_Roxbury, April 14, 1779._
The present letter shall begin with an expedition through the remote and
upper parts of Pennsylvania, on the 1st of October, under col. William
Butler. It was directed not only against the Indians, but several
considerable settlements belonging to the tories, become particularly
obnoxious from the violence of the past hostilities. The party, which
consisted of a Pennsylvania regiment, covered by riflemen and rangers,
took its departure from Schoharie, and having gained the head of the
Delaware, marched down the river for two days; from whence turning off
to the right, they struck across the mountains to the Susquehanna, which
was the scene of action. They totally burnt and destroyed both the
Indian castles and villages in that quarter and the other settlements;
but the inhabitants, both tories and Indians, escaped. The destruction
was extended for several miles on both sides the Susquehannah. The
difficulties, distresses and dangers which the party encountered,
required no small share of that fortitude and hardiness of body and
mind, which can scarcely be acquired by any considerable number of men
without long habitude, under certain marked circumstances of situation.
They were obliged to carry six days provision on their backs; and thus
loaded, continually to wade through rivers and creeks scarcely passable
without any incumbrance, to men unused to such service. In these
circumstances, after the toil of a hard march, they were obliged to
endure chilly nights and heavy rains, without any mean for keeping even
their arms dry. But these were small matters compared with the danger
awaiting their return, and which they hardly escaped. This was the
sudden risings of the creeks and the Susquehannah, occasioned by
continual heavy rains, while they were still in the enemy’s country, and
with their provisions nearly expended. The last circumstance rendered
their case desperate, so that though, on any other occasion, the
crossing of the Susquehannah, when so high, would have been deemed
impracticable, it was successfully attempted by mounting the men on
horses, which in some places were obliged to swim; and thus all the
troops were safely transported, and by crossing the mountains, evaded
two other dangerous places. They returned to Schoharie on the 16th,
after having, with the greatest fortitude, surmounted every difficulty,
and were, by order of the colonel, complimented with the firing of
thirteen rounds of cannon, and a feu-de-joie.
Mr. Governeur Morris having acquainted congress, that he had received
application from a person in New-York, to know whether he may, with
safety to his person and property, continue in that city upon the
evacuation thereof; and having further informed them that the said
person is in a capacity to give useful intelligence, and probably will
do it, if he receives assurances that it will be recommended to the
state of New-York to afford him protection, they resolved, that the said
G. Morris be empowered to give him such assurances, on condition that he
shall give intelligence of whatever may come to his knowledge relating
to the numbers, movements and designs of the enemy. Henry Laurens, esq.
having filled the station of president for one year on the 31st of
October, made his resignation of the presidency, lest any example taken
from his continuance might hereafter become inconvenient. He was
replaced by a unanimous vote.
Accounts have been received, that commodore Evans, being dispatched by
adm. Montague, arrived on the 14th of September in St. Peter’s road, and
sent to the governor of the small islands of St. Pierre and Miquelon,
acquainting him that the French had committed hostilities in America,
and that therefore he demanded a surrender of the islands: which was
complied with, as there was no force to make an effectual resistance.
The governor and his suite, and the principle inhabitants, women and
children amounting to 932, were embarked on board the vessels found at
St. Pierre’s, and sent to France.
The French alliance has proved the occasion of the British ministry’s
having ordered away a considerable part of their force from New-York.
The same day that count d’Estaing sailed from Boston, [Nov. 3.]
commodore Hotham with two 64 gun ships, and three of 50, beside frigates
and a bomb ketch, having under convoy transports containing 5000 British
troops, commanded by gen. Grant, left Sandy-Hook and steered for the
West-Indies whither the count went.
The chevalier de Maduit du Plessis, lieut. col. of artillery in the
continental army, having expressed an apprehension that the war is near
a conclusion in this country, and a desire of returning to France to
offer his service to his prince, congress ordered that a written
testimonial of the high sense they entertained of his zeal, bravery and
good conduct, should be given him. The committee upon the business, had
resolved that a brevet commission of colonel should be granted him,
which the congress negatived two days before, as it was high time to
cease lavishing away promotions on foreigners. The ambition of the
natives of France and of foreigners, in common, was unbounded; and the
singular instances of rank which had been conferred upon them, in too
many instances, occasioned general dissatisfaction and complaint. Fewer
promotions in the foreign line would have been productive of more
harmony among the continental officers. It is certain, that the army has
a full proportion of foreign officers in their councils.
[Nov. 11.] Some hundreds of Indians, a large number of tories, and about
50 regulars, all under colonel Butler, entered Cherry-Valley within
New-York state, by an old Indian path, which col. Alden, who command the
American troops there stationed had neglected. The colonel was shot in
attempting to reach the fort, called after him, Alden; on which the
enemy commenced a heavy fire that lasted more than three hours, when
they withdrew, having no further hope of carrying it. The next day they
left the place after having killed, scalped and barbarously murdered 32
inhabitants, chiefly women and children, beside col. Alden and ten
soldiers. They took prisoners the lieut. col., two or three other
officers, 13 privates, and a number of inhabitants. The greatest
inhumanities were practised on most of the dead.
[November 22.] John Roberts and Abraham Carlisle, of the quaker
persuasion, were executed at Philadelphia, being convicted of high
treason against the commonwealth of Pennsylvania. The unaccountable
operations of the war have been the occasion of a woeful mistake in the
general politics of that denomination. Encouraged by the reasonable
prospect, that coercive measures properly planned and conducted would
prove successful, the body of the American quakers have sided with the
ministry, in hope of establishing their civil power in the state. They
have disowned several worthy members for being active in the cause of
their country; but not others for opposing it. Instead of maintaining a
strict neutrality in the present contest, their partiality has been
such, that the British officers have extolled their alacrity as spies,
guides and informers. They have suppressed letters of Dr. Forthergill
upon the impropriety of their conduct, and because they were written
decidedly in favor of liberty.—Let it be remembered however, that there
are many deserving individuals among them, beside generals Greene and
Mifflin, who by a uniform steady perseverance in measures friendly to
the American cause, have justly conciliated the esteem of their
countrymen.
[Nov. 27.] General Washington gave orders that no small parties should
by any means be permitted to go upon Long-Island. Under pretence of
procuring intelligence, they became mere plundering parties, and carried
off clothes, linens, ribbons, cases of knives and forks, wine glasses,
and whatever they could lay their hands upon, which they brought back
and sold publicly, making at the same time a distinction in the sale
between hard money and paper. They pretended that the articles were the
property of tories, new-levy officers, &c. which, if true, their conduct
was unpardonable, as it was not the business of their incursions. Their
capacity made no discrimination between the inhabitants, many of whom,
although obliged to remain on the island were well affected to the
American cause.
The plan for reducing Canada was transmitted by congress to gen.
Washington, with a request that he would make observations upon it. He
communicated the same to them in a letter of November the 11th; which
being referred to a committee, they reported on the 5th of December,
that the reasons assigned by the general against the expedition to
Canada appeared to be well founded, and to merit the approbation of
congress. After that, a committee was appointed to confer with the
commander in chief on the opperations of the next campaign: he therefore
repaired to Philadelphia on the 22d. After the conference the committee
reported, “That the plan, proposed by congress for the emancipation of
Canada, in co-operation with an armament from France, was the principal
subject of the conference; that impressed with the strong sense of the
injury and disgrace which must attend an infraction of the proposed
stipulation on the part of these states, your committee have taken a
general review of our finances, of the circumstances of the army, of the
magazines, &c. &c.—That upon the most mature deliberation, your
committee cannot find room for a well grounded presumption, that these
states will be able to perform their part of the proposed
stipulation:—That nothing less than the highest probability of success
could justify congress in making the proposition—Your committee are
therefore of opinion, that the negociation in question should be
deferred till circumstances shall render the co-operation of these
states more certain, practicable and effectual:—That the minister of
these states at the court of Versailles, the minister of France in
Philadelphia, and the marquis de la Fayette, be respectively informed,
that the opperations of the next campaign must depend upon such a
variety of contingencies, that time alone can mature and point out the
plan which ought to be pursued:—That congress therefore cannot decide on
the practicability of their co-operating the next campaign in an
enterprise for the emancipation of Canada.” The report was accepted, and
the Canada expedition laid aside after a full consideration of all
circumstances, beside what appear in the report, which wrought strongly
in the minds of some shrewd members of congress. Such might dread the
introduction of a large body of French troops into Canada, and the
putting of them into the possession of the capital of that province,
attached to them by the ties of blood, habits, manners, language,
religion, and former connection of government. They might argue—“France
under the idea of 5000 troops, may introduce twice the number, and
having entered Quebec, may declare an intention of holding Canada as a
pledge and surety for the debts due from the United States. Canada would
be a solid acquisition to France on all accounts; and no nation is to be
trusted further than it is bound by its interest. Canada would be too
great a temptation to be resisted by any power actuated by the common
maxims of national policy. France with that in her possession, may have
it in her power to give laws to the United States: these will have less
to fear from its remaining in the hands of the British.” The committee
subjoined to their report a draught of a letter to the marquis de la
Fayette, which was also accepted. Gen. Washington forwarded it to
Boston, [Dec. 29.] where the marquis lay waiting for the determination
of congress. It was accompanied with one from the general, expressing a
concern for his having been so delayed. Upon the receipt of them, the
marquis embarked on board the Alliance frigate, Jan. 7, 1779.
The campaign in the norhern states having yielded no advantage to the
British, and the winter being the proper season for southern
expeditions, Sir Henry Clinton concluded upon turning his arms against
Georgia. He might propose to himself the reduction of all the southern
states, and be strongly inclined to it by reason that these states
produced the most valuable commodities in the European market, and
carried on a considerable export trade, which seemed little otherwise
affected by the war, than as it suffered by the British cruisers:
beside, their rice was devoted to the service of his enemies, while it
was wanted for the support of his sovereign’s fleet and army in America.
A plan of opperation was concerted with general Provost, who commanded
in East-Florida; and it was intended, that Georgia should be invaded
both on the north and south sides at the same time.
While the preparations for this conjunct expedition were carrying on,
two armed bodies, consisting of regulars and refugees, made a sudden and
rapid incursion into Georgia from East-Florida. One of them came in
boats through the inland navigation, and the other marched over land by
the way of the river Alatamaha. The first demanded the surrender of
Sunbury; but on receiving from lieut. col. Mackintosh the laconic
refusal—_come and take it_—they left the place. The latter pursued their
march toward Savannah. Gen. Screven, with about a hundred militia
repeatedly skirmished with the party in their advance through the
country. In one of these engagements he received a wound from a musket
ball, and fell from his horse, when several of the British came up and
discharged their pieces at him. He died of his wounds much regretted for
his private virtues, and public exertions in behalf of his country. The
invaders pursued their march till within three miles of Ogeechee ferry,
where Mr. Savage with his own slaves, had erected a breast work to
prevent their passing. Col. Elbert, with about 200 continentals, took
post in the works, and prepared to dispute the pessage of the river.
These obstacles, together with information that the other party had
failed in their design upon Sunbury, determined them to retreat without
attempting to cross. On their return, they laid waste the country for
miles, burnt St. John’s church, a number of houses, and all the rice and
other grain within their reach, and also carried off all the negroes,
horses, cattle, and plate they could remove either by land or water.
When this desolating mode of carrying on war was complained of by the
American officer to the British, the latter positively disclaimed any
order or even approbation of such proceedings, but mentioned that the
people under the immediate command of the former had given a precedent.
The party rage which wrought on each side, led both into those
cruelties, at which humanity shudders.
The expedition against Georgia was committed to col. Campbell, who had
been taken in Boston-bay after gen. Howe had evacuated the town. The
force appointed to act under him, consisted of the 71st regiment of
foot, two battalions of Hessians, four of provincials, and a detachment
of the royal artillery. The transports with the troops, amounting to
full 2500, sailed from Sandy-Hook, [Nov. 27.] being escorted by a small
squadron under commodore Hyde Parker. The fleet arrived at the isle of
Tybee near the mouth of the Savannah: [Dec. 29.] and six days after, the
troops effected a landing. From the landing-place a narrow causeway of
six hundred yards in length, with a ditch on each side, led through a
rice swamp. This causeway, had it been in a proper state of defence,
might have effectually resisted a vast superiority of force; but the
small party under capt. Smith, which was posted at it to impede the
passage of the British, was too inconsiderable to check their progress.
They pushed on with such vigor that the Americans were almost instantly
dispersed. The continental army, on which the defence of Georgia chiefly
rested, had lately returned from a fruitless summer’s expedition against
East-Florida, in which they had suffered so great a diminuation, that
joined with those present of the state militia, the whole made but about
820 men. General Robert Howe, who commanded the Amaricans, had taken his
station on the main road between the landing-place and Savannah, with
the river on his left, and a swamp in front, extended beyond his right
flank. The British advanced till within a few hundred yards of the
American army, when Campbell manœuvred so as to cherish an opinion that
he meant to attack their left. For that purpose he ordered the first
battalion of the 71st to form on the right of the road, thereby to
impress a full idea of his designing to extend his front in that
quarter. At the same time a considerable part of the royal army was
detached to cross the swamp so high up as to get into the rear of the
Americans. Chance had thrown into the hands of Campbell, a negro, who
knew a private path through the swamp, by which he promised to lead the
troops without observation or difficulty. At length the British
commander, presuming that the detachment had got effectually round upon
the rear of the American, suddenly advanced, and Howe ordered an
immediate retreat. A few minutes delay would have made it impossible,
and it was then only practicable in the face and under the fire of that
part of the British army which had effected its passage through the
swamp. A small body of about a hundred Georgia militia had been
previously posted in the rear of the barracks near Savannah, which made
some opposition to the British as they were issuing from the swamp, but
was soon compelled to retreat, and its commander col. Walton, was
wounded and taken prisoner. The Americans retreated with precipitation
and in disorder. The British pursued with spirit and rapidity. No
victory was ever more complete. Thirty-eight officers, and 415
non-commissioned and privates, 48 pieces of cannon, 23 morters, the fort
with its ammunition and stores, the shipping in the river, a large
quantity of provisions, with the capital of Georgia were all in the
space of a few hours in the possession of the conquerors. The British
pursued the Americans through the town of Savannah. In the impetuosity
of the pursuit, some of the inhabitants who had not been in the action,
were bayonetted in the streets several were killed or wounded in their
flight, and a large number, finding their secape impracticable without
swimming a deep watery swamp were obliged to sue for quarters. The
Americans saved three field-pieces out of four: but many lost their
arms. That part of the army which escaped retreated up the river
Savannah to Zubly’s ferry, and crossed over into South-Carolina.[94]
No place in similar circumstances suffered less by depredation than
Savannah did upon this occasion. A strong circumstantial testimony, that
those enormities so frequently attributed to the licentiousness of the
soldiers, should with much more justice be charged to the indefensible
conduct of their superiors; whether by a previous relaxation of
discipline, an immediate participation in the guilt, or a no less
culpable sufferance of the enormity. About the time that the embarkation
took place at New-York, general Prevost marched from East-Florida into
the southern parts of Georgia. The royal troops, in traversing the
desert that separates the one from the other, were obliged to live for
several days on oysters. After encountering many difficulties, they
heard of colonel Campbell’s arrival and success. They at length appeared
before and surrounded the town and fort of Sunbury. The garrison,
consisting of about two hundred men, made a show of defence, and gave
the general the trouble of opening trenches; but all hope of relief
being cut off by the fall of the capital, they surrendered at
discretion. The general marched to Savannah, and took the commmand of
the combined forces from New-York and St. Augustine, and consequently of
Georgia. Previous to his arrival a proclamation had been issued to
encourage the inhabitants to come in and submit to the conquerors, with
promises of protection, on condition that “with their arms they would
support royal government.” Numbers submitted, but the determined
republicans fled up into the western parts of the country, or into
South-Carolina.
The attention of congress and the public has been much engaged about Mr.
Silas Deane, since his return from France. You will recollect what has
been written relative to his recal.—Congress, in August, desired him to
give, from his memory, a general account of his whole transactions in
France, from the time of his first arrival, as well as a particular
state of the funds of congress, and the commercial transactions in
Europe, especially with Mr. Beaumarchais. They appear not to have been
thoroughly satisfied; and to have had apprehensions lest there had been
a misapplication of the public money. Mr. Deane seems not to have
relished his situation; but to have been desirous of changing it by
returning to France, or exciting a general resentment against congress.
He had not yet accounted for his expenditure of public money; and had
_carefully_ left his papers and vouchers behind him, though he had the
opportunity of d’Estaing’s fleet to procure them a safe transportation
to America. On the 30th of November he addressed a letter to congress,
signifying his intentions of returning to France, and pressing to have
his affairs brought to some conclusion. December the 1st, congress
resolved, “that after to-morrow they will meet two hours at least each
evening, Saturday’s excepted, beginning at six o’clock, until the
present state of their foreign affairs be fully considered.” On the 4th
Mr. Deane wrote again to them, acquainting them of his having received
their notification of the resolve, and expressed his thanks; and yet, on
the day following, he published in the newspapers, An address to the
free and virtuous citizens of America, dated November, but without any
day of the month. The address threw the public into a convulsion, and
made them jealous and uneasy; fur it expressed a necessity of appealing
to them, and communicating that information against which their
representatives had shut their ears—declared, or insinuated, that their
public servants, Messrs. Arthur and William Lee, were deficient in
abilities, application and fidelity, and were universally disgustful to
the French nation—intimated a design to lead them into a breach of their
national faith and honor, solemnly pledged to their ally—reflected upon
the integrity of some leading members in congress—and strongly hinted at
further important information to be brought forward if there should be
occasion. Mr. Deane, by publishing his address on the Saturday, secured
the advantage of the Sunday for its being more universally read in the
city and neighborhood, while fresh from the press, than it would
otherwise have been. In the morning of the day when it appeared, and
before congress (as must be supposed) were acquainted with its contents,
they assigned Monday evening for hearing him, and ordered his being
notified to attend. The intervening space gave the members an
opportunity of perusing it, so that when they met on Monday evening at
six o’clock, they resolved, “That Silas Deane, esq. report to congress,
in writing, as soon as may be, his agency of their affairs in Europe,
together with any intelligence respecting their foreign affairs, which
he may judge proper; that Mr. Deane be informed, that if he hath any
thing to communicate to congress in the interim, of _immediate
importance_, he shall be heard to-morrow evening at six o’clock.” Mr.
Deane attending, was called in, and the foregoing resolutions were read.
Thus were the ears of congress opened to him; but their good disposition
was not improved for the communication of that wondrous information
which he had threatened to give in his address. The conduct of Mr.
Deane, in his address to the public, was the subject of debate in
congress; many members were for having no more concern with him at
present, but for leaving him to the public, as he had appealed to them,
till he had done with them and they with him. They judged that the honor
of congress bound them to this measure; but others apprehended that
discontents would arise from a supposed inattention, and were therefore
inclined to a different line of conduct. This division of sentiment on
what might be supposed the honor of the house, occasioned Mr. Laurens,
who adhered to the former opinion, to resign the chair on the 9th of
December. The next day John Jay, esq. was elected president.
Such was the clamor rapidly raised, and the torture occasioned through
the United States by Mr. Deane’s publication, that Mr. Payne, under the
former signature of _Common Sense_, endeavored to allay them in an
address to him. This led on to further publications, pro and con, in
which Mr. Payne made a conspicuous figure, and had great advantage from
being secretary to the committee of congress for foreign affairs. They
have brought to light several important secrets, and particularly the
following: The commissioners, Messrs. Franklin, Arthur Lee and Deane, in
their joint letter of February 16, 1778, say, “We hear Mr. Beaumarchais
has sent over a person to demand a large sum of money of you, on account
of arms, ammunition, &c. We think it will be best for you to leave that
matter to be settled here (in France) as there is a mixture of public
and private, which you cannot so well develope.” [Though Mr. Deane was
privy to Mr. Francey’s coming, and had even by letter recommended the
business he came upon, yet in this joint letter he appears to know no
more of the matter than the other two.] In the spring of 1776, a
subscription was raised in France to send a present to America of
£.200,000 sterling, in money, arms and ammunition. All that the
suppliers wanted to know was, through what channel it should be
remitted, and Mr. Beaumarchais was fixed upon as their agent. [If this
subscription had not the pecuniary support, it undoubtedly had the
countenance of the crown, for the despotic police of France would
otherwise have immediately crushed it.] Mr. Beaumarchais appears to have
been employed by the subscribers to offer the supplies purchased by
their money as a present to America, and a contract was made for the
freightage of them; they were sent in the Amphatrite, Seine, and
Mercury, two years ago. The duplicates of the dispatches of October 6
and 7, 1777, which should have arrived by captain Folger, but who had
received blank papers in their stead, were brought over with the treaty
of alliance by Mr. Simeon Deane. These show, that had the despatches
arrived safely, congress would have had a clue to guide them in settling
with Mr. Francey, as Mr. Beaumarchais’ agent, and have escaped paying
for the present. Beside the general information communicated by the
three commissioners in their joint letter of October the 7th, Mr. Arthur
Lee, in his single one of the preceding day, gave a circumstantial
account in what manner the present was first offered, and declared—“That
for the money and military stores already given, no remittance will ever
be required.” The duplicates arrived a month too late, congress having
on the 8th of April settled the business on which Mr. Francey was sent.
While the packets for congress and colonel R. H. Lee, containing the
before mentioned two letters, were filled up with blank white paper, a
large handsome packet, directed to Mr. Hancock, president when the
dispatches were written, beside one to Mr. Robert Morris, and another to
Mr. Silas Deane’s brother Barnaby, came in perfect safety by captain
Folger.
Many are now very suspicious that the parties who possessed themselves
of the missing dispatches, had a knowledge of their contents; and that
Mr. Deane is capable of informing the public who they were, and what
advantages they were to enjoy from Mr. Francey’s success through the
loss of the dispatches and the non-arrival of the duplicates in season.
The public at large and their representatives in congress, were much
divided by the publications relating to Mr. Deane. The army in general
sided with him. Their attachment was increased by his declaring—“I am
fully confident that every intrigue and cabal formed against our
illustrious commander in chief, will prove as ineffectual as those
against Dr. Franklin.” This declaration brought forward to public view,
part of Mr. Deane’s letter to the foreign committee, dated Paris,
December 6, 1776—“I submit the thought to you, whether if you could
engage a great general of the highest character in Europe, such for
instance, as prince Ferdinand or M(arshal) B(roglio) or others of equal
rank, to take the lead of your armies, such a step would not be politic,
as it would give a character and credit to your military, and strike
perhaps a greater terror in your enemies. I only suggest the thoughts,
and leave you to confer with baron (Kalbe) on the subject at large.
[Jan. 5.] Mr. Gerard was so alarmed at the publications of Mr. Payne,
that he presented a memorial to congress upon the occasion, by which
they were led into the consideration of them. Various motions were made
respecting the secretary; among the rest one for hearing him the next
day, which being negatived, and the negative communicated to him, he
wrote on the 8th a letter to congress, by which he resigned his office
of secretary to the committee of foreign affairs. Two days after the
French minister sent a second memorial; and on the twelfth congress
“resolved unanimously, that the president be directed to assure the said
minister, that the congress do fully, in the clearest and most explicit
manner, disavow the publication referred to in the said memorials; and
as they are convinced by indisputable evidence, that the supplies
shipped in the Amphatrite, Seine and Mercury, were not a present, and
that his most Christian majesty, the great and generous ally of these
United States, did not preface his alliance with any supplies whatever,
sent to America, so they have not authorized the author of the said
publications to make any such assertions as are contained therein, but
on the contrary, do highly disapprove of the same.” They were indeed
convinced by the indisputable evidence of having been charged with, and
drawn in to make themselves debtors for the supplies, that they were not
a present; but had the dispatches been received, or the duplicates in
time, so that they could have known that they were originally intended
for a present, and that no remittance for them would ever be required,
that invincible evidence would have been wanting. Had their generous
ally really prefaced his alliance with any supplies, it would have been
undoubtedly in such a guarded way as to have admitted of a negative,
whenever the same became politically necessary. For the further
satisfaction of Mr. Gerard, the congress “resolved [Jan. 24.]
unanimously, That as neither France or these United States may of right,
so these United States will not conclude either truce or peace with the
common enemy, without the formal consent of their ally first obtained,
and that any matters or things which may be insinuated or asserted to
the contrary thereof, tend to the injury and dishonor of the said
states.”
Instead of proceeding further in the account of congressional acts and
resolves, let me here relate certain articles of intelligence that have
been necessarily omitted.
The confederation has been ratified by all the states excepting
Maryland. On the 5th of December congress resolved, “That the sentence
of the general court-martial upon general Lee, be carried into
execution.” All but New-York and the Delaware counties were represented.
Four voted in the affirmative, two in the negative; the other five were
not sufficiently united to vote either way. It is probable that a regard
to general Washington, and an apprehension that if the sentence was not
confirmed he might resign, produced a confirmation. But the genuine
patriotism of the commander in chief, would have prevented his declining
to serve his country while his exertions were acceptable, had the
resolve been different. In that case, no censure could have fallen upon
him, it would have been only declaring, that upon a close attention to
the evidence contained in the trial, with a copy of which every member
was furnished, congress thought the court-martial mistaken.
Wednesday, the 30th of December, was observed by order of congress as a
thanksgiving-day. At this very period, the affairs of the United States
were in a most distressed, ruinous and deplorable condition. Idleness,
dissipation and extravagance, seemed to have laid fast hold of the
generality; and peculation, speculation and an insatiable thirst for
riches, to have gotten the better of every other consideration, and
almost of every order of men. Party disputes and personal quarrels, were
the great business of the day, while the momentous concerns of the
empire, a great and accumulated debt, ruined finances, depreciated
money, and a want of credit (which in the consequences is the want of
every thing) were but secondary considerations, and postponed by
congress from time to time, as if their affairs wore the most promising
aspect. The paper was sinking in Philadelphia daily 50 per cent. and yet
an assembly, a concert, a dinner or supper (which cost two or three
hundred pounds) did not only take men off from acting, but even from
thinking of this business. Some of the most disinterested and patriotic
Americans, felt more real distress on account of this appearance of
things, than they had done at any one time since the commencement of the
dispute.
[Jan. 2.] Congress resolved, that as many counterfeits had appeared in
circulation, of various denominations of the emission of May 20, 1777,
and April 11, 1778, the whole emissions of those two dates, should be
taken out of circulation. They were to be received, within a limited
term, for continental debts and taxes, and into the continental loan
offices, either to loan or be exchanged, at the election of the owners.
The counterfeiting of the bills, according to my information, originated
with either James or John Rankin, formerly of York county, in
Pennsylvania. Having quitted their farms and joined the royalists, that
government confiscated their estates; one of them, to compensate for his
losses, and avenge himself upon the United States, entered upon the
business of counterfeiting their paper currency, which was afterward
practised by others.
The convention troops were sent off in the second week of November, to
Virginia; the Germans marched from Cambridge, the British from Rutland,
in which town they had been quartered for some time back. But as the
people could not banish from their minds the notions they had imbibed of
the cruelties the American prisoners had received, and as some were
afraid of being plundered and others of being killed, the troops, while
upon their march, met with great incivility from all ranks and degrees
of men. The militia guard which escorted general Reidesel’s baggage from
Hartford to the York line, broke open some of the boxes and plundered
them of several dozen of wine, a great number of spermaceti candles, and
five dozen packs of cards.—The general was so much displeased with their
conduct, that he wrote a letter to gen. M’Dougall, who returned a very
polite answer, and furnished a guard of continental troops to escort the
baggage to Sussex court-house in Jerseys.
[Feb. 9.] Mr. Gerard presented memorials to congress, the subject of
which they determined to take into immediate consideration, at the same
time informing him, that if he wished to communicate any thing further,
they would receive the same from him in a private audience. He having a
wish to make further communication, attended on the 15th, when congress
was resolved into a committee of the whole. The committee reported on
the 23d. “That upon the consideration of all the matters referred, they
are of opinion, that his Catholic majesty is disposed to enter into an
alliance with the United States of America; that he hath manifested this
disposition in a decisive declaration lately made to the court of
Great-Britain; that in consequence of such declaration, the independence
of these United States must be finally acknowledged by Great-Britain and
immediately thereon a negociation for peace will be set on foot between
the powers of France, Great-Britain, and these United States, under the
mediation of his Catholic majesty; or that Spain will take part in the
war, and his Catholic majesty will unite his force with the most
Christian king and the United States:—That in order to be in readiness
for a negociation, the ministers of the United States ought to be
instructed by congress on the several following particulars, viz. 1.
What to insist upon as the ultimatum of these states; 2. What to yield
or require on terms of mutual exchange and compensation.” The committee
reported their opinion upon these points, which were afterward the
subjects of consideration in congress.
Mr. Gerard manifested a desire that the war might not be prolonged by
too high and unreasonable demands; and that the United States would
bring their ultimatum as low as possible.—He strongly recommended
moderation. The fate of war was uncertain; and he hinted that a decicive
naval engagement in favor of the British might give a great turn to
their affairs. Mr. S. Adams was for insisting upon the cession of Canada
and Nova Scotia; and some were for adding Florida. Congress agreed
[March 19.] 1st, What should be the bounds of the Thirteen United States
in the Ultimatum: 2d, That every port and place within the United
States, and every island, harbor and road to them or any of them
belonging, should be absolutely evacuated by the land and sea forces of
his Britannic majesty, and yielded to the powers of the state to which
they respectively belong.—The fishery is a point which the
New-Englanders are much set upon having secured, and which will occasion
repeated debates, and be long before it is fully and finally determined.
The Parisian minister, Monsieur Vergennes, does not confine his policy
to the establisment of American independence; he aims at securing to the
French the Newfoundland fishery to the exclusion of the United States,
and to the Spaniards the sole navigation of the Missisippi, and the
lands on the eastern side of it, at the back of the present settlements
of the United States, and therefore called the Western lands. You must
use this information as a clew to guide you through the labyrinth of Mr.
Gerard’s negociation. Nine days after he had his audience of congress,
they received the account of the king of Naples having opened his ports
to the flag of the United States of America.
The stroke aimed at gen. Mifflin by the congress resolve of June 11,
1778, having answered his intention, all further proceedings ceased; on
which the general, on the 17th of August, sent a letter to congress
enclosing his commission, which for reasons therein set forth he begged
leave to resign. That and two more letters of an earlier date were
referred to a committee of three who reported on the 23d of January,
1779, that it did not appear to them any proceedings had taken place
since the resolve of June the 11th, and that if the said resolution was
to be carried into execution, it should be done in the usual manner, and
that general Washington should have directions accordingly. Still the
matter rested, so that Mifflin on the 25th of February, informed
congress that he had not heard what was their pleasure as to his
resignation, and requested of them afresh to accept it, which they then
resolved to do. Thus he has been impelled to lay aside his military
character, which for the liberties of his country he had assumed, though
of the quaker denomination: but he retains his patriotism, and will
continue a volunteer in the service of the public. He resumed the
quarter-master-general’s department in October, 1776, (then vacant
through a resignation) by the desire and order of congress, and not for
any private view of emoluments of his own, so that he did not consider
himself as responsible for the calamitous effects of any delay, which
depended not on himself or his associates, but on congress.
Let us resume our account of military operations.
The South-Carolina delegates, rather with a view to conquest, than from
any special apprehension of danger to their own or neighbouring state,
from the troops under Sir Henry Clinton, requested the congress to
appoint gen. Lincoln (on whose character they justly reposed great
confidence) to the command of all their forces to the southward;
accordingly they made the appointment on the 25th September, and ordered
him to repair immediately to Charleston. When he took his leave of them
in October, they had in contemplation the reduction of East-Florida, and
put into his hands a scheme for effecting it, with the observations of
two gentlemen on the strength of St. Augustine. The first hint of a
destination of British troops for Georgia appears to have been given to
the commander in chief by a letter of the ninth of October, from a
confidential correspondent at New-York. It was the 4th of December
before the general arrived at Charleston. The North-Carolina state on
the first intelligence of an intended imbarkation from New-York for the
southward, generously raised about 2000 militia to serve for five
months; put them under the command of generals Ashe and Rutherford, and
sent them forward without delay. They came on with such dispatch, that
had they not been detained ten days near Charleston to be furnished with
arms, they would have been in time to have joined gen. Howe before the
reduction of Savannah. South-Carolina had not a sufficient stock of
public arms for the militia of both states, and suspended the
distribution of them till it became certain whether South-Carolina or
Georgia was the object of the British armament, which could not be
determined while it was in offing. On the morning of the 26th, two
regiments of 150 men each from Charleston, with the levies and militia
from North-Carolina amounting to about 950, marched for Georgia; they
made their first junction with the American army after their retreat
over the Savannah.
January the 3d, gen. Lincoln established his head-quarters at
Purysburgh, about thirty miles from the mouth of the Savannah. He met
with a sore disappointment. He had been encouraged to expect a force
consisting of 7000 men, beside the militia of South-Carolina and
Georgia, whereas he had only 1400 in the whole. He was also lead to
believe, that he should meet with great plenty of supples and military
stores, instead of which there were no field-pieces, arms, tents, camp
utensils or lead, and but very little powder; in short hardly any
article in the arsenel or quarter-master’s store, all occasioned by the
want of a military chest. A large proportion of the South-Carolina
militia was draughted, and marched under gen. Richardson for
head-quarters. But they behaved very badly, refused to submit to the
articles of war for the government, of the continentals, and left the
camp and even their posts at pleasure with impunity: as general Lincoln
had no hold of them, their own state law only imposing a fine, instead
of putting them upon the same footing congress had ordered for all the
militia when in pay of the continent, and acting with the regular
troops. When ordered on command, and implicit obedience was expected,
they would at times ask—“Whether are we going? And how long are we to
stay?” By the 24th of January most of them had left the camp. There
defection, however was in some measure repaired by the arrival at length
of generel Ashe, near head-quarters, on the 31st, with about 1100 men,
which addition made the number of rank and file under Lincoln 2428,
beside 367 on command.
While the greatest part of the American force consisted of such
ungovernable militia, gen. Prevost joined col. Campbell with about 700
regular troops from St. Augustine. With this increase of numbers he
wished to establish a post in South-Carolina, and detached 200 men to
take possession of Port-Royal island. Soon after they landed, gen.
Moultrie, at the head of an equal number, in which there were only nine
regular soldiers, attacked and drove them off. [Feb. 3.] This advantage
was principally gained by two field-pieces, well served by a party of
the Charleston militia artillery. The British lost almost all their
officers; and several prisoners were taken. The Americans had a
lieutenant and seven privates killed, and 22 wounded. This success
cheeked the British and for the present prevented an enterprise against
South-Carolina; but they extended themselves over a great part of
Georgia and established two pests, one at Ebenezer, and the other at
Augusta. The last place being high up in the country, was a good
position for awing the western inhabitants, and a convenient rendezvous
for the royalists. Here the British endeavored to strengthen themselves
by the addition of South-Carolina tories. They employed emissaries to
encourage them to a general insurrection, and assured them, that if they
would cross the Savannah, and add their force to that of the king’s army
at Augusta, they would have such a decided superiority, as would
effectually crush their enemies, and make a speedy return to their homes
practicable on their own terms. The army consisted of about 2000
regulars and royalists under col. Campbell. Several hundreds of the
Carolina tories collected, embodied under the denomination of loyalists,
and marched along the westen frontiers of South-Carolina. They had such
numbers of the most infamous characters among them, that their general
complexion was that of a plundering banditti, more solicitous for booty
than the honor and interest of their royal master. As they marched, they
appropriated to their own use every kind of property they could carry
off. Col. Pickens, upon intelligence of their progress and rapine,
collected the whig militia of the district of Ninety-six. He left a
guard at the Cherokee ford to impede their crossing the Savannah, while
he went upon some other service; during his absence they made good their
passage. He immediately followed them with about 300 men [Feb. 14.] came
up with and engaged them about three-quarters of an hour, when they gave
way and were totally routed. They had 40 killed, including their leader,
colonel Boyd, who had been secretly employed by the British to collect
and head them.—Pickins had nine killed, and several wounded. By this
action the tories were dispersed all over the country. Some ran to
North-Carolina. Many returned home, and cast themselves upon the mercy
of their state government. Being the subjects of South-Carolina, they
were tried in a regular manner, and 70 were condemned to die; but
sentence was executed only on five principals, and the rest were
pardoned.
The British having extended their posts up the river, general Lincoln
fixed encampments at Black Swamp, and nearly opposite to Augusta, on the
north side. With a view of strengthening the last, and improving any
advantages which might offer for crossing the river, and limiting the
British to the sea-coast of Georgia, gen. Ashe was ordered to the upper
parts of the country. He began his march on the 10th, with 1500
North-Carolina militia and the remains of the Georgia continentals; and
on the 13th in the evening, reached general Williamson’s camp, opposite
Augusta. That same night col. Campbell made so hasty a retreat from
Augusta, that by eight the next morning he had marched 14 miles lower
down. This precipitate movement was owing to some false intelligence
respecting either Ashe’s force, or the arrival of a large body of
continentals at Charleston; which Campbell credited, and from whence he
inferred the necessity of an immediate retreat, to prevent his being cut
off. Lincoln finding that he had quitted Augusta, wrote to Ashe [Feb.
16.] that it was of the greatest importance, that it the enemy was out
of the upper part of the country, he should follow them down as fast as
possible, lest by a forced march they should join their own troops
below, attempt his post, and drive him from it, before he (Ashe) could
come up with their rear. Lincoln on the 22d sent him the following
intimation—“I think that Briar Creek will be a good stand for you until
some plan of co-operation be digested, for which purpose, as soon as you
arrive there, I will meet you at the two sisters, you appointing the
time.” Ashe crossed the Savannah with about 1200 troops, beside 200
light-horse. On Saturday morning the 27th, the army arrived at the lower
bridge on Briar Creek. The next day generals Brian and Elbert took
possession of a proper spot of ground at twelve o’clock, and encamped,
Ashe being gone to meet Lincoln. On March the 2d, the officer of the day
reported, that reconnoitring parties of the enemy’s horse and foot had
been seen within their pickets the night preceding. Ashe returned the
evening of the 2d to camp. On Wednesday the 3d, nothing was in
forwardness for repairing the bridge which Campbell had destroyed in his
return downward, though it had been reported five days before, that the
repair would take but six hours. About two in the afternoon information
was given, that one of their soldiers had six balls shot through his
body; little or no notice was taken of it. Within an hour after an
account was brought that 500 British regulars were at the ferry. At half
past four, a few of the American horse returned from skirmishing with
the enemy, when orders were issued for the troops to be formed into
platoons from the right, and composed into a column: it was not long
before the British light-infantry appeard. Lieut. col. Prevost, after a
circuitous march of about 50 miles, in which he crossed Briar-Creek 15
miles above Ashe’s encampment came unexpectedly on his rear with a
detachment of about 900 men, including some horse. Upon the appearance
of the British light-infantry, Ashe said to Elbert who commanded the
continentals—“Sir you had better advance and engage them.” They did not
exceed 100 rank and file but upon Elberts ordering them they formed,
advanced thirty yards in front of the enemy, and commenced a very sharp
fire upon them, which continued about fifteen minutes. Ashe and the
North-Carolina militia remained about 100 yards in the rear entirely
inactive. Instead of advancing to support the continentals, they were
struck with such a panic at being so completely surprised, that they
went to the right about, and fled in confusion without discharging a
single muskets. The few Georgia regulars, finding themselves thus
deserted, and being surrounded by a great part of the enemy, broke and
endeavored also to escape. Elbert did every thing to rally them but in
vain. He and the survivors of his brave corps were made prisoners. About
150 Americans were killed, and 162 were captured. None had any chance of
escaping but by crossing the river, in attempting which many were
drowned; of those who got over safe, a great part returned home and
never more rejoined the American camp; the number that joined it, did
not exceed 450 men. This event deprived gen. Lincoln of one fourth of
his number, secured to the British the possession of Georgia, and opened
a communication between them, the Indians, and the tories of South and
North-Carolina.
Toward the end of the last year, an American camp was formed at Danbury,
the sufferings it underwent you may collect from the following passage
in a letter of a field officer of Jan. 23.—We were not under cover till
the beginning of the present year. It was distressing to see our
officers and men in tents in such severe cold weather. Added to which,
and the former list of grievances, was the want of provisions. From six
to nine days were our men frequently without bread. A revolt took place
in general Huntington’s brigade; four hundred men got under arms, and
marched off the ground to an advantageous post, where they expected to
have been joined by the men of the other two brigades; but by the
alacrity of the officers and general Putnam’s influence, they were
dispersed.
An expedition has been agreed on against the inimical Indians of the six
nations. The command of it is to be entrusted with gen. Sullivan. The
plan is to divide the force into three parts. The principal, consisting
of about 3000, is to go by the way of Susquehannah. Another, of about
one thousand, is to enter the Indian country by the Mohawk river; and
the other, of about 500, is to attack by the Ohio and Alleghany
rivers.—General Washington is endeavoring, by appearances of an
expedition to Canada, to induce the British governor to keep his force
at home; and with a view to it, beside jealousies which have been
excited on the side of lake Champlain, he is trying to create others by
the way of Coos. A considerable number of Americans was employed the
last year in cutting a road from thence toward Canada. Colonel Hazen is
now gone with his regiment to extend the road toward the Sorel, and give
the appearance of an intention to invade the province by that passage.
The American army are better clad and more healthy than they have ever
been since the formation of the army.
The procuring of early and good intelligence, is of the highest
importance to the American commander in chief. He has therefore directed
one of his confidential correspondents to reside at New-York, to mix
with and put on the airs of a tory, thereby to cover his real character
and avoid suspicion. He has hinted to him an intimacy with some well
informed refugees. Members of congress are not trusted with the names of
such correspondents, concerning whom the strictest honor and the
profoundest secrecy is observed, and every precaution taken to prevent a
discovery by unforeseen accidents. They are furnished with two chymical
liquids, or sympathetic inks, the one for writing, and the other for
rendering what is written visible; the former of that nature as not to
become visible by any mean whatever, but by having the latter rubbed
over it.
The king’s speech on opening the session of parliament, has been
circulated through the United States more than a month ago. The popular
leaders have been diverting themselves with it. They triumph at
observing, that it is replete with complaints of the unexampled and
unprovoked hostility of the court of France——and while the professions
of neutral powers are represented as friendly, their armaments are
mentioned as suspicious——and that there is a total silence with regard
to the American war.
A number of royal refugees had petitioned, and been permitted by Sir
Henry Clinton to embody under proper officers, and to retaliate and make
reprisals upon the Americans declared to be in actual rebellion against
their sovereign. A party of them, who had formerly belonged to the
Massachusetts, made an attempt upon Falmouth, in Barnstable county, but
were repulsed by the militia. They renewed it, but not succeeding, went
off to Nantucket [April 5.] and landed 200 men, entered the town, broke
open ware-houses, and carried off large quantities of oil, whalebone,
molasses, sugar, coffee, and every thing that fell in their way. They
also carried off two brigs, loaded for the West-Indies, two or three
schooners, and a large number of boats. In a proclamation they left
behind, they took notice of their having been imprisoned, compelled to
abandon their dwellings, friends and connections, had their estates
sequestered, and been themselves formally banished, never to return on
pain of death. Thus circumstanced, they conceived themselves warranted,
by the laws of God and man, to wage war against their persecutors, and
to use every mean in their power to obtain compensation for their
sufferings.
The news of the French king’s declaration of war, published at Martinico
in the middle of last August, but signed at Versailles the 28th of June,
and the capture of Dominica by the French, reached the continent as
early as could be expected. By the accounts that are given, the British
government had been at an unusual expence in fortifying that island, and
the works had been lately covered with a numerous artillery, sent from
Britain for the purpose. But though there were 160 pieces of cannon and
twenty mortars, the regular troops who composed the garrison, amounted
only to about a hundred. Neither the importance nor the weakness of
Dominica, escaped the attention of the marquis de Bouille,
governor-general of the French windward islands, whose residence was at
Martinico. He therefore landed on the isand with about 2000 men, under
cover of some frigates and privateers, about day-break of last September
the 7th, and proceeded to attack the different batteries and forts by
land, as his marine force did by sea. The handful of regulars, with the
militia and inhabitants in general, did all that could be expected, but
defence was fruitless, so that the lieut. gov. Stuart, to save the
inhabitants from plunder and ruin, entered into a capitulation, which
was soon concluded. The terms were the most moderate that could be
conceived; the marquis, out of his great humanity, having nearly agreed,
without discussion or reserve, to every condition proposed in favor of
the people, whose only change was that of sovereignty. The smallest
disorder or pillage was not permitted; and the marquis, in lieu of
plunder, rewarded the soldiers and volunteers with a considerable
gratuity in ready money. His stay was short: he left a garrison of 1500
men behind him, who with the strength of the works, and the powerful
artillery in their hands, will be able to defend Dominica effectually.
We are in expectation of hearing soon of count d’Estaing’s operations.
An embargo having been laid in the southern states on the exportation of
grain and flour to these eastern ones, occasioned a scarcity of bread at
Boston. What from drought the last summer, a blight on the rye, the
neglect of tillage by the husbandman’s being called off to the army, and
divers other causes, the inhabitants of the farming towns could not
afford a sufficient supply to the sea-ports, these have fitted out a
number of cruisers, which in some instances have procured a temporary
relief: but “the trade and harbours upon the Massachusetts coast have
been left in such an unguarded and defenceless situation, that where the
Bay-men have taken one vessel from the enemy, their small privateers out
of New-York have taken ten from them.”[95] The last month the Bostonians
were in great distress for want of flour; but the other day [April 12.]
a cargo of it happily arrived from Baltimore. The Massachusetts house of
assembly, judging it absolutely necessary that so the army might be kept
together, have engaged to make good the wages of the officers and
soldiers raised in this state, at the close of the contest, provided it
is not done by congress.