him to return to his own territories, although his father had

treacherously stript hers of his dominions, and, although there is strong

reason to suspect, that Damodar Pangre, discontented with the

illegitimacy of Yuddha Vikram, had entered into a conspiracy to dethrone

that young prince, and to place Prithwi Pal on the throne of Nepal.

When Rana Bahadur had returned from Banaras, had assumed the management

of affairs, as regent for his son, and had put to death Damodar Pangre,

and the other discontented nobles of his kingdom, his first care was to

secure Prithwi Pal. He accordingly sent an embassy to that chief,

requesting his sister in marriage, and making the most profuse offers of

increasing the territories of his future brother-in-law. The lady was

sent, accompanied by her brother Rana Bahadur, for Prithwi Pal was

suspicious; and, although invited, did not attend. The lady and her

brother were most kindly received by Rana Bahadur of Gorkha, who said to

the chief of the same name, I have been a king, and should therefore

think myself degraded by worshipping you, (according to the Hindu

custom,) when I received your sister from your hands; it will be

therefore highly agreeable to me, if your brother, who is a prince my

superior in birth, would attend to give away his sister. The Guru, or

spiritual guide of the Palpa Raja, was in the suite of the princess, and

was dispatched in order to persuade Prithwi Pal, in which he succeeded,

by declaring, that Rana Bahadur had before him taken the most solemn

oaths to do his guest no injury. Whether Rana Bahadur had actually done

so, or whether the Brahman was bribed, and told a falsehood to obtain his

end, I cannot take upon myself to say, either circumstance being

abundantly compatible with the characters of the persons; but Prithwi Pal

had no sooner reached Kathmandu, with about 400 attendants, than these

were disarmed, he and his principal officers were put in close

confinement, and no more mention was made of the marriage. No one can

pity the fate of Prithwi Pal; as, in order to ingratiate himself with his

intended brother-in-law, he took with him, and delivered to Rana Bahadur,

the widow and only surviving son of his friend Damodar Pangre; who, when

that gallant veteran and his elder sons had been murdered by the tyrant,

had fled to Palpa for refuge. The Raja of Gorkha was, however, afraid of

driving the Palpa family to extremities, and compelling it to seek refuge

in the territories of the Company, which had received from the Nawab

Vazir the sovereignty of the low countries belonging to Palpa, and might

be disposed to give its powerful support.

When mortally wounded by his brother, the Raja of Gorkha placed the

authority of the kingdom, and the protection of his son, in the hands of

Bhim Sen, a very vigorous rash young man, who, owing partly to the

moderation of the Company’s negotiations with Rana Bahadur, by him

attributed to fear, and partly to the hope of protection from the

Chinese, seems to have beheld the British government with contempt. One

of his first measures, about the end of June 1804, was to put the Raja of

Palpa and all his officers to death. It is said by some that, under

pretence of the conspiracy to which I have alluded, he inflicted most

severe tortures on the unfortunate chief; but others maintain, that his

throat was cut, like that of the others, without any form of

investigation or delay. Bhim Sen acted with the utmost promptitude in

obtaining his object. His father, Amar Singha, was raised to the English

rank of general, sent with a considerable force, and in less than a month

from his son’s elevation, took possession of Palpa without resistance;

nor did he hesitate to advance into the low country, which belonged to

the Raja of Palpa, as a subject of the Company. Had Bhim Sen confined

himself to the hills of Palpa, it is almost certain that he would have

met with no disturbance from the British government; but he still perhaps

congratulates himself on having understood the British government better

than Rana Bahadur; for, although he has not been allowed to keep

undisturbed all the low country that was subject to Palpa, he has for

some years held a considerable portion.

On the approach of General Amar Singha to Palpa, in July or August 1804,

the widow of Prithwi Pal, with her son Ratna Sen, his uncle Samar

Bahadur, usually called the Lal Dewan, or Nader Shah, and his grand-uncle

Suravir, who held the office of Chautariya, fled to a house which the

family had at Madhuvani in Tilpur. The unfortunate lady died there, and

the Raja was removed to Gorakhpur, where he has ever since remained, but

in such constant apprehension of assassination, that it has been judged

necessary to have his house secured by a guard of regular seapoys. The

Company have allowed him a pension in lieu of the profits which he would

have had from his remaining estates, of which the collector has assumed

the entire disposal; for owing to the encroachments made by Amar Singha,

and the devastation that has followed in what remains, it is altogether

impossible for him to fulfil the engagements into which his father’s

agents entered with Mr Rutlege, the gentleman who had the management of

the country ceded by the Nawab vazir to the Company. This pension was

altogether inadequate to support the number of persons by whom he was

followed; and even his venerable grand-uncle Suravir, son of Makunda Sen,

suffered such mortifications, that he had determined to perish on the

place where his son had suffered death, for this youth had accompanied

his cousin Prithwi Pal. The old man, after taking an affectionate leave

of some of the family adherents in Tilpur, and weeping with them a whole

day, went to Palpa and presented himself to Amar Singha, who was moved

with compassion, and said, though we have killed your son, and overthrown

your family, we will do you no injury, but will provide for you in a

manner very different from your friends the English. There has

accordingly been settled on him an income sufficient to supply his wants.

I am not sure that this has proceeded from generosity; but it has

produced some effect on the minds of the populace. If it was intended to

lull the fears of the family into a fatal security, it has hitherto

completely failed.

The extent and boundaries of Palpa will be better seen from the maps than

explained by description. The country, independent of Butaul, is in

general lower and warmer than the valley of Nepal Proper. The greatest

crop is transplanted rice, next to that broadcast rice, then maize, then

the pulse called urid, almost equal in quantity to the maize, then the

Lathyrus sativus, called dubi kerao, then the Eleusine corocanus, or

maruya, then the Ervum lens, or masuri, then four kinds of sesamum, and

the cruciform oil seeds, like mustard and rape, then three kinds of the

pulse called kurthi, and then a little of the grains called sama and

kodo. Much ginger is reared. The sugar-cane grows very large and juicy,

but is eaten without preparation.

When the colony from Chitaur first took possession of Palpa, it belonged

to a Magar chief, and the people were of that tribe. Brahmans, but

mostly of the spurious breed called Jausi, are now the most numerous

class; next to these are the Khas; and the Magars only occupy the third

place.

Since the Raja of Gorkha and Nepal has seized on this country, the seat

of government has been removed to Tansen, a town at some distance west

from Palpa, with a tolerable road between them. This is now the

residence of the General Amar Singha, formerly called Thapa, and the

Subahs, or civil officers, governing the petty principalities to a

considerable distance, are under his authority. He has with him a large

force of regulars, (fourteen or fifteen companies,) which he has for some

time been assiduously increasing, and to enable him to put this measure

into execution, a great part of the free land has been resumed. The plan

adopted on this occasion was to say to the Brahmans who held the land,

“you are impure fellows, who have degraded yourselves by doing many

things totally inconsistent with the character of the sacred order. It

is impossible, therefore, that you should, as such, be permitted to hold

lands; and if you presume to act in the character from which you have

degraded yourself, you shall be scourged. For a subsistence, therefore,

betake yourself to cultivation; or other drudgeries for which alone you

are now fit, and do not bring a disgrace on the character of the sacred

order.” In these degenerate days perhaps there is not one Brahman out of

fifty who either does not do what he ought to shun, or who does not omit

to do what he ought to perform; and all will admit that degraded Brahmans

are unworthy of holding such possessions. If the Brahmans, however, were

to be the judges of the quantum of such transgressions necessary to

occasion the forfeiture of free lands, such an event would seldom indeed

happen. But the lay rulers of Nepal judged more strictly; and as they

knew that whatever proofs they might bring would produce no conviction,

they probably deemed it quite unnecessary to put the parties to any

trouble, or to go through the farce of a trial, where the measure to be

adopted was predetermined; nor are the chiefs of Nepal men against whom

any complaints of injustice are made by those under their authority.

There are many routes from the plain into the hills of Palpa; but, except

by a few smugglers, most of these have been deserted since the conquest,

for which there seem to be two reasons. The Nepalese are desirous of

having only a few open routes, by which an army from the low country

might penetrate into the hills, and they think that in a few years the

neglected routes will be either altogether forgotten, or be so overgrown

with woods as to prevent access. The few remaining roads will then be

easily guarded by a small force. But besides the military point of view,

they are desirous of having few passages as a point of economy in

collecting the customs. Accordingly, so far as they can, they have stopt

every pass, except that by Butaul, which, of course, has become a

considerable mart, although most inconveniently situated. It stands on

the plain, but in a recess of the mountains, and is so dreadfully

unhealthy, that no one resides there in the rainy season. The Rajas had

a house called Nayakot on a hill overhanging the town, or assemblage of

huts; but I am told, that this castle is not sufficiently elevated to be

exempt from the effects of the insalubrious air.

The Palpa Rajas possessed also a very important mart in the hills. It is

called Rerighat, and is situated on the bank of the Narayani. The best,

or rather the only tolerable roads passing through the country either

from the east and west, or from the north and south, pass this route; and

it seems to be of equal importance either in a military or commercial

view. During the cold season there is at Rerighat a fair (Mela) which

lasts for three or four months, and is frequented by a great number of

traders from all parts of the mountains. The road from Butaul to

Rerighat by Morihang, Mosihang, and Tansen, was said to be far from

difficult; but what idea a mountaineer annexed to a difficult road is not

easy to determine. Some of them say, that loaded oxen could pass; others

say that they could not. It is generally admitted, that the easiest

route from Rerighat to the plains would be east through Tansen, Rampur,

Nayakot, and Dewghat, but this road is at present stopt.

Loaded canoes, I am assured, can pass up the Gandaki, or Narayani, all

the way to Rerighat, except at a narrow rapid between two rocks at a

place called Gongkur, a little above Dewghat. There they must be

unloaded and dragged up empty. Timber in floating down this passage is

apt to fall across the channel, and to stick between the rocks; but this

may be obviated by tying a rope to one end of the logs so as to allow

them to float end on. Canoes can ascend to Dewghat with little

difficulty. There are, indeed, three rapids; one above Bhelaunji to

which large boats can go with ease; a second at the junction of the

Arhung; and a third at Khairiyani, near Dewghat; but in the dry season

canoes or small boats may be dragged up loaded. In floods the navigation

is altogether unadvisable, the river being then of tremendous rapidity.

Near Tansen, the present capital, there was formerly a mine of iron, but,

since the conquest, copper has been discovered in the same place, and

now, it is said, the mine produces that metal to the value of 50,000

rupees a-year. In the small territory of Khidim lately, as I have said,

annexed to Palpa, is a mine of lead.

I received very little information concerning the Tanahung branch of this

family. It is said to be descended of Bihangga, or Bhringga, son of

Makunda Sen, who lived ten or eleven generations ago. After some

generations the then chief of Tanahung, it is said, gave Rising as an

appanage to a younger brother, although, as I shall afterwards state,

there may be some doubt entertained on this point. Afterwards, on the

failure of the Champaranya, or Rajpur branch of this colony from Chitaur,

the then Raja of Tanahung secured a part called Ramnagar, which is

situated in the district of Saran, under the protection of the Company,

and is now all that belongs to the family. No chief resisted with such

gallantry and effect the rising power of Prithwi Narayan of Gorkha as the

Raja of Tanahung, by whom the forces of that perfidious prince were

defeated in a most decisive battle; nor was any attempt afterwards made

to extend the dominions of Gorkha to the west until the Raja of Palpa was

gained, as I have already mentioned. How the overthrow of Tanahung took

place I have not learned; but the Raja made his escape to Ramnagar, and

retains only what he held of the Company. His country, that was formerly

independent, consists of two portions; one on the hills that surround

Gorkha on the west and south, and one in the valley of the Raputi, which

is adjacent to the southern portion of what is on the hills. This valley

is inhabited by the ordinary Hindus of Mithila. It contains three

Pergunahs or baronies, Chitan, Belan, and Sengjhayat, of which the two

former contain a good deal of cultivation. The road through them along

the Raputi to Hethaura is tolerably level, and might be easily made good;

while I understand that from Ramnagar by Bakraghat there is a pretty good

road to Chitan over the low hills, by which the valley is bounded on the

south. The direct road from the plain to Hethaura by Bichhakhori is, I

know, very difficult; but some allege, that there is along the banks of

the torrent, in which the road now goes, a very good route, which has

been shut up by the present government of Nepal. Colonel Kirkpatrick

describes another route through these hills; but, from all accounts, it

is more difficult than any of the others.

The mountains of Tanahung were inhabited by the same races as Palpa, and

nearly in the same proportions. Its southern division contained three

towns, Yogimara, Upadrang, and Kavilas; the first of which is said to be

large, and a military station of some importance, although I did not

learn the title of the officer commanding, nor the extent of his force.

The circumstance of the military station, however, strongly confirms the

statement of Samar Bahadur, who alleges, that by these three towns is one

of the easiest routes to Nepal, of which the following is a detail given

by Sadhu Ram.

From Sivapur Ghat on the Gandaki, in the Company’s territory, to

Bhelongji in Nepal, the distance is 2½ coses, very bad road, but large

boats can go up the river. From Bhelongji to Benmohar the distance is 3

coses, the river having some rapids. Near Benmohar the Raputi joins the

Gandaki or Narayani; and there is a road through a level country, partly

cultivated, to Hethaura. From Benmohar to the Arung Dumohan the distance

is 3 coses. At this place also are some rapids. From Arun Dumohan to

Leraghat is a distance of 3½ coses without rapids. From Leraghat to

Dewghat are two days’ journey, having the cultivated lands of Chitan to

the right, and Nawalpur, the residence of a Subah, to the left. From

Dewghat to Kavilas is one day’s journey east through a hilly country, in

some parts cultivated. Kavilas is a village near the Trisul Gangga,

which is larger than the Narayani above Dewghat. From Kavilas to

Upadrang is a day’s journey through a hilly country. Upadrang is a town

and military station, with the Trisulgangga one-quarter cose to the

north. It must be observed, that Kanak Nidhi reverses the situation of

the two last places; but Sadhu Ram’s position is supported by Colonel

Kirkpatrick. From Upadrang to Yogimara, or Yogimaya, is a day’s journey

east. Yogimara is a large village on a hill one-quarter cose south from

the Trisulgangga. From Yogimara to Chitlang, in the lesser valley of

Nepal, is two days’ journey; and the road seems to pass through the

valley, which Colonel Kirkpatrick calls Doona Baisi, and fully describes.

{184} From his account it would appear, that, from this valley, besides

the route leading to Chitlong, there is another leading to Thankot in the

greater valley of Nepal, and avoiding the difficult passage of

Chandangiri, which lies between Chitlong and Kathmandu. Samar Bahadur

says, that on the whole route there is no great ascent; but the Brahman

Prati Nidhi alleges, that the route is both circuitous and steep. At any

rate, it has been stopt by the present government of Nepal.

In the western wing of Tanahung were the capital and Bandi, two places of

some consequence. The two maps differ a good deal in the details of this

principality; nor do I know to which the preference should be given.

The mountains of Tanahung contained mines of iron, but no others.

It was said, by Samar Bahadur, that Rising, Ghiring, and Gajarkot,

formerly belonged to Tanahung, and were given as an appanage to a younger

brother, among whose descendants they were afterwards subdivided, and the

three chiefs, to whom they belonged, are universally looked upon to be of

the same family; but here a great difficulty occurs. The Tanahung

family, as well as the Palpa branch, is very generally admitted to be

descended of the Chitaur family, and to be of the highest and purest

tribe on the hills, east of the river Kali; but these three petty chiefs

wallow in all the ancient abominations of the mountaineers. That Samar

Bahadur was mistaken, I see no reason to suppose; especially as these

three chiefs were in league with his family, and as Rising seems to have

belonged to his ancestor Makunda the 1st, who founded at the Dewghat, in

that territory, a celebrated temple, where he died. I shall not take

upon myself, however, to say, whether we are, from the circumstance, to

infer, that the whole members of this family have no just claim to be

descended from the Chitaur colony, but were impure mountaineers, who had

this pedigree invented to flatter them, when they turned from their

impure ways, and were induced to follow the Brahmans. It is possible,

that the first chief of the Rising family, who obtained that country as

an appanage, may have been of illegitimate birth, and that, his mother

being impure, he may have been brought up in a hankering after the

flesh-pots, from which it has been impossible to wean his descendants.

Rising, as I have said, was given by a Raja of Tanahung to a younger son.

The territory was always petty, and, according to Prati Nidhi, Dewghat

seems to have been resumed by Tanahung; but Sadhu Ram alleges, that so

long as the principality of Rising continued independent, Dewghat was its

port, and enjoyed some trade, which has been stopt by its present rulers.

The image of Siva, contained in the temple, is called Makundeswar, from

the founder. There is a great assembly of votaries on the Sivaratri, and

another on the Khichri. Some of this family are said to remain, but

where, I have not heard. The country and its inhabitants do not differ

materially from Palpa, but it contains no mines.

Ghiring and Gajarkot, which belonged to two collateral branches of

Rising, were still more petty than that state, but did not differ in any

other considerable respect.