when all his officers insisted so upon the measure; though, had he
returned into Newport, the garrison would most probably have capitulated
before Howe could have succoured them. Upon the fleet’s sailing for
Boston, it was said—“There never was a prospect so favorable, blasted by
such a shameful desertion.” A universal clamor prevailed against the
French nation and letters were sent to Boston containing the most bitter
invectives, tending to prejudice the inhabitants against d’Estaing and
all his officers, to counteract which the cooler and more judicious part
of the community employed their good offices. Between two and three
thousand volunteers returned in the course of twenty-four hours, and
others continued to go off, and even many of the militia, so that in
three days Sullivan’s army was greatly decreased; it was soon little
more in number than that of the enemy. An attempt to carry their works
by storm, would have been too hazardous, had all the volunteers and
militia remained, for the bulk of the troops had never been in action:
the necessity of a retreat was therefore apparent (as soon as there was
a certainty of the French fleet’s being gone) though in the morning of
the 23d, the Americans had opened batteries consisting in the whole of
17 pieces of heavy artillery, 2 ten inch mortars and three five and a
half inch howitzers. Greene was against retreating hastily, lest the
appearance of timidity and inferiority should bring out the enemy upon
them: but he and Glover prepared for an expeditious retreat, in case
Clinton should arrive with a reinforcement, that so no damage might
ensue from the delay. By the 26th all the spare heavy artillery and
baggage were sent off the island; and on the 28th at night, between nine
and ten o’clock, the army began to move to the north end. It had been
that day resolved in a council of war, to remove thither, fortify the
camp, secure a communication with the main, and hold the ground, till it
could be known whether the French fleet would soon return to their
assistance. The marquis de la Fayette, by request of the general
officers, set off for Boston to request their speedy return. The count
could not consent to the return of the fleet, but made a spirited offer
of leading the troops under his command from Boston, and of co-operating
against Rhode-Island. The march of Sullivan’s army was conducted with
great order and regularity, and the troops arrived on their ground about
three in the morning, with all the baggage, stores, &c. About seven,
[Aug. 29.] they were alarmed by a brisk fire of musketry in their front,
between their advanced corps of infantry and the enemy, who had pushed
out after them upon discovering the retreat. Sullivan asked the opinion
of the generals upon the occasion, and Greene advised to march and meet
them, for he truly supposed that they were come out in small detachments
which might be cut to pieces; and further apprehended that by advancing
in force upon the western road, they might possibly head that part of
the enemy which marched down upon the eastern, and so unexpectedly
possess themselves of Newport.—Had this measure been adopted, the
Americans would probably have gained very great advantages, as the whole
of the enemy’s force on the western road consisted only of the Hessian
chasseurs and the Anspach regiments of Voit and Seaboth under gen.
Lossberg. On the east road was gen. Smith with the 22d and 43d
regiments, and the flank companies of the 38th and 54th. To the latter
were opposed col. Henry B. Livingston and his light troops; to the
former lieut. col. Laurens with his. The enemy’s superiority in numbers
obliged each to give way, but a retreating fire was kept up with the
greatest order. The advanced corps being reinforced, they gave the enemy
a check, make a gallant resistance, and at length repulsed them. But the
British commander sending reinforcements to both Lossberg and Smith, the
Americans were obliged to retire nigh to the front line of the main
army, which was drawn up in order of battle. The British advanced very
near to the American left, but were repulsed by Glover, and retired to
Quaker-hill. The royal troops soon availed themselves of two heights on
Sullivan’s right; where they placed several pieces of artillery, and
began about nine o’clock, a severe cannonade on a redoubt, an advanced
post on his right, which was returned with double force. Skirmishing
continued between the advanced parties until near ten; when two British
sloops of war and other armed vessels, having gained his right flank and
began a fire, their associates on land bent their force that way, and
endeavored to turn Sullivans’s right, under cover of the ships, and to
take his advanced redoubt; which brought on a warm and brisk fire of
musketry between the contending parties, that was kept up by each side’s
throwing in reinforcements, till the action became in some degree
general, and near 1200 Americans were engaged. The last of these that
were sent forward, got up just in time to prevent the success of the
enemy, who were making their third effort to take the redoubt; but they
were broken, and retreated to the heights in great confusion, leaving on
the field many of their killed and wounded. After the retreat, the field
of battle could not be approached by either party without being exposed
to the cannon of the other army. The heat of the action was from two
till near three o’clock in the afternoon. The firing of artillery
continued through the day; the musketry, with intermission, six hours.
The Americans make their loss in killed 30, in wounded 132, and in
missing 44. The British account makes their killed 38, wounded 210, and
missing 12. General Greene, in a letter to the commander in chief, said,
“Our troops behaved with great spirit, and the brigade of militia under
general Lovell advanced with great resolution and in good order, and
stood the fire of the enemy with great firmness. Lieut. col. Livingston,
col. Jackson, and col. H. B. Livingston, did themselves great honor in
the transactions of the day; but it is not in my power to do justice to
col. Laurens, who acted both the general and partizan. His command of
regular troops was small, but he did every thing possible to be done by
their numbers.” The brigade under general Lovell belonged to the
Massachusetts. Greene, who commanded in the attack, did himself the
highest honor by the judgment and bravery he exhibited. He attended
strictly to the action the whole time, watching the movements of the
enemy, and where to throw in the necessary reinforcements. Gen. Sullivan
the next morning received advice that lord Howe had again sailed; that a
fleet was off Block-Island; and that d’Estaing could not come so soon as
he expected; on which it was concluded to evacuate Rhode-Island. The
sentries of both armies being within 400 yards of each other, the
greatest attention was requisite. To cover the design of retreating, a
number of tents were brought forward [Aug. 30.] and pitched in sight of
the enemy, and the whole army employed in fortifying the camp. At the
same time the heavy baggage and stores were falling back and crossed
through the bay. At dark the tents were struck, the light baggage and
troops passed down, and by twelve o’clock the main army had crossed. It
was about that time when the marquis de la Fayette arrived from Boston.
He was most sensibly mortified that he was not in the action. That he
might not be out of the way in case of one, he had rode from the island
to Boston, near 70 miles distant, in seven hours, and returned in six
and a half. He got back, time enough to bring off the pickets and other
parties that covered the retreat of the army, which he did in excellent
order; not a man was left behind, nor the smallest article lost. The
honor arising from so good a retreat, though great, did not compensate
for the sore disappointment gen. Sullivan met with when in full
expectation of taking Newport. The place must have fallen had not count
d’Estaing left the harbour, or had he returned after chasing lord Howe
to a considerable distance. The glory of vanquishing a British squadron,
and of obtaining a triumph over a first rate naval officer, and a
country against which he had a personal animosity (though in prospect
only) tempted him as may be thought into a situation that proved the
ruin of the principal object in view when he steered from before
Sandy-Hook for Newport, and agreed upon a co-operation with Sullivan’s
army. The fleet off Block-Island was bound for Rhode-Island, and had on
board Sir Henry Clinton, with about 4000 troops. Sir Henry hoped to have
effected a landing, so as to have made Sullivan’s retreat very
precarious, but the latter was completed the night before his arrival.
[Sept. 1.] The day after, lord Howe, who had changed his course upon
hearing that d’Estaing had left Rhode-Island, arrived off the entrance
of Boston port in the evening. Upon observing the position of the French
fleet, and deeming every attempt against them ineligible, he left the
Boston coast the next morning; but this appearance in and standing up
the bay to the entrance of the port, spread a prodigious alarm. Sir
Henry being disappointed, returned for New-York; but off New-London left
the fleet, with directions to gen. Grey to proceed to Bedford and the
neighborhood, where several American privateers resorted, and a number
of captured ships lay. They reached the place of destination on the
fifth of September; the troops were immediately landed, and between six
in the evening and twelve the following day, destroyed about 70 sail of
shipping, beside a number of small craft. They also burnt the magazine,
wharfs, stores, ware-houses, vessels on the stocks, all the
dwelling-houses at M’Pherson’s wharf, and the principal part of the
houses at the head of the river, together with the mills and some houses
on the east side of the river. Bedford, or as it is frequently called
Dartmouth, suffered to the amount of near £.20,000 sterling in rateable
property, viz. buildings. The other articles destroyed were worth a much
more considerable sum. The troops proceeded from thence to Martha’s
Vineyard, where they destroyed a few vessels, and made a requisition of
the militia arms, the public money, three hundred oxen, and 10,000
sheep, which was complied with. The last contribution was a most
desirable one, and afforded a grateful repast to thousands upon being
safely conveyed to New-York.
Here let me close our account of military operations, with an extract
from gen. Washington’s letter of August the 20th, and then attend to the
negociations of the British commissioners, and the acts of congress, His
excellency thuse expressed himself—“It is not a little pleasing, nor
less wonderful to comtemplate, that after two years manœuvreing and
undergoing the strangest vicissitudes, that perhaps ever attended any
one contest since the creation, both armies are brought back to the very
point they set out from, and the offending party in the beginning, is
now reduced to the use of the spade and pick-axe for defence. The hand
of Providence has been so conspicuous in all this, that he must be worse
than an infidel that lacks faith, and more than wicked that has not
gratitude enough to acknowledge his obligations.”
Governor Johnstone, meaning to avail himself of former connections,
endeavored to commence or renew a private correspondence, with several
members of congress, and other persons of consideration. In his letters
to them, he used a freedom with the authority under which he acted, not
customary with those intrusted with delegated power, and gave such a
degree of approbation to the conduct of the Americans in the past
resistance which they had made, as is seldom granted by negociators to
their opponents. In a letter to Joseph Reed, esq. of April the 11th, he
said—“The man who can be instrumantal in bringing us all to act once
more in harmony, and to unite together the various powers which this
contest has drawn fourth, will deserve more from the king and people,
from patriotism, humanity and all the tender ties that are effected by
the quarrel and reconciliation, than ever was yet bestowed on human
kind.” On the 16th of June, he wrote to Robert Morris, esq.—“I believe
the men who have conducted the affairs of America uncapable of being
influenced by improper motives; but in all such transactions there is
risk, and I think, that whoever ventures should be secured: at the same
time, that honor and emolument should naturally follow the fortune of
those who have steered the vessel in the storm, and brought her safely
to port. I think Washington and the president have a right to every
favor that grateful nations can bestow, if they could once more unite
our interest, and spare the miseries and devastations of war.” On Sunday
the 21st of June, Mr. Reed received a written massage from Mrs.
Ferguson, expressing a desire to see him on business which could not be
committed to writing. On his attending in the evening, agreeable to her
appointment, after some previous conversation, she enlarged upon the
great talents and amiable qualities of governor Johnstone, and added,
that in several conversations with her, he had expressed the most
favorable sentiments of Mr. Reed; that it was particularly wished to
engage his interest to promote the objects of the British commissioners,
viz. a re-union of the two countries, if consistent with his principles
and judgment; and that in such case it could not be deemed unbecoming or
improper in the British government to take a favorable notice of such
conduct; and that in this instance Mr. Reed might have ten thousand
pounds sterling, and any office in the colonies in his majesty’s gift.
Mr. Reed, finding an answer was expected, replied—“_I am not worth
purchasing, but such as I am, the king of Great-Britain is not rich
enough to do it._” However right the principles might be, on which this
insinuating scheme of conciliation was adopted, its effects were
untoward. On the ninth of July congress ordered—“That all letters
received by members of congress from any of the British commissioners or
their agents, or from any subject of the king of Great-Britain, of a
public nature, be laid before congress.” The above letters being
communicated, and Mr. Reed making a declaration [Aug. 11.] of what has
been above related, congress resolved that the same “cannot but be
considered as direct attempts to corrupt and bribe the congress—that as
congress feel, so they ought to demonstrate, the highest and most
pointed indignation against such daring and attrocious attempts to
corrupt their integrity—and that it is incompatible with the honor of
congress to hold any manner of correspondence or intercourse with the
said George Johnstone, esq. especially to negociate with him upon
affairs in which the cause of liberty is concerned.” Their proceedings
in this business were expressed in the form of a declaration, a copy of
which was ordered to be signed by the president, and sent by a flag to
the commissioners at New-York. This declaration drew out an exceeding
angry and vehement one from the gentleman in question, in which the
immediate operations of passion were rather too apparent. The tone of
his publications accorded but badly with the high and flattering
eulogiums which he had so lately bestowed on the Americans in those very
letters which were the subject of the present contest. It was dated the
26th of August, and transmitted to congress, together with a declaration
of the same date from lord Carlisle, Sir Henry Clinton and Mr. Eden,
which went to a total and solemn disavowal, so far as related to the
present subject, of their having had any knowledge, directly or
indirectly, of those matters specified by congress. The declarations
were accompanied by a requisition from the three last named
commissioners respecting the troops lately serving under gen. Burgoyne,
in which they offered to ratify the convention, and required permission
for the embarkation of the troops. But congress resolved, [Sept. 4.]
“That no ratification of the convention, which may be tendered in
consequence of powers, which only reach that case by construction and
implication, or which may subject whatever is transacted relative to it
to the future approbation or disapprobation of the parliament of
Great-Britain, can be accepted by congress.”
When all hope of further negociation with congress was at an end, the
commissioners directed their future publications in the manner of
appeals to the people at large: Whereby they seemingly realized the
charge repeatedly made, that their only object was, under the insiduous
appearance of conciliation, to excite either a separation among the
colonies, or the people to tumults against their respective governments.
Congress not only permitted, but forwarded the republishment of all
matters upon the subject: while different American writers undertook to
obviate the effect, which the publications issued by the commissioners
might have upon the body of the people. The strongest argument which the
Americans advanced upon the occasion was, that they had already
concluded a solemn treaty with France for the establishment and on the
footing of their independence, that should they break their faith with
France, they would forfeit their credit with all foreign nations, be
considered as faithless and infamous, and forevermore be cut off from
even the hope of foreign succour; and at the same time they should be
throw on the mercy of those, who had already pursued every measure of
fraud, force, cruelty and deceit, for their destruction: as neither the
king, the ministers, nor the parliament of Great-Britain, would be under
the necessity of ratifying any one condition which they agreed upon with
the commissioners; or, if they even found it necessary to ratify them
for present purposes, it would be only to call a new parliament and then
to undo the whole.
The appeals of the commissioners to the people proving ineffectual, they
changed their conduct and denounced hostility and destruction, in their
most terrific forms, to those who had rejected conciliation and
friendship. They published [Oct. 3.] a signal valedictoroy manifesto and
proclamation; and therein warned the people of the total and material
change which was to take place in the future conduct of hostilities,
should they still persevere in their obstinacy; and more especially as
that was said to be founded upon the pretended alliance with
France.——The Americans were virtually threatened with all the extremes
of war, and to have their country desolated. Be it noted that “The
concessions made in the manifesto and proclamation by the commissioners,
contain a renunciation of every principle upon which the king’s
ministers have pretended to justify the foundation, or the pursuit of
any one object of the war. Thus the irretrievable disgrace of having
waged a cruel war for anjustifiable and destructive ends, is fixed upon
Britain, by a public avowal upon principle, that the terms offered by
America in 1774, before the war, ought to have been accepted as
foundations of peace, from their own intrinsic equity and merit, as
being _more beneficial to the mother country, and more safe to all
parties_.”[91] Several packages of manifestos, which enclosed a number
translated into the German language, and one printed on vellum and
signed by lord Carlisle, Sir Henry Clinton, and William Eden, esq. were
made up in order to be sent with flags to congress and the particular
states in the union. Congress upon being informed of it, declared that
the agents employed to distribute the said papers were not entitled to
protection from a flag, while engaged in the prosecution of such
nefarious purposes; and recommended it to the several states to secure
and keep them in close custody, but at the same time to print the
manifestos in the news-papers, to convince the people of the insiduous
designs of the commissioners. [Oct. 30.] They also published a
manifesto, on their part, in which they complained bitterly of the mode
practised by the British in carrying on the war, of the treatment their
soldiers and sailors had met with, and of their meanly assailing the
representatives of America with bribes, with deceit, and the servility
of adulation. After other charges, expressed in the severest language,
they concluded with solemnly declaring—“If our enemies presume to
execute their threats, or persist in their present career of barbarity,
we will take such exemplary vengeance as shall deter others from a like
conduct. We appeal to that God who searcheth the hearts of men, for the
rectitude of our intentions; and in his holy presence declare, that as
we are not moved by any light and hasty suggestions of anger or revenge,
so, through every possible change of fortune, we will adhere to this our
determination.”
The commission has been attended with the singular circumstance of a
letter from the marquis de la Fayette, to the earl of Carlisle,
challenging that nobleman, as first commissioner, to the field, there to
answer in his own person, and in single combat, for some harsh
reflections on the conduct of the French court and nation, which
appeared in those public instruments that he and his brethren had issued
in their political capacity. The inexperience and heat of youth hurried
him into this impropriety against the advice of his warmest American
friends, who foresaw that his challenge would of necessity be slighted.
The other proceedings of congress, which have been passed over, while
the negociation has been considered, are now to be related.
Congress being convinced by experience, that the regulation of prices
was an evil, and increased instead of lessening the difficulties it was
meant to cure, recommended in the beginning of June, to the several
legislatures that had adopted the measure, the suspension or repeal of
their laws for that purpose. The commissary general, col. Wadsworth, had
no hope of feeding the army, while the regalating acts prevailed. Before
the recommendation it was supplied by a violation of the acts, or by
contracts made before they took place. [June 27.] Congress adjourned to
meet the Thursday following at the state-house in Philadelphia. When a
sufficient number of states were represented, [July 7.] they had before
them a packet of letters which had passed between gen. Heath and gen.
Philips, consequent to the death of lieut. Richard Brown of the 21st
British regiment, belonging to the convention troops at Cambridge. He
determined upon passing the lines on the 17th of June (in a chaise,
between two women of easy virtue) contrary to general orders. The sentry
upon stopping him was treated with contempt. The lieutenant would go on
without assigning any reason, though repeatedly ordered to stop, on
which the sentry shot him through the head at Prospect-hill. The
language of Philip’s letter upon the occasion, was so offensive, that
Heath confined him to his quarters, under a guard; and insisted on his
signing a new parole. These measures produced other letters pro and con.
The whole were submitted to the inspection of congress, who approved of
Heath’s conduct.
[July 16.] They had before them a paper from Mr. Gerard, wherein he
thanked them for the quick dispatch with which they had provided for the
first wants of the French squadron; it was accompanied with a memorandum
of the provisions that would be further wanted. Congress meaning to
procure it upon the easiest terms, appointed a committee to make the
purchases; but Mr. Chase one of the Maryland delagates, improved the
knowledge his seat secured him, for directing in season a private
acquaintance to buy; and thereby counteracted the committee so
effectually, that they could not answer the end of their appointment. It
is no extravagant conjecture, that Mr. Chase shared in the profits made
by his communications.
[Aug. 6.] The hon. Sieur Gerard was introduced to an audience by two
members of congress appointed for the purpose, and being seated in his
chair, his secretary delivered to the president a letter from his most
Christian majesty, informing his _very dear great friends and allies_,
that he had nominated the Sieur Gerard, to reside among them in the
quality of minister plenipotentiary. The minister was after the reading
of it, announced to the house whereupon he arose and addressed congress
in a speech, which when finished in the French language, was delivered
by his secretary to the president; to which the latter returned an
answer in English. A profusion of compliments passed upon the occasion,
in the hearing and presence of a numerous audience: for the
vice-president, the supreme executive council, the speaker and assembly
of Pennsylvania, were invited to be there; and each member of congress
had the liberty of giving two tickets for the admittance of other
persons. An entertainment given by congress to the Sieur Gerard, closed
the novel, important and joyful transactions of the day.
[Sept. 11.] Congress resolved upon an application to Sir Henry Clinton
for passports to American vessels to transport provisions and fuel to
Boston for the use of the convention troops; and that if such passports
were not granted within three days after application, or measures
adopted by him for supplying them by the 5th of October, they would deem
themselves justifiable in removing the said troops to such parts of the
United States as they can be best subsisted in. The applications to Sir
Henry having had no effect, they resolved on the 16th of October, that
the necessary steps should be taken for removing, with all convenient
speed, the convention prisoners to Charlotte-ville, in Albemarle county,
Virginia.
[Sept. 14.] Congress proceeded to the election of a minister
plenipotentiary to the court of France, and the ballots being taken, Dr.
Benjamin Franklin was elected. In their instructions to him on the 26th
of October, he was directed to obtain, if possible, the French king’s
consent for expunging from the treaty of commerce the 11th and 12th
articles, as inconsistent with that equality and reciprocity which form
the best security for perpetuating the whole. The marquis de la Fayette
had entered into arrangements with congress for co-operating with the
court of France in an expedition against Canada; the plan of which the
doctor was also to lay before the minister. It was proposed that 4 or
5000 French troops should be sent to assist in the business. The
marquis’s attachment to the American cause and thirst for glory, would
naturally engage him in such a project (wherein he would be likely to
hold a considerable command) with the utmost purity of intention. But
how far Mr. Gerard might artfully insinuate the first idea into his
mind, in expectation of introducing a larger body of French troops into
Canada for distant political purposes, to which the marquis was a total
stranger, cannot be easily ascertained. The docter was to inculcate the
certainty of ruining the British fishery on the banks of Newfoundland,
and consequently the British marine by reducing Halifax and Quebec. The
importance of such reduction to France on the one hand, and to America
on the other, was stated.
The following observations on the finances of America were likewise to
be communicated to the French minister.
“At the commencement of the war, it was obvious that the permanent
revenues and resources of Great-Britain must eventually overbalance the
sudden and impetuous sallies of men contending for freedom on the spur
of the occasion, without regular discipline, determinate plan, or
permanent means of defence. America having never been much taxed, nor
for a continuing length of time, being without a fixed government, and
contended against what was once the lawful authority, had no funds to
support the war; and the contest being upon the very question of
taxation, the levying of imposts, unless from the last necessity, would
have been madness.—To borrow from individuals, without any visible means
of repaying them, while the loss was certain from ill success, was
visionary.—A measure therefore which had been early adopted, and thence
became familiar to the people, was pursued; this was the issuing of
paper notes representing specie, for the redemption of which the public
faith was pledged. As these were to circulate from hand to hand, there
was no great individual risk unless from holding them too long, and no
man refused to receive them for one commodity, while they would purchase
every other.—This general credit however, did not last long. It menaced
so deeply the views of our enemies, who had built their hopes on the
defeat of our resources, that they and their partizans used every effort
to impeach its value. Their success in one instance of this kind, alway
made room for another, because he who could not relieve his wants with
our paper would not part with has property to procure it.—To remedy this
evil, the states as soon as formed into any shape of legislature,
enacted laws to make the continental paper a lawful tender, and indeed
to determine its value, fixing it by penalties at the sum of specie
expressed on the face of it. These laws produced monopoly
throughout.—The monopoly of commodities, the interruption of commerce,
and the successes of the enemy, produced a depreciation: the laws
devised to remedy this evil, either increased or were followed by an
increase of it.—This demanded more plentiful emissions, thereby
increasing the circulating medium to such a degree as not only to
exclude all others, but furnish a superabundant quantity to increase the
depreciation. The several states, instead of laying taxes to defray
their own private expences, followed the example of congress, and issued
notes of different denominations and forms. Therefore to counterfeit
became easier, and the enemy did not neglect to avail themselves of this
great, though base advantage; and hence arose a further depreciation.
Calling the husbandman frequently to arms, who had indeed lost the
incitements to industry from the cheapness of the necessaries of life in
the beginning, compared with other articles, which took a more rapid
rise, soon reduced that abundance which preceded the war; this, added to
the greater consumption, together with the ravages and subsistence of
the enemy, at length pointed the depreciation to the means of support.
The issues from this moment became enormous and consequently increased
the disease from which they arose, and which must soon have become
fatal, had not the successes of America and the alliance with France
kept it from sinking entirely. The certainty of its redemption being now
evident, we only suffer from the quantity. This however, impairs not
only the value simply in itself, but as it calls for continued large
emissions, so the certainty that every thing will be dearer than it is,
renders every thing dearer than it otherwise would be; and _vice versa_.
Could we possibly absorb a part of the inundation which overwhelms us,
every thing would be cheaper, from the certainty that it would become
cheaper. The money can be absorbed but three ways—The first is by
taxation, which cannot reach the evil while the war continues; because
the emissions must continue, to supply what is necessary over and above
even the nominal produce of taxes; and the taxes cannot be very
productive, by reason of the possession of part and ravagement of other
parts of the country by the enemy; and also from the weakness of
governments yet in then infancy, and not arrived to that power, method
and firmness, which are the portion of elder states——The second method
is by borrowing, and is not efficient, because no interest can tempt men
to lend paper now, which paid together with that interest in paper a
year hence, will not probably be worth half as much as the principal sum
is at present; and whenever the case shall alter, then in proportion to
the depreciation will be the loss of the public in what they borrow, to
say nothing of the enormous burdens for which they must pay interest in
specie, or what is equal to, if so much as what hath been emitted could
be borrowed as to render the remainder equally valuable with silver.—The
last method is by very considerable loans or subsidies in Europe, and is
the only mode at once equal to the effect desired, and free from the
foregoing exceptions, for if such a sum is drawn for, at the advanced
exchange, as by taking up the greatest part of our paper to reduce the
exchange to par, the paper then remaining will be fully appreciated, and
the sum due will not nominally, and therefore in the event not actually
exceed its real value.—But to this mode there are objections: 1.
Subsidies by any means equal to our necessities can hardly be expected,
while our allies, being engaged in a war, will want all the money they
can procure: and 2. Loans cannot probably be obtained without good
guarantee, or other security which America may not perhaps be able to
procure or give.—But until our finances can be in a better situation,
the war cannot possibly be prosecuted with vigor: and the efforts made,
feeble as they must be, will be attended with an oppressive weight of
expence, rendering still more weak the confederated states.—This will
appear from the foregoing observations, and also from hence that the
present, and in all probability the future seat of the war, (that is the
middle states) is so exhausted, that unless by the strenuous voluntary
exertions of the inhabitants, no great number of men can possibly be
subsisted; and such exertions cannot be expected without the temptation
of money more valued than ours is at present.”
Five days befere the date of the instructions above related congress,
upon the application of the marquis de la Fayette, granted him leave to
return to France, and directed the president to write him a letter of
thanks for that disinterested zeal which led him to America, and for the
services he had rendered to the United States by the exertion of his
courage and abilities on many signal occasions. They also ordered Dr.
Franklin to cause an elegant sword, with proper devices, to be made and
presented him in the name of the United States: and crowned the whole
with a letter recommending him to his most Christian majesty. The
marquis took leave of congress, by letter, the 26th of October. The next
day when it was received, a letter from the marquis was read, giving an
account of the brave conduct of capt. Tonzar, in taking possession of a
piece of artillery from the enemy, in which action he lost his right
arm: whereupon congress promoted him to the rank of lieut. colonel in
the service of the United States, by brevet, and appointed him a pension
for life, of thirty dollars per month.
Let us resume our narration of military operations.
So early as the 8th of February gen. Scuyler wrote to congress—“There is
too much reason to believe that an expedition will be formed (by the
Indians) against the western frontiers of this state (New-York) Virginia
and Pennsylvania.” The next month he informed them—“a number of Mohawks,
and many of the Onondagoes, Cayugas and Senecas will commence
hostilities against us as soon as they can: it would be prudent
therefore early to take measures to carry the war into their country; it
would require no greater body of troops to destroy their towns than to
protect the frontier inhabitants.” No effectual measures being taken to
repress the hostile spirit of the Indians, numbers joined the tory
refugees, and with these commenced their horrid depredations and
hostilities upon the back settlers, being headed by col. Butler and
Brandt, an half-blooded Indian, of desperate courage, ferocious and
cruel beyond example. Their expeditions were carried on to great
advantage, by the exact knowledge which the refugees possessed of every
object of their enterprise, and the immediate intelligenc they received
from their friends on the spot. The weight of their hostilities fell
upon the fine, new and flourishing settlement of Wyoming situated on the
eastern branch of the Susquehannah, in a most beautiful country and
delightful climate. It was settled and cultivated with great ardor by a
number of people from Connecticut, which claims the territory as
included in its original grant from Charles II. The settlement consisted
of eight townships, each five miles square, beautifully placed on each
side of the river. It had increased so by a rapid population, that they
sent a thousand men to serve in the continental army. To provide against
the dangers of their remote situation. Four forts were constructed to
cover them from the irruptions of the Indians.—But it was their
unhappiness to have a considerable mixture of royalists among them; and
the two parties were actuated by sentiments of the most violent
animosity which was not confined to particular families or places; but
creeping within the roofs and to the hearths and floors where it was
least to be expected, served equally to poison the sources of domestic
security and happiness, and to cancel the laws of nature and humanity.
They had frequent and timely warnings of the danger to which they were
exposed by sending their best men to so great a distance. Their quiet
had been interrupted by the Indians, joined by marauding parties of
their own countrymen, in the preceding year; and it was only by a
vigorous opposition, in a course of successful skirmishes, that they had
been driven off. Several tories, and others not before suspected, had
then and since abandoned the settlement; and beside a perfect knowledge
of all their particular circumstances, carried along with them such a
stock of private resentment, as could not fail of directing the fury,
and even giving an edge to the cruelty of their Indian and other
inveterate enemies. An unusual number of strangers had come among them
under various pretences, whose behaviour became so suspicious, that upon
being taken up and examined, such evidence appeared against several of
them, of their acting in concert with the enemy, on a scheme for the
destruction of the settlements, that about twenty were sent to
Connecticut, to be there imprisoned and tried for their lives, while the
remainder were expelled. These measures excited the rage of the tories
in general to the most extreme degree; and the threats formerly
denounced against the settlers, were now renewed with aggravated
vengeance.
As the time approached for the final catastrophe, the Indians practised
unusual treachery. For several weeks previous to the intended attack,
they repeatedly sent small parties to the settlement, charged with the
strongest professions of friendship. These parties, beside attempting to
lull the people into security, answered the purposes of communicating
with their friends, and of observing the present state of affairs. The
settlers however, were not insensible of the danger. They had taken the
alarm, and colonel Zebulon Butler had several times written letters to
congress and gen. Washington, acquainting them with the danger the
settlement was in, and requesting assistance; but the letters were never
received, having been intercepted by the Pennsylvanian tories. A little
before the main attack, some small parties made sudden eruptions, and
committed several robberies and murders; and from ignorance or a
contempt of all ties whatever, massacred the wife and five children of
one of the persons sent for trial to Connecticut in their own cause.
At length, in the beginning of July, the enemy suddenly appeared in full
force on the Susquehannah, headed by col. John Butler, a Connecticut
tory, and cousin to col. Zeb. Butler, the second in command in the
settlement. He was assisted by most of those leaders who had rendered
themselves terrible in the present frontier war. Their force was about
1600 men, near a fourth Indians, led by their own chiefs; the others
were so disguised and painted as not to be distinguished from the
Indians, excepting their officers, who being dressed in regimentals,
carried the appearance of regulars. One of the smaller forts, garrisoned
chiefly by tories, was given up, or rather betrayed. Another was taken
by storm, and all but the women and children massacred in the most
inhuman manner.
[July 3.] Colonel Zeb. Butler, leaving a small number to guard Fort
Wilkesborough, crossed the river with about 400 men, and marched into
Kingston Fort, whither the women, children and defenceless of all sorts
crowded for protection. He suffered himself to be enticed by his cousin
to abandon the fortress. He agreed to march out and hold a conference
with the enemy in the open field (at so great a distance from the fort
as to shut out all possibility of protection from it) upon their
withdrawing according to their own proposal, in order to the holding of
a parly for the conclusion of a treaty. He at the same time marched out
about 400 men well armed, being nearly the whole strength of the
garrison, to guard his person to the place of parly, such was his
distrust of the enemy’s designs. On his arrival he found no body to
treat with him, and yet advanced toward the foot of the mountain, where
at a distance he saw a flag, the holders of which, seemingly afraid of
treachery on his side, retired as he advanced; whilst he, endeavoring to
remove this pretended ill impression, pursued the flag till his party
was thoroughly enclosed, when he was suddenly freed from his delusion by
finding it attacked at once on every side. He and his men,
notwithstanding the surprise and danger, fought with resolution and
bravery, and kept up so continual and heavy a fire for three-quarters of
an hour, that they seemed to gain a marked superiority. In this critical
moment a soldier, through a sudden impulse of fear, or premediated
treachery, cried out aloud, “the colonel has ordered a retreat.” The
fate of the party was now at once determined. In the state of confusion
that ensued, an unresisted slaughter commenced, while the enemy broke in
on all sides without obstruction. Colonel Zeb. Butler and about seventy
of his men escaped; the latter got across the river to Fort
Wilkesborough, the colonel made his way to Fort Kingston, which was
invested the next day [July 4.] on the land side. The enemy, to sadden
the drooping spirits of the weak remaining garrison, sent in for their
contemplation the bloody scalps of one hundred and ninety-six of their
late friends and comrades. They kept up a continual fire upon the fort
the whole day. In the evening the colonel quitted the fort and went down
the river with his family. He is thought to be the only officer that
escaped.
[July 5.] Colonel Nathan Dennison, who succeeded to the command, seeing
the impossibility of an effectual defence, went with a flag to col. John
Butler, to know what terms he would grant on a surrender; to which
application Butler answered with more than savage phlegm, in two short
words—_the hatchet_.—Dennison having defended the fort till most of the
garrison were killed or disabled, was compelled to surrender at
discretion. Some of the unhappy persons in the fort were carried away
alive, but the barbarous conquerors, to save the trouble of murder in
detail, shut up the rest promiscuously in the houses and barracks, which
having set on fire they enjoyed the savage pleasure of beholding the
whole consumed in one general blaze.
They then crossed the river to the only remaining fort, Wilkesborough,
which in hopes of mercy surrendered without demanding any conditions.
They found about seventy continental soldiers, who had been engaged
merely for the defence of the frontiers, whom they butchered with every
circumstance of horrid cruelty. The remainder of the men, with the women
and children, were shut up as before in the houses, which being set on
fire, they perished altogether in the flames.
A general scene of devastation was now spread through all the townships.
Fire, sword, and the other different instruments of destructions
alternately triumphed. The settlements of the tories alone generally
escaped, and appeared as islands in the midst of the surrounding ruin.
The merciless ravagers having destroyed the main objects of their
cruelty, directed their animosity to every part of living nature
belonging to them: shot and destroyed some of their cattle, and cut out
the tongues of others, leaving them still alive to prolong their
agonies.
The following are a few of the more singular circumstances of the
barbarity practised in the attack upon Wyoming. Captain Bedlock, who had
been taken prisoner, being stripped naked, had his body stuck full of
splinters of pine-knots,[92] and then a heap of pine-knots piled around
him; the whole was then set on fire, and his two companions, captains
Ranson and Durgee, thrown alive into the flames, and held down with
pitch-forks. The returned tories, who had at different times abandoned
the settlement in order to join in those savage expeditions, were the
most distinguished for their cruelty; in this they resembled the tories
that joined the British forces. One of these Wyoming tories, whose
mother had married a second husband, butchered with his own hands, both
her, his father-in-law, his own sisters and their infant children.
Another, who during his absence had sent home several threats against
the life of his father, now not only realized them in person, but was
himself, with his own hands, the exterminator of his whole family,
mother, brothers and sisters and mingled their blood in one common
carnage, with that of the ancient husband and father. The broken parts
and scattered relics of families, consisting mostly of women and
children, who had escaped to the woods during the different scenes of
this devastation, suffered little less than their friends, who had
perished in the ruin of their houses. Dispersed and wandering in the
forests, as chance and fear directed, without provision or covering,
they had a long tract of country to traverse, and many, without doubt,
perished in the woods. But whatever distresses and cruelties have been
experienced by the Wyoming settlers, the British cause, so far from
being served by them, is much injured, through the bitter and lasting
resentment they fix in the minds of the Americans.
Some expeditions were undertaken on the other side by the Americans.
Colonel Clarke’s expedition through the Indian country, which commenced
last summer, is worthy of particular observation, from the successful
spirit of enterprise, courage and prudence, with which it was conducted.
The col. left Virginia with a small party of between two and three
hundred men. The object in view was the reduction of the French
settlements planted by the Canadians on the Upper Missisippi, in the
Illinois country, and at so vast a distance that they were obliged to
traverse no less than about 1200 miles of an uncultivated and
uninhabited wilderness. Much of the mischief which had fallen upon the
southern and middle states, from the incursions of the Indians, had been
attributed to the governor of those settlements, who beside acting as an
agent for the British government and paying large rewards for scalps,
had been indefatigable in attempting to excite the Ohio and Missisippi
Indians to undertake expeditions against the frontiers. This conduct was
the motive to the present enterprise. The party, after a long course
down the Monongahela, and a voyage on the Ohio, arrived at the great
falls of the latter, within about 60 miles of its mouth, where they hid
their boats, and bent their course by land to the northward. In this
stage of the expedition, after consuming all the provision they had been
able to carry on their backs, they endured a hard march of two days
without any sustenance. They therefore, when arrived in this hungry
state, about midnight, at the town of Kaskaskias, were unanimously
determined to take it or perish in the attempt.
The town contained about 250 houses, and was sufficiently fortified to
have withstood a much stronger enemy; but distance having forbidden all
idea of danger among the inhabitants, of course superseded all
pracaution against surprise. Both town and fort were taken without noise
or opposition before the people were well awake, and the inhabitants
were so effectually secured that not a person escaped to alarm the
neighboring settlements. The governor, Philip Rocheblave, was sent to
Virginia, with all the written instructions he had received from Quebec,
Detroit, and Michillimackinack, for setting on the Indians, and paying
them great rewards for the scalps of the Americans.—The inhabitants were
required to take an oath of allegiance to the United States, and the
fort became the head-quarters of the victors.
A small detachment pushed forward from this place on horseback, and
surprised, and took with as little difficulty three other French towns,
lying from fifteen to about seventy miles farther up the Missisippi. The
inhabitants in them and the neighbouring country made no difficulty of
transferring their allegience, which they would reasonably conclude
could not be refused with safety, as they might naturally imagine the
enemy was in force, being in the heart of the country: the dangerous
situation of this small corps in the inner part of the Indian territory,
at the back of some of the most cruel and hostile tribes, in the track
of many others, and more or less in the way of all, was converted to
peculiar advantage, by the extraordinary activity and unwearied spirit
of the cammander. He directed and timed his attacks with such judgment,
and executed them with such silence and dispatch, that the Indians found
their own mode of war effectually turned upon them. Surprised in their
inmost retreats, and most sequestered recesses, at those times and
seasons, when they were scarcely less disposed for action, than
unprepared for defence, they experienced in their own wigwams and
families, that unexpected slaughter and destruction which they had so
frequently carried home to others. Upon this they grew cautious and
timid; and the continual danger to which their families were exposed,
damped the ardor of their warriors for hostile expeditions.
Sir Henry Clinton, on the return of the troops from the Bedford
expedition, determined upon another to Egg-harbor, on the Jersey coast,
where the Americans had a number of privateers and prizes, and some
considerable salt works. To draw away the attention of the Americans,
and to procure at the same time forage and fresh provisions for the
army, lord Cornwallis advanced into Jersey with a strong body of troops,
while gen. Knyphausen advancing with another division of the army, took
a position on the east side of the North-River, by which only the two
divisions were separated; so that by means of their boats they could
unite their whole force on either side of it, within twenty-four hours.
Lieut. col. Baylor’s regiment of hight-horse, with some militia, were
detached to watch and interrupt the foragers. The colonel, it is to be
feared, in order to avoid being under gen. Wayne’s command, went with
his men into the mouth of the British, and there lay in a state of
unsoldierly security, which induced lord Cornwallis to form a plan for
surprising the whole. Gen. Gray, with the light-infantry and some other
troops, advanced by night on the left to surprise the enemy on that
side, and a detachment was made from Knyphausen’s corps on the right,
which having passed the North-River, intended so to have enclosed the
whole American force employed in watching them, as that few or none of
them should have escaped. Some deserters from the column on their right
prevented the completion of the scheme. These having at the most
critical moment roused the militia, who lay at New-Taapan under gen.
Wayne, afforded them the opportunity of escaping. But Grey conducted his
division with such silence and order, that they not only cut off a
serjeant’s patrol of twelve men without noise, but completely surrounded
Old-Taapan without any discovery, [September 27.] and surprised Baylor’s
horse asleep and naked in the barns where they lay. A severe execution
took place, and numbers were dispatched with the bayonet. The men being
so completely surprised and incapable of resistance, the refusal of
quarters when implored, has led congress to deem the execution a
massacre, after receiving the best information upon oath, that they
could obtain concerning it. Of about a dozen wounded soldiers who
appeared to give evidence, three had received from nine to eleven stabs
each, of bayonets, in the breast, back and trunk of the body, beside
several wounds in other parts. Two others had received, the one five,
and the other aix stabs in the body. However the admiration of some, who
reason from the nature of the weapon and the manner in which it is used,
may be excited at these men being able in about three weeks time to give
their testimony, as also being seemingly in a fair way of recovery; yet
the positive evidence, given upon oath before gov. Livingston, whose
penetration would have detected, and whose integrity would have
discarded a false witness, will be credited by impartial persons. Baylor
himself was wounded, but not dangerously: he lost in killed, wounded and
taken, 67 privaves out of 104, beside 70 horses. It it said, that Grey
ordered no quarter to be given, and that the charges were drawn, and the
flints taken out; but that one of the light-infantry captains ventured
to disobey the order; and gave quarters to the whole fourth troop, which
serves to account for the number of prisoners taken and carried to
New-York, viz. 39 privates, beside a captain, two subalterns, a
volunteer, and the sergeon’s mate.
Captain Ferguson of the 70th regiment, with about 300 land forces, were
detached on the expedition to Little Egg-harbour, under a proper convoy.
They arrived off the bar on the evening of the 5th of October. The
Americans had obtained some intelligence of the design and had suddenly
sent out to sea, such of their privateers as were in any degree of
readiness, to escape the impending danger. The larger of the remaining
vessels, chiefly prizes, were hauled up the river to Chesnut-neck, about
twenty miles from its mouth. The smaller privateers and craft of
different sizes, were carried still further up into the country. The
detachment proceeded to Chesnut-neck, burnt the vessels found there,
destroyed the settlements, store-houses, and works of every sort, to
prevent all privateers being fitted out from thence for the future. On
their return, they made excursions into the neighboring country,
destroyed some considerable salt-works, as well as the houses and
settlements of several persons who had taken a conspicuously active part
on the side of America, or had been concerned in the fitting out of
privateers.
When the troops had rejoined the squadron, a French captain, with some
privates, who had deserted from count Pulaski’s legion, gave such an
account of the careless manner in which three troops of horse and as
many companies of infantry were cantoned, at only a few miles distant,
that the commanding officers by sea and land, concluded on an expedition
to beat up their quarters. They had the advantage of conveying the
troops by water to within a small distance of their destination; the
deserters also informed them of an unguarded bridge, the possession of
which would serve, in case of necessity, effectually to cover their
retreat back to the vessels. Two hundred and fifty men were embarked
[Oct. 15.] who after rowing ten miles, landed long before day-light
within a mile of the bridge, which they secured; and leaving a guard in
possession of it, the remainder pushed on and completely surprised
Pulaski’s light-infantry, and destroyed about fifty of them, among whom
was the baron de Bose and lieutenant de la Borderie. The attack being in
the night, little quarter could be given; more would probably have been
granted, had not the deserters falsely reported, that Pulaski had issued
public orders forbidding his corps to grant any quarter to the British
troops. The slaughter would not have ended so soon, if Pulaski had not
on the first alarm, hastened with his cavalry to support the infantry,
which then kept a good countenance. The British not long after made a
hasty retreat, and returned to their boats.
Let me pass from hence to relate a disagreeable disturbance that
happened in Charleston, South-Carolina, on the night of September the
6th. By some means a quarrel commenced on shore between the American and
French sailors, when the former made use of indecent, illiberal and
national reflections against the latter, which provoked resentment. The
parties soon proceeded to open hostilities, when the French were driven
from the town, and betook themselves to their shipping, whence they
fired with cannon and small arms, which was returned by the Americans
from the adjoining wharfs and shore. Several lives were lost, and many
were wounded. The inhabitants were much alarmed, and the militia were
obliged to be under arms a great part of the night. Proper measures were
afterwards taken to prevent a repetition of the like disorders; and both
the president and assembly expressed their deep concern, that the
slightest animosities should prevail between any citizen of America and
the subjects of their illustrious and good ally.
In the evening of the 8th, there was a violent affray at Boston between
certain unknown persons and a number of French. It is said, though not
proved, to have been begun by seamen captured in British vessels, and
some of Burgone’s army, who had enlisted in privateers, just ready to
sail. A body of these fellows, we have been told, demanded bread of the
French bakers employed for the supplying of the count d’Estaing’s fleet;
and being refused, fell upon and beat them in a most outrageous manner.
Two of the count’s officers, attempting to compose the fray, were
wounded, the chevalier de Saint Sauveur so badly that he died on the
15th; and the next day the Massachusetts house of assembly resolved to
erect a monumental stone to his memory. None of the offending persons
having been discovered, notwithstanding the reward that was offered, it
may be feared that Americans were concerned in the riot; while political
prudence charged it upon others, that less umbrage might be taken at the
event. The count was much grieved at what had happened; but had too much
calmness and good sense to charge it upon the body of the inhabitants,
who were no less concerned at it than himself; so that it created no
dissentions between them. On the 22d, the general court received the
compliments of the count and his officers; all of whom were invited to
dine, three days after, at a public dinner. The fleet had been so far
repaired, and so well secured by formidable works on George’s-Island, in
which the count had mounted near a hundred heavy cannon, that they could
with the utmost propriety be absent upon the occasion. For the greater
security, the general court, under an apprehension that the British
fleet and army might move to the northward, with a view of destroying
the count’s fleet, and repossessing themselves of Boston, had resolved
on the 19th to raise a third of the militia. Three days before this
resolve, admiral Byron arrived at New-York from Halifax. His squadron
had suffered so in their voyage from Britain, that it was a full month
before he could sail again, in order to observe d’Estaing’s motions. The
count lay at ease and in safety; and on the 26th of October, entertained
a large company of gentlemen and ladies whom he had invited to dine with
him on board the Languedoc. The entertainment was highly elegant. A full
length picture of gen. Washington, presented to the count by Mr.
Hancock, was placed in the center of the upper side of the room, and the
frame of it was covered with laurels. The count having made this public
return for the personal civilities he had received from numbers secured
himself from all liableness to detention by points of honor: from a
threated detention of another nature, he had been happily relieved in
season. It was generally expected from the scarceness of provisions of
all sorts at Boston and the neighborhood, that he would have encountered
great difficulties, if not actual distress. The impracticability of
victualling his fleet at that port was dreaded, even the subsisting of
it was doubted.—But he was freed from these apprehensions by a singular
fortune. The New-England cruisers took such a number of provision
vessels on their way from Europe to New-York, as not only supplied the
wants of the French, but furnished an overplus sufficient to reduce the
rates of the markets at Boston. This seasonable supply occasioned great
triumph among the inhabitants. The count being in hope of sailing within
a few days, published a declaration to be spread among the French
Canadians, and addressed them in the name of their ancient master the
French king.—The design of it was to recal their affection to the
ancient government and to revive all the national attachments of that
people, thereby to prepare them for an invasion either from France or
America, and to raise their expectations of no distant change of
masters. Admiral Byron having repaired his fleet, appeared off Boston
bay; but had not cruised there long before he was overtaken by a violent
storm, in which the ships again suffered so much, that they were glad to
get into shelter at Rhode-Island. The Somerset of 64 guns not being able
to clear Cape Cod, run ashore and fell into the hands of the Bay-men,
who saved her guns and many valuable articles. When the storm ended, the
wind settled in the north-west, and blew fair for carrying the French
fleet to the West-Indies. Count d’Estaing seized the opportunity, and
sailed from Boston [Nov. 3.] with his ships thoroughly repaired, clean,
and well victualled, and with his foces in full health and vigor.
The behaviour of the French officers and sailors, the whole time that
their fleet lay in port, was remarkably good, far beyond any thing of
the kind ever before, when several men of war were present. The count
made a point of always lying on board at night. The officers conducted
with the greatest regularity and decorum; but noticed a certain coolness
in the gentlemen and ladies toward them, which was imputed to the want
of so cordial an affection for France as what they had once entertained
for Great-Britain, and had not wholly laid aside; but it was greatly
owing to the successless expedition against Rhode-Island, and to what
had been related concerning them respecting that affair. The common
sailors were peaceably inclined; and engaged in no quarrels excepting
what has been related, and one at night of October the 5th, in no wise
material; and in neither of these do they appear to have been the
aggressors.—They neither abused nor injured the town’s-people; nor made
themselves a nuisence by their excesses and disorderly conduct. An
opportunity at length offers for mentioning some detached articles.
The Raleigh Frigate, capt. John Barry, sailed from Boston the 25th of
September, and was taken on the 29th, after bravely engaging for some
time, and then being run on an island with a view to escape falling into
the hands of two British men of war.
The Pigot schooner, of eight twelve-pounders and forty-five men, laying
near Howland’s ferry on the eastern side of Rhode-Island, a plan was
laid for taking her. Major Talbot, with a number of troops, sailed on
the 25th of October from Providence on board a small vessel. It was not
till the 28th at night, that he ran down through Howland’s ferry; when
drifting after that under bare poles, for fear that the fort on
Rhode-Island should fire upon him and alarm the Pigot, he passed on
undiscovered; and at half past one in the morning of the 29th got sight
of the schooner. When but at a small distance from her, she hailed him;
and receiving no satifactory answer, her marines fired upon him from her
quarter deck. He reserved his fire till he had run his jib-boom through
her fore shrouds, when he fired some cannon and threw in such a volley
of musketry, loaded with bullets and buck-shot, that the men on deck
immediately ran below begging for quarters, and they that were below
never made their appearance on deck. The consequence was, his men ran
out upon the jib-boom and boarded her, without the loss of a men. The
captain of the Pigot behaved with the greatest resolution, and defended
his vessel in his shirt and drawers for some time, without a single soul
of his crew to assist him. Major Talbot’s gunnel was eight feet lower
than the nettings of the schooner. He carried her off with him, and ran
to Stonnington. Congress as a reward of his merit, and for the
encouragement of a spirit of enterprise, have presented him with the
commission of lieutenant-colonel.
The Massachusetts general court passed an act in their first session to
prevent the return to this state of certain persons therein named, and
others who have left the state, or either of the United States, and
joined the British. There are about 300 named in it. In case they return
they are to be taken up and secured, till they can be transported to
some place within the British dominions or in the possession of the
British forces.—Should they return after transportation, without liberty
first obtained from the general court, they are to suffer death. Among
the persons thus interdicted, it is to be supposed there are many whose
greatest crime is that of having left the country and preferred Britain
for their place of residence, that so they might be exempted from the
ravages and terrors of war.
The state of Virginia has passed an act for sequestering British
property, and enabling those indebted to British subjects to pay off
such debts by placing the money for the discharge of the same, in the
loan-office of the commonwealth.
[Nov. 5.] General Gates arrived at Boston, having been directed
forthwith to repair thither and take the command of the continental
forces in the eastern district.
The present narrative of American matters shall close with part of a
letter,[93] written from Philadelphia, the 27th of August, by a
gentleman of eminence, to gov. Houston, of Georgia—“Were I to unfold to
you, Sir, the scenes of venality, peculation and fraud which I have
discovered, the disclosure would astonish you; nor would you, Sir, be
less astonished were I, by a detail which the occasion would require, to
prove to you, that he must be a pitiful rogue who, when detected or
suspected, meets not with powerful advocates among those, who, in the
present corrupt time, ought to exert all their powers in defence and
support of these friend-plundered, much injured, and, I was going to
say, sinking states. Don’t apprehend, Sir, that I colour too high, or
that any part of these intimations are the effect of rash judgment or
despondency; I am warranted to say they are not; my opinion, my
sentiments, are supported every day by the declaration of individuals;
the difficulty lies in bringing men collectively to attack with vigor a
proper object.”