the day, I should miss of the opportunity if I enlarged here. I will
take up the subject in my next by the next post. I am sorry to find
the ordinance you mention does not accompany your letter, though you
say you enclosed it. I wrote to Mr Adams for it as soon as I heard of
it, but have not received it from him.
I have the honor to be, &c.
FRANCIS DANA.
* * * * *
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
St Petersburg, September 5th, 1782.
Sir,
Though there is now no danger of our suffering from the
misrepresentations of the British, and our independence may be
considered as established beyond all question, yet her Imperial
Majesty, still entertaining the expectation of mediating at the
general peace, every measure which may possibly be deemed an obstacle
to that end will be studiously avoided. It is not, therefore, to be
expected, that any application of ours would meet with the desired
success, while her Imperial Majesty continues to tender her mediation.
This has all along been my idea of the matter, and if I had not
received the further instructions of Congress, contained in your
letter, I should not have attempted to assume my public character
under such circumstances.
But I must confess at the same time I should have risked the measure
the first moment I saw the mediation given up by her Majesty; because
I did not view the United States as humble supplicants at this Court;
as they were not seeking aids from her Majesty, and had nothing to ask
but what they intended to give an ample equivalent for. And I did not
consider, that the real honor and dignity of the United States would
be more exposed, even by her Majesty's declining to accept our
propositions, and by my immediate retirement from her Court in that
case, than they would be exposed to, by my long residence here (no
such cause as is mentioned existing) in the character of a private
citizen of the United States, when the event would show, that I had
all the while a commission in my pocket as their public Minister. You
will not conceive, Sir, that I mean to question the propriety of the
orders of Congress which you have communicated to me. I am sensible it
is my duty to obey, and not to dispute their commands, and I am very
happy to have received them in such clear and explicit terms.
I beg leave to observe, that when Congress ordered my commission and
instructions to be made out, they seem to have misapprehended the
nature of the confederation proposed by her Imperial Majesty, to
maintain the freedom of commerce, and of navigation. My commission and
instructions are in part founded upon the supposition, that her
Imperial Majesty, in her declaration of February 28th, 1780, had
invited both the belligerent and neutral powers to enter into a
general convention for that purpose, and authorise and direct me to
accede to the same (if invited thereto) on the part of the United
States. Whereas that declaration is in the nature of a notification to
the belligerent powers only, and contains a complaint of the
interruption the commerce and navigation of the neutral nations, and
of her own subjects in particular, had suffered from the subjects of
the belligerent powers, in violation of the rights of neutral nations,
sets forth and claims those rights and declares, that to maintain
them, to protect the honor of her flag, &c. she had fitted out the
greatest part of her marine forces. These violations, it is said in
it, ought to excite the attention of all neutral powers. In pursuance
of this sentiment, a copy of the declaration was communicated to the
Courts of Stockholm, Copenhagen, Lisbon, and to the States-General; in
which communication they are invited to make a common cause of this
business with her Imperial Majesty, who adds, that if to establish
this system on a solid foundation, the neutral powers abovementioned
would open a negotiation, and enter into a particular convention, she
would be ready to come into it.
This is the only passage I have been able to find in all the acts
relative to this subject, which gives the least idea of a Congress or
general negotiation. No general negotiation has ever been opened in
consequence of this intimation, and if there had been, the belligerent
powers, I conceive, could have taken no part regularly in it, or in
the particular conventions which might have been the result. They had
only to make their several answers to the declaration which her
Imperial Majesty made to them, as they have done. The marine
convention which was afterwards first entered into by her Imperial
Majesty, and the King of Denmark, and which has served as a basis for
all the others, being nothing more than an association to maintain
their rights as neutral powers, no formal accession can be made to
such a confederation on the part of the United States, till they cease
to be a belligerent power.
Viewing the matter in this light, and knowing that the resolutions of
Congress have long since been communicated to her Majesty by Mr Adams,
through her Minister at the Hague, I have not communicated them,
though he thought it was the intention of Congress I should do it, on
my arrival here. I hope, Sir, you will favor me with the sentiments of
Congress upon this subject by the earliest opportunity, that I may
know not only whether I am mistaken in my opinion about it, but
whether my conduct meets with their approbation.
It is proper to advise Congress, that there is a fixed custom at this
Court, that every power entering into any treaty with her Imperial
Majesty, must pay six thousand roubles to each of her principal
Ministers, that is, to four of them, making twentyfour thousand in
all, reckoning them upon an average of exchange upon London, at
fortyfive pence sterling, makes £4,500, if I mistake not. This sum has
been paid by all the neutral powers, who have acceded to her marine
convention. If therefore the time should ever arrive for me to make
any treaty here, it will be indispensably necessary Congress should
enable me to advance that sum upon the execution of each treaty. I
make no other comment upon this practice, than that I hope it may
never find its way into our country.
I was too much pressed for time when I wrote you last to acquaint you,
that Portugal had acceded to the neutral confederation. This should
not be considered as a mere voluntary act on the part of Portugal. For
Portugal sent on hither, in the course of last winter, a consul, in
expectation of forming a commercial treaty, which her Majesty
declined, unless Portugal would accede to the neutral confederation.
The commercial treaty is not yet finished. It seems to be the present
determination of her Majesty, not to grant any special commercial
favors to any nation, but to make treaties with all upon equal
principles. The treaty with Britain, which will expire on the 20th of
June, 1786, I am assured is not likely to be renewed, so that that
nation will presently lose the benefits derived from a kind of
monopoly, which they have long enjoyed here.
You acquaint me that Congress have ordered the salaries of all their
foreign Ministers to be paid in America, and that you shall transmit
bills to Dr Franklin, upon whom they are to draw quarterly. I shall
attend to this new arrangement in future. I wish you would be pleased
to inform me in your next, whether Congress have taken into
consideration the questions I stated in my letter of the 24th of
March, 1781, relative to my salary; and what has been done upon it. I
am inclined to think, from the concluding paragraph of the preamble to
my instructions, that Congress supposed, "the diplomatic order, in
which I am placed by my commission;" was inferior to that in which
their other Ministers in Europe are placed by their commissions. That
paragraph seems to have been taken from Vattel's Law of Nations, where
he treats of the several orders of public Ministers. He supposes a
great difference in point of ceremony or etiquette, and says, that
Ministers Plenipotentiary are of much greater distinction than simple
Ministers. In both these suppositions he is certainly mistaken, at
least as to this Court, where they are treated in the same manner in
every respect. Indeed Envoys Extraordinary, and Extraordinary
Ministers Plenipotentiary, and Ministers simply so named, being all in
the second class of public Ministers, and of equal rank, are treated
in the same manner. No distinction is made between them on account of
their different titles.
Precedency among Ministers of the same class, is not settled here
throughout. The general rule of adjusting here and elsewhere, is the
relative rank of their respective masters or sovereigns. No Minister,
for instance, of the second class, would dispute precedency with a
Minister of the Emperor of the same class; but we have seen a Minister
of the present Empress claim precedency of a Minister of France of
the same class, though generally the Ministers of France have been in
possession of the place next to the Ministers of the Emperor. This
dispute has left the matter of precedency among Ministers of the same
class, much at loose here, where indeed they are not much troubled
about etiquette of any sort. Each Court has its particular usage in
such cases, and no good information is to be drawn from any general
treatises upon the subject.
I have the honor to be, &c.
FRANCIS DANA.
* * * * *
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO FRANCIS DANA.
Philadelphia, September 18th, 1782.
Sir,
I have just now received your favor of the 30th of March, it being the
only letter we have had from you in eleven months. The previous one of
March 5th never reached me: I am compelled from the variety of things
that press upon me at this time, to answer in fewer words than I would
wish to do. Your observations on the trade of Russia are very
pertinent, and afford us some useful hints, and as none of the actions
of the Empress, who has at present, by the force of her own abilities,
such influence upon the affairs of Europe can be indifferent to us, we
feel an interest in the statement you give us of her connexion with
the Porte. You have, however, been totally silent upon a subject that
interests us more immediately. You say nothing of your own situation,
whether you are known or concealed; whether you have conversed with
the Minister, or thought it prudent to keep at a distance till a more
favorable moment offers; whether our cause gains or loses ground at
Petersburg; and what means you use to support it; whether you have had
any conversation with the French Ambassador since that you detailed to
us, and what the result of your conferences with him have been. These
are points upon which we should not be left in the dark.
As to ourselves, nothing important has been done in the military line
this summer. The enemy has remained inactive, and our disappointment
in the expected naval aid from the misfortune of Count de Grasse, has
compelled us hitherto to be so too; though we never at any period of
the war had so respectable an army, if we take into view either their
numbers, their discipline, or their supplies of every kind. The French
troops from Virginia have just joined ours on the banks of the Hudson.
The feeble attempt of the British to dissolve the alliance formed
against them, by detaching us from France, or France from us, was
received here with contempt and almost every legislature on the
continent immediately passed unanimous resolutions expressive of their
determination to make no peace in which the interest of their allies
was not included. Congress refused to receive Mr Morgan, Secretary to
General Carleton.
The change which afterwards took place in the British administration,
has made a very important alteration in their system here. Savannah
was evacuated, and the proposed evacuation of Charleston has been
announced in general orders. Everything seemed to speak the evacuation
of New York, when we learnt that a second change has taken place, and
that the death of the Marquis of Rockingham has put Lord Shelburne at
the head of the administration.
The enclosed letter from General Carleton and Admiral Digby,
Commissioners for making peace, is such a glaring evidence against
them, if they change their conduct towards us, that I wish you to have
it published.
I am, Sir, your most obedient humble servant,
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
* * * * *
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
St Petersburg, September 23d, 1782.
Sir,
Your answer to my letters, from the 28th of July to October, mentioned
in yours of the 22d of May, has not reached me, nor have any of your
letters except those the receipt of which is acknowledged in my last.
That of the 22d of May, I received on the 29th of last month, but the
newspapers which you say accompany it, were brought me by yesterday's
post, at an expense of near four pounds sterling. How they came to be
separated from your letter, or who forwarded them to me, I know not.
It may be advisable to furnish me, when the time will admit of it,
with authentic copies of such proceedings of Congress, as I ought to
be particularly informed about, or when these matters, or any other of
that nature are published in the newspapers, to cut them out and
enclose them in your letters. For I cannot receive our newspapers
through any other channel than the post, and at what expense, you have
a specimen above. I cannot tell to what accident it has been owing,
that I never received the resolutions of Congress of the 26th of June,
1781, till the last week. Had I been possessed of them when I wrote my
last, I should not have troubled you with an inquiry about the
questions stated in my letter of the 24th of March, 1781, to which
they seem to be intended as an answer. If Congress have made any
alterations touching the subject of them as far as it can now concern
me, I should be glad to know them.
As it seems to be the fixed determination of Congress that nothing
shall be put to hazard here, I shall not think myself at liberty to
take any official step to bring on the business of my mission, though
the general state of affairs should seem to promise success, unless I
have assurances, that I shall be received and acknowledged in my
public character. Congress must not expect any such assurances will
begin on the part of this Court, so long as the Court of London shall
oppose any act by which we may be considered as an independent nation.
For her Imperial Majesty would not choose unnecessarily to give the
least umbrage to the Court of London, and, of course, if not called
upon to do it, she will not make any advances to meet our views, till
all opposition shall cease. Her Majesty and her Ministers well know
our policy is founded upon great and liberal principles, and they do
not apprehend they shall lose any advantages, by postponing a
political connexion with us, till the way is perfectly clear to form
it.
There has no change taken place in the administration here, as you
have been informed, since my arrival. Count Panin had retired from
Court before, and though he still bears the title of Chief of the
College of Foreign Affairs, yet he takes not the least part in them.
The Vice Chancellor, Count d'Ostermann, continues to conduct the
etiquette of that department, as the First Minister. Things appear to
be governed still by the same influence and the same principles,
which took place upon the retirement of the former. I have attempted
to write to you in your cypher, but find the scheme intolerably
tedious, and so liable to errors, that I have been obliged to give it
up. Besides, it has come to me through the post office, and I am not
sure they are not in possession of a copy of it. I will endeavor to
prepare another scheme, which I think will be attended with much less
trouble, and be equally good on other accounts. I will forward it to
Holland by Mr Adams's son, who will soon leave me, when I shall be
totally destitute of any assistance, and deprived of any person into
whose hands your papers might be committed in case of my death; nor is
it possible here to procure any one in whom I could safely confide. I
am the more easy about this, as I propose to return to America as soon
after I shall be received in my public character, as the principal
business of my mission shall be finished. I will, myself, bring any
treaty I may conclude here for ratification, when I doubt not I shall
be able to assign such reasons for my departure, without express
permission, as will be satisfactory to Congress.
I have the honor to be, &c.
FRANCIS DANA.
* * * * *
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
St Petersburg, September 29th, 1782.
Sir,
I have this day been honored with the duplicate of yours of the 10th
of May, and of the 22d and 29th of the same month, together with the
resolutions of Congress of the 22d of February, and of the 1st of
March last, relative to your department, but no copy of your letter,
or of the resolutions of Congress expressive of their sense of the
sentiments contained in the letter of the 10th of May, or of the
cypher, all of which you say are enclosed in that letter, has come to
hand with it.
If my first letter to you, dated March 5th, which was written by the
next post after the receipt of your first, has been received, and I
think it must have been soon after the date of your last, all anxiety
which might have been occasioned by my earlier letters from hence, I
hope will be removed, and that I shall be thought not to be totally
destitute of political prudence. When that letter was written, I was
rather apprehensive I might be censured by some as suffering prudence
to degenerate into pusillanimity, for not taking advantage of the
impression made by so important an event as the surrender of Lord
Cornwallis and his army, and thought it expedient to assign any
reasons for not doing it, knowing that we are apt to think events,
which so immediately change the face of affairs among ourselves,
operate almost as sudden changes in the systems of Europe.
My letter of June 28th, I hope also will have the same favorable
tendency. The measure mentioned in it, I presume will not be censured.
To say the least, it has not been productive of any unhappy effects. I
have never delivered the second part, because I have not yet been
satisfied of the expediency of touching upon some matters which it
contained. I have always consulted the French Minister freely,
whenever I have thought any circumstances favorable to our views have
turned up, (an instance will be found in the above letter) and I have
never acted against his opinion given me upon any point.
The line I have hitherto pursued, is precisely that pointed out in
your letter of March 2d. In truth, Sir, no person has higher ideas of
the real honor and dignity of the United States than myself, and no
person, perhaps, would be less liable rashly to expose them to any
indignities. I will not now trouble you with observations upon any
parts of your letter of May 10th, though I may think myself obliged to
do so hereafter, when I shall have a more convenient opportunity to
enter fully into the subject of it, and into the necessary
explanations.
At present, we have no interesting intelligence here. What may be the
consequences of the measures taken by her Imperial Majesty to restore
the deposed Khan of the Crimea, of whom I have made some particular
mention in my letter of the 30th of March, is not easily foreseen.
Whenever we shall receive any certain accounts from that quarter, I
shall not fail to communicate them. In that same letter I gave you
some account of the commerce of this country, and pointed out in what
way I imagined we might take a part in it to our advantage. I enclosed
you a printed list of the exports from hence for 1781. You will
receive one with this also, which will serve to show the nature of
them with more exactness than the quantity; for this is always
considerably greater than those lists import it to be, because they
are formed from the articles alleged by the merchants to be shipped,
and for which they pay the duties, and they scarce ever report the
whole to the custom house.
To give you a more particular knowledge of the commerce of this
country, I have sent you (with the dictionaries you wrote for) a small
treatise upon the subject, which enters into mercantile details, and
may be very serviceable to some of our merchants. It is in general
well written, and is the only one I can learn which has been published
upon it. Her Majesty, who seems to give great attention to the
commerce of her empire, has since freed it in many instances from the
restrictions imposed upon it. In particular, all kinds of military
stores are now permitted to be exported by any one paying the duties,
salt petre, rhubarb, &c. And the exploring and working of mines, have
also been lately encouraged. Though there are vast mines in this
empire, yet they were never worked upon till the time of Peter the
Great. Before that period Russia imported all her iron, copper, lead,
&c. principally from Sweden. At this day Russia exports as much iron
(the exportation of copper is prohibited) as Sweden, that is, one year
with another, about three millions of poods, a pood being forty pounds
Russian, a little more than thirtysix pounds English. Some of the iron
of Russia is at least as good as the best Swedish, particularly what
is called old sable iron. We used to import considerable quantities of
the Swedish, if I am not mistaken.
Upon my arrival here, I found a strong apprehension prevailing, that
we should rival this country in the other parts of Europe, especially
in the important articles of iron and hemp. Besides what I have said
upon this subject in the reflections contained in my letter of June
28th, I endeavored to show the high improbability of our going into
the business of mining, even to a degree to answer our own demands,
for an age at least, much less for foreign markets. From the dearness
of labor, when our mines if worked at all must be worked by freemen,
and not as in Europe in general, by slaves, as we had no white slaves,
and had prohibited the importation of blacks; that by this means,
aided by the enemy, who in their progress through the southern States
had stolen them from many plantations, and shipped not a few to their
Islands, we should shortly see an end of slaves in our country; that
the policy of our governments was opposed to the commerce of slaves;
that upon the supposition we could work our mines by freemen nearly as
cheap as Russia, yet we should import her iron in great quantities,
because the nature of the other commodities we should take from hence
is such as would require our vessels to be ballasted, and that they
would wish to take in iron in preference to other unprofitable ballast
and without freight, so that it would always arrive among us at an
advantageous rate. From the prodigious extent of our uncultivated
territory, joined to the ease with which every inhabitant might make
himself an independent proprietor of a sufficient portion of it, for
the comfortable support of himself and a family, who in their turns
might find in the same way the same facility of subsisting in an
independent state of life; that it was not in the nature of things for
men thus circumstanced to bury themselves in the bowels of the earth,
and spend their lives and their labor for the profit of others.