well fed. Our finances have assumed a new form, and are every day
becoming more respectable by the total abolition of paper, except that
of the bank, payable in specie at sight. You have doubtless heard of
the late change in the British administration. Sir Guy Carleton has
come out in the place of Sir Henry Clinton, and we have reason to
believe, that the present system is to endeavor by lenient measures,
to seduce us from our alliance with France, and to cajole us out of
that freedom, which they find they cannot force us to relinquish. It
is astonishing to see the contempt with which these attempts are
received. The only effect they have, is to convince us of the
declining strength of the enemy, and to excite a general determination
to push them with vigor before they recover their late blow. I enclose
the last resolution of Congress, organizing this office, that you
may, by seeing my powers, know what attention you are to pay to my
letters, which will consist of two sorts; the one written by me
without consulting Congress, in which, however, I shall always govern
myself by what I suppose to be their sentiments; the other, written
and submitted to their inspection, so that you may have the highest
evidence of its corresponding with their views. When this is the case,
I shall always inform you of it. This letter has been read in
Congress, and of course contains no instructions, which they
disapprove. I shall send you a packet of newspapers with this.
I should have told you, that your salary will in future be paid here.
I shall receive it as your agent, and vest it in bills on Dr Franklin,
and remit them to him, so that you may draw upon him quarterly. I
shall send him one quarter's salary by this conveyance, commencing the
1st of January last, and ending the 1st of April last, and considering
myself as the agent of all our foreign Ministers, I shall follow your
directions relative to the disposition of your appointment, until you
shall think it expedient to name another.
Your most obedient humble servant,
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
* * * * *
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO FRANCIS DANA.
Philadelphia, May 22d, 1782.
Sir,
Your letters, from the 28th of July to October 15th, have been read in
Congress. I have reported an answer,[24] but they have not yet agreed
on it, and I do not care to let this vessel go without a line,
however hastily written, to you. You will receive with this the
newspapers, which contain some information upon a delicate point. The
administration of Britain having been changed, they will endeavor to
represent themselves as popular in America, to induce a belief that we
will, under their auspices, be desirous of returning to our connexion
with them. Be assured, that the change in their administration has
produced none in the sentiments of America; they are immovably fixed
in their determination to support their independence, and not to
violate their alliance with France. The Assembly of Maryland and the
Council of this State have passed resolutions to that effect; it will
be the language of all, as soon as they meet. Congress have refused a
passport to Sir Guy Carleton's Secretary, which was asked in order
that he might be the bearer of a letter to Congress. Neither army has
taken the field, of course I have no military operations to
communicate.
Your salary will in future be paid here, where your agent will vest it
in bills on Dr Franklin, quarterly, upon whom you will draw
accordingly. I shall consider myself as agent for all our foreign
Ministers, and transact the business accordingly for you, unless you
should choose to appoint some other.
I enclose a cypher, which you will use if it arrives safe, till I have
leisure to send you a better.
I am, Sir, your most humble servant,
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
FOOTNOTES:
[24] This refers to the preceding letter of May 10th.
* * * * *
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO FRANCIS DANA.
Philadelphia, May 29th, 1782.
Sir,
You will receive herewith a letter of the 10th instant, which having
been submitted to Congress, was returned yesterday to this office,
together with the resolution, which I have the honor to enclose
expressive of their sense of the sentiments contained in the letter,
and of the line of conduct you ought to pursue. Having written to you
lately, I have little to add.
We have not been able to settle a cartel with the British for the
exchange of prisoners, of whom we have a balance in our hands to the
amount of ten thousand. They refuse to pay the great sums, that we
have advanced for their maintenance, which we make a preliminary to an
exchange. It is not improbable, that the Germans will be made free of
the country, sold for three years, to defray this expense, which they
most of them wish, as they express a great inclination to settle here.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
* * * * *
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
St Petersburg, June 28th, 1782.
Sir,
Immediately after we had received intelligence here of the important
change in the councils, and in the system of Great Britain, I
consulted my correspondent (the Marquis de Verac) upon the expediency
of disclosing my public character, without further delay to her
Majesty's principal Minister. He gave me his opinion freely and
candidly. For your information, I need only say, that it is the same
in every respect with his former one, which you will find in his
letter to me, of the 12th of September last, and in mine of September
15th to the President of Congress.
I cannot take upon me to say, that his opinion is not well founded. My
private sentiment then was, that that event could not fail to occasion
a correspondent change in her Majesty's system also; but I knew my
means of information were not as good as those of my correspondent,
and that though every one seems to think the mediation of her Majesty,
between Great Britain and Holland, was in effect at an end, yet in
form it was still kept up, so that the reasons against disclosing my
character, mentioned to you in my letter of March 5th, might still be
supposed to have some influence. This determined me to conform to his
advice.
However, I could not think of resting totally inactive in this state
of things; though I thought it not prudent to make any official
communications, yet it could not be amiss to endeavor at this time to
turn, if possible, the thoughts of those in government upon our
affairs, and to refute certain assertions of our enemies, which had
remained without contradiction here, and by this means to prepare the
way for the former. It might at least serve to sound the sentiments of
the Ministers. With these views I have thrown the few following
reflections upon paper, three translations of which into French, have,
I am assured, been placed in the very hands I wished to place them,
and that they have not been unacceptable.
_Reflections._
"When Great Britain engaged in a war with her late Colonies, either to
obtain allies, or to prevent new enemies rising up against her, she
was desirous to have it believed that she was contending in the common
cause of all the maritime powers of Europe. Spain she endeavored to
alarm by suggesting, that the revolt in America would be a fatal
example to all her Colonies in the new world, and if it had not such
an effect upon them, they would at least be liable to be conquered one
after another, by their new neighboring empire, so that in one way or
the other Spain would lose her American Colonies, if the independence
of the United States should be established. To Holland she held up the
danger her peculiar commerce, and her navigation would be exposed to,
from the enterprising spirit of the Americans, who would not fail to
become soon her rivals throughout all Europe. To the nations about the
Baltic she alleged, that the free commerce of America would be highly
prejudicial to their commerce, _because many of the commodities of
America, being of the same nature with theirs, they would everywhere
in the markets of Europe come into concurrence with them_. She has
been more particular with regard to Russia, and asserted, that this
empire can derive no possible benefit from a free and direct commerce
with America, and that with or without this commerce, Russia will be
in the same circumstances, _because Great Britain who now takes off,
will continue to take off, all the superfluous productions, and
manufactures of Russia_.
"The conduct of Spain, and of Holland, is the best comment upon the
declarations of the British, which respect those nations. I shall
confine myself, therefore, to those which respect the nations about
the Baltic, and particularly Russia. A few short reflections upon
these reasonings, or rather assertions, may perhaps show the mere
fallacy of them.
"Let it be admitted, that Great Britain will in fact continue to take
off all the superfluous productions and manufactures of Russia. Does
it follow from hence, that Russia can have no interest in a free and
direct commerce with America? Will it make no difference to the
interests of Russia whether she disposes of her commodities to Great
Britain alone, or to Great Britain and America at the same time? Will
not the concurrence of America in her ports give an additional
advantage to Russia? Will it not enhance the price of her commodities?
Will it not increase the demand for them? And will not this increased
demand be the means also of increasing the quantity of her productions
and manufactures? If these things do not follow, all the reasonings of
the best writers upon the principles of commerce, showing the great
benefits every nation derives from the concurrence of purchasers of
her commodities, are false and delusive. Besides, how is Russia paid
for her productions and manufactures? Is it not by exchange in a very
great proportion for foreign commodities? Are not many of these
foreign commodities of the peculiar production or manufacture of
America, such as rice, indigo, sugar, coffee, cocoa, pimento,
cochineal, and all sorts of dyeing woods? Does it make no difference
to the interest of Russia, whether she receives those articles
directly from the countries, which produce them, or in circuitous
voyages through Great Britain, and consequently from a third hand?
Does not this course draw along with it double freight, double
insurance, double commissions, and are not all the other charges
attending a voyage (to say nothing of additional duties,) ordinarily
doubled by means of this circuitous course? Will not the price of such
American commodities be increased by these means when they arrive in
Russia, at the most moderate computation, at the rate of twentyfive
per cent? Will not Russia, therefore, necessarily lose at that same
rate, upon all her commodities sold to Great Britain in exchange for
such American commodities? And will not this contribute in a great
measure to keep the course of exchange against her? And will she not
lose also the advantages she would infallibly derive from the
concurrence of the Americans in her ports? Is it not worthy of
consideration, whether this extra price of materials, necessary for
the manufactures of Russia, will not render them so much dearer to
foreign nations, and whether this circumstance will not expose her to
the danger of being rivalled in those very commodities in other
countries? In one word, is it not of the last importance to a nation
to draw all such foreign commodities as she wants from the first hand,
or from their proper source? What credit, then, is to be given to the
assertion of the British, viz. that this empire can derive no benefit
from a free and direct commerce with America and that, without this
commerce, Russia will be in the same circumstances.
"Further, if it is true, that many of the productions of America are
of the same nature with those of Russia, and that a concurrence of
those articles on the part of America, in the markets of Europe, would
be prejudicial to the commerce of Russia, does it follow from hence,
that it would not be the interest of Russia to have a free and direct
commerce with America? Let us take one article by way of example;
hemp, which is the foundation of the principal commerce of Russia.
That within some parts of the extensive territories of the United
States, both the soil and climate may be adapted to the cultivation of
hemp of the best quality, cannot reasonably be doubted. Is it not then
of the highest importance to Russia, to turn the thoughts of the
Americans from the cultivation of this plant, or in other words, to
make it their interests not to cultivate it? That Russia can do this;
by means which may be pointed out, and in the use of which both
nations may promote their general interests, is certain. But will the
exclusion of the Americans from a free and direct commerce have this
effect? Will the sending them to Great Britain, or to any other
country in Europe than Russia, for the commodities of Russia, but
especially for her hemp, have a tendency to that effect? Will not the
Russian hemp, in consequence of such measures, be burthened with all
the charges abovementioned when it comes to the hands of the
Americans, that is to say, with the extraordinary charge of twentyfive
per cent? And will not this twentyfive per cent in fact operate in the
nature of a bounty to that amount, to encourage the cultivation of
American hemp?
"Besides if America should find a combination to exclude her from the
benefit of a free and direct commerce with Russia, is it not natural
to suppose she would endeavor to relieve herself from the effects of
such an inequitable system, by vigorously adopting proper measures for
that purpose? And could she not do it? Might she not begin by
profiting of the errors of such an exclusive system, to the
encouragement that system would give to the cultivation of her hemp,
could she not superadd a duly upon all Russian hemp, which should be
imported into America? The effects of such a policy on the one part
and on the other, cannot possibly escape the penetration of those
whose business it is maturely to consider these things. But may it not
be asked, if the mischiefs pointed out above should in fact take
place, are there any benefits which Russia could derive from such a
system, which would more than counterbalance them? And what are these
benefits? What, for instance, could compensate Russia for the damage
she would sustain by losing the supply of hemp for the great American
market, a market which will be rapidly increasing, while that of Great
Britain, to say the least, has come to a full stand? Would not two
other important supplies be in danger of sharing the same fate, viz,
sailcloth and cordage? All these three articles have hitherto been
imported in great quantities into America; sailcloth for the use of
all their navigation, and there is scarce any kind of Russian
manufactures, which they have not imported, and which they do not
want. Finally, it is certain, that if America had continued under the
dominion of Great Britain, that very concurrence in the markets of
Europe, which the British pretend will be a consequence of the
independence of America, would have taken place, especially in the
articles of pitch, tar, turpentine, iron, ship timber, masts, spars,
bowsprits, and in general of all naval stores.
"Every one knows that Great Britain drew great quantities of all these
commodities from the northern nations. It is not less certain, that
she drew some of all of them from her late Colonies. But these
commodities are so bulky, and of so little intrinsic value, that it
was utterly impossible for the Americans to transport them across the
Atlantic so cheap as the nations of Europe, which wanted them, and
Great Britain in particular, could import them from the northern
nations. This kind of commerce, therefore, would long since have
utterly failed, and been left free for those nations, if, to prevent
this, Great Britain had not adopted the policy of granting large
bounties upon all those commodities, iron alone excepted, when
imported into Great Britain from America. It was her interest to do
this, because at the same time, that she was thereby encouraging the
commerce of her Colonies, she was rendering a great benefit to her own
manufactures, in which she paid the Americans for those commodities,
so that her bounties turned to the account of both parts of the Empire
at once. Besides, they made her less dependent upon any foreign
nations for those commodities, and she was too well acquainted with
her commercial and political interests ever to lose sight of that
object. She could not grant a bounty upon iron without injuring her
own mines; she therefore adopted the method of exempting the iron of
America from duties, which she imposed upon all the iron imported from
any foreign country, and these duties being considerable, they had a
like effect upon American iron, as the bounties had upon the other
commodities. This system was calculated gradually to destroy the
commerce of the northern nations with Great Britain.
"Now is it not certain, take away the dependence of America upon the
empire of Great Britain, and you take away at the same time the
interest of Great Britain, to give the preference to those American
commodities? She will then procure them where she can procure them
cheapest, that is from the northern nations. When the British
bounties therefore cease, the commerce of America with Europe in those
articles will cease with them. And thus those nations will nowhere be
troubled with the dangerous concurrence in the markets of Europe on
the part of America, which has been so much talked of by the British,
and may have influenced the political systems of those powers. During
the time America was dependent upon the British empire, she has always
imported great quantities of iron and steel from Sweden through Great
Britain. She will certainly continue to import those articles when she
can obtain them so much cheaper by a direct commerce with Sweden or
Russia. Is it not then clear, that the independence of the United
States, in whatever view it is properly considered, will turn to the
benefit of all Europe, Great Britain alone excepted; that the nations
about the Baltic, Russia above all, if they adopt in season a wise
policy towards America, have everything to hope and nothing to fear
from the commerce of that country?"
As these reflections were not in my hand writing, or signed, or
delivered by me, so there was no danger of exposing Congress or myself
in this business. Though no great doubt could be entertained from what
hand they came, yet they might have been disavowed by me if it should
be thought advisable. I pretend not to have suggested any new matter
upon the subject, or to have urged the whole that might have been said
upon it. Brevity was a thing indispensably necessary. They are perhaps
more adapted to the local state of affairs, than anything the
Ministers here may have seen. On the whole, I have no reason to repent
of the measure. Although it should not be attended with any immediate
good effects, yet I flatter myself it may not be wholly fruitless.
I have prepared a second part, which enforces the first, enters more
into political matter, and is chiefly designed as an answer to certain
ostensible objections, which I understand have been made against her
Imperial Majesty's forming at present any political connexion with the
United States, but have made no use of it yet, because since the
delivery of the first, accounts of the advantages gained by the
British fleet over the French in the West Indies, have arrived here,
and seem a little to have changed the face of affairs in this quarter;
though it seems to me whoever reflects upon that unfortunate action,
cannot really suppose the relative force of the two nations
essentially altered by it. The British it is true may have thereby
saved the most valuable of their possessions in those parts, for this
year at least, the loss of which would have reduced them nearly to
despair, and compelled them to solicit a universal peace upon such
terms as they know it is to be obtained. In this view it has its
serious consequences.
I would very willingly comply with your request, and make my letters
more numerous and more minute, but the want of a safe conveyance from
hence, (having no other than the post, and not having any cypher from
your office) obliges me to remain totally silent upon some matters,
and to use so much caution in others, that I fear none of them will
afford you much satisfaction, or can be of any real service. I have
not been honored with any letter from you since that of the 22d of
October last, the duplicate of which has never come to hand. When you
write me, please to send your letters to the care of Mr Adams. I pray
you to acquaint Congress, that I shall not fail to exert my small
abilities to the utmost, and to improve every favorable opportunity
to promote the end of my mission. I should be happy if I could give
them any reasonable assurances, that my success was at hand.
I am, with much respect and esteem, &c.
FRANCIS DANA.
* * * * *
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
St Petersburg, August 30th, 1782.
Sir,
I cannot suffer the post of this day to depart without acknowledging
the receipt of the quadruplicate of the 2d of last March, and another
of the 22d of May. They were received last evening. Neither the
original of the first, nor either of the other copies has reached me,
so that I have been a long time without any intelligence about affairs
in our country from you. The reason you assigned for this surprised
me. I thought it had been next to impossible, that my letters written
from hence, in August, September and October last, should not have
reached you long before that time. The only channel through which you
can write me with the least security, is Holland. If your letters are
sent to the care of Mr Adams, they will come on under every possible
caution; but no letter should be sent addressed immediately to me. In
such a case, there is no doubt but they would all be opened at the
office here. I send all my own letters under cover to friends in
Holland, which, though it doubles the postage, is a caution which
ought not to be dispensed with.
Your letter has eased me of much anxiety, particularly that paragraph
of it, which begins with the word "_you_" and ends with
"_acknowledged_," as it has cleared up the point of most importance,
and upon which I wanted more explicit directions than are contained
in my instructions. Though this letter has been so long on its way,
yet it has arrived in good season to answer every purpose of it. I
have hitherto been governed by sentiments exactly conformable to those
you have expressed in the clause which begins with "_all_" and ends
with "_insecure_." But my anxiety arose from an apprehension, that the
expectations of Congress might possibly have been different, for want
of some local information, which I have never ventured to communicate.
I have reason to believe, that at this time, the illustrious Sovereign
of this empire, and her principal Ministers are fully convinced, that
the affairs of the United States have acquired a consistency, which
renders their independence perfectly secure, particularly that they
are not distracted by internal divisions, that Congress are everywhere
highly respected, freely obeyed, and firmly supported; that the
governments of the several States harmonise with them and with each
other, in all great political points, and in their turn are equally
respected, obeyed, and supported by their respective citizens. On
these points there is no danger of our suffering from the
misrepresentations of our enemies. If I have been able to collect any
part of the sentiments of this Court, it is that the independence of
the United States is established beyond all question, and that its
political measures, so far as they may take our country into view,
will be formed upon that supposition. Indeed, they have long since
been formed on that ground.