the papers, which have been already sent from France. To these are
added others, which will give to Congress precise information of
everything, which has hitherto taken place relative to my late
appointment, that can be of any importance to them to know.
I shall not trouble you with observations upon any of them, except the
letter of Dr Franklin, and merely to correct one or two mistakes in
his account of my conference with the Count de Vergennes. The Doctor
says, "when I mentioned that I might appear to have _views of
commerce, as a merchant_, or of curiosity as a traveller," &c.--"that
there was a gentleman in Petersburg with whom some _in America_ had a
correspondence, who had given hints of the utility," &c.--"and that I
could _perhaps by means of that gentleman_ make acquaintance," &c.
Persuaded as I was from the beginning, that it could not be for the
interest of our country, that I should be stopped short of my
destination, and determined to endeavor to obviate every objection,
which might be made to my going on, I told the Count, when he seemed
to be stating a difficulty arising from my public character, that I
could appear as a private gentleman, travelling with a view of
obtaining some knowledge of that country. I added, indeed, of its
laws, customs, manners, _commerce_, manufactures, &c. The character of
a merchant in those countries is not so respectable as to recommend
itself to my choice, when I wished to form connexions with a different
order of men. As I did not know of any gentleman at Petersburg, with
whom some _in America_ had a correspondence, I could never inform his
Excellency of such a circumstance. The fact was quite otherwise, and
that part of our conversation was introduced in the manner, and was
exactly of the tenor mentioned in my account of the conference. I have
a personal knowledge of the gentleman I alluded to; he named the
persons of rank, but I did not think it prudent to give their names to
the Count. Perhaps I may have the honor to form an acquaintance with
persons of some consideration in the country to which I am going,
without laying myself under obligations to that gentleman.
I shall set out from hence in a few days on my journey, probably
without consulting the Russian Ambassador at the Hague, as I am not
yet more reconciled to this step than I was when it was first proposed
to me. Mr Adams, your Excellency will perceive, is decidedly against
it. We have given our reasons. To these may be added, that to
communicate my design of going into his country, and secreting from
him at the same time, my public character, if by such means I might
obtain his advice and passport to proceed, whenever my real character
should be made known, he would perhaps consider it as a mean artifice
and an imposition upon him, which he could not overlook, especially
when the act of giving his advice or passport (though I have no
expectation he would do either) might expose him, or his Court, or
both, to all the consequences of having done so, with the full
knowledge of my character; for declarations of ignorance in that
respect would gain little credit. On the whole, I see no one good
purpose that such a consultation as has been recommended to me, would
produce, but, on the contrary, I think I see many mischiefs, which
might come out of it.
Not thinking it prudent to go on farther unaccompanied by any person
in whose hands, in case of my death or accident, your papers and
affairs may be safely lodged, for the future advantage of Congress, I
have invited Mr Edmund Jennings, a native American, and a gentleman
whose character, I believe, may be known to some of the members of
Congress, not only to accompany me on my journey but to remain with me
there. I promise myself he will be able to afford me much essential
assistance in the execution of my duty. I did not, however, take this
step till I had communicated my design to Mr Adams, who well knew Mr
Jennings, and found that it met his full approbation. I enclose (over
and above the other papers) my letter to Mr Jennings on this occasion,
and his answer to me. I hope Congress will not disapprove of this
measure. I have no other end in it than to promote the interests of
our country, in obtaining the assistance of his abilities, and to
guard against an event, which may take place, and I think common
prudence forbids should be left wholly unprovided for.
I am, Sir, with sentiments of the highest respect, &c.
FRANCIS DANA.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Amsterdam, May 20th, 1781.
Sir,
I do myself the honor to transmit to your Excellency certain papers,
which are duplicates of such as have not been sent off from France.
Your Excellency will receive the whole from hence in the South
Carolina, commanded by Commodore Gillon, if she arrives safe. If not,
the arrival of those from France, together with these by Captain
Newman, for Newburyport, will supply them.
I shall not trouble your Excellency with any political matters from
hence, because you will, doubtless, be fully informed about them by Mr
Adams. I shall hope for early information from our country of every
important event, civil or military. I perceive, with much pleasure,
that Congress are about adopting a solid system of finance, which
will, doubtless, meet with the cordial support of all the States in
the Union. When this system shall be established, I hope the Committee
of Foreign Affairs, or some others to whom it may belong, will not
fail to transmit some account of it, with any observations which may
be necessary to explain it. In my separate department, where there is
yet little or no good information touching the state of our country,
it may be more necessary to pay a particular attention to this
business.
I am, with the highest sentiments of respect and esteem, &c.
FRANCIS DANA.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Berlin, July 28th, 1781.
Sir,
I beg leave to acquaint your Excellency, that after having been
detained at Amsterdam more than a month from the time I myself was
ready to enter upon my journey, in hopes of being accompanied by Mr
Jennings, I have been exceedingly disappointed, that that gentleman
has thought himself under the necessity to decline going with me, on
account of certain circumstances, which have since turned up in his
own affairs.
I left Amsterdam on the 7th instant, (Mr Adams having gone from thence
for Paris on the 2d, upon a special call of which he will, doubtless,
give your Excellency the earliest notice) and arrived in this city on
the 25th, very much indisposed. I thought it expedient to take my
route to this city, through Cologne, Frankfort, and Leipsic, though
not the common or shortest one, to avoid passing through Hanover, lest
my motions should have been watched in Holland, and notice given of
my passing through Hanover, which might have brought on the seizure of
my person and papers.
I have been unfortunate in having my carriage overthrown and broken in
pieces, between Leipsic and Berlin; happily, however, no other injury
was sustained. I mention this circumstance, because it not only lays
me under the necessity of purchasing another here, (for there is no
travelling in these countries tolerably without a private carriage)
but it will detain me several days extraordinary. Though I am not
quite well, I shall set off as soon as the carriage I have bought can
be properly fitted for so long a journey, for no less than fifteen
hundred of our miles are still before me; and the route far from being
the most pleasant in Europe, yet I should go through it with much
alacrity, if I had well grounded hopes that at the end, I should find
matters in the state we wish them to be.
As I have no faith on the one hand, that the present mediation of the
Emperor and Empress will issue in a pacification, general or partial,
so, on the other, I as little expect that it will suddenly light up
other wars. It is probable, nothing of the latter kind can take place,
without this kingdom having a portion in it, and I have not yet been
able to learn, that there is the least expectation of the sort here,
which most commonly goes before the act. I suppose, therefore, that
the belligerent powers will still continue belligerent, and that the
mediators will hope for a more favorable opportunity to renew their
mediation, and to make their particular advantage of the conflict. It
seems to me it has been accepted by them, (America only excepted, to
whom it has not been tendered) rather out of respect, or to avoid
giving offence to the mediators, or to seek an advantage by
discovering a ready disposition to hearken to every proposition having
the least possible tendency to bring about a pacification.
Not one of the belligerent powers, I believe, has an expectation, or a
sincere wish that a pacification will, or should be brought about at
present. Spain wishes to possess herself of Gibraltar and of the
Floridas; can she now hope that these will be ceded to her? Does she
not flatter herself, that by the continuance of the war, Britain will
become so enfeebled, that they may be wrested from her? That having
once obtained them by conquest, she will easily retain them at a
peace? France wishes to establish herself, in the place of Britain,
the dominant power of Europe; to this end, she sees that it is
necessary to snatch the trident from the hand of Britain, and to wield
it herself. To effect this, _she knows well, that America must be
supported in her independence_. But is the time yet come, when she can
reasonably hope, that both the mediators are prepared to make this
last measure a proposition in their mediation, or Britain to
acknowledge it?
Great Britain, in my opinion, wishes not to make a separate peace with
America, that she may be able to exert her whole force against the
House of Bourbon, as many of her popular leaders have frequently
expressed themselves. This would be humbling herself in a point on
which she is most obstinately fixed. Much sooner would she humble
herself before her ancient enemies, provided she could flatter
herself, that by doing this, she might make a separate peace with
them, and be thereby at liberty to direct her whole force against the
United States. In this case she would cherish the hope, that America
seeing herself forsaken by her new allies, and exposed singly to the
whole power of Britain, might either be induced once more to submit to
her domination, or would become an easy conquest, in part at least. So
little wisdom, it is probable, experience has taught them. But is
there the least hope for Britain, that her ancient enemies are
prepared to give up their new friends? Does not their own safety and
importance in the political system, absolutely depend upon supporting
the independence of our country?
Of Holland or the United Provinces, I know not what to say. They can
scarce be ranked among the belligerent powers. The objects of Holland
are peace, with that freedom to her commerce, which she had a right to
demand in virtue of treaties, which Britain has annulled; as also
restitution of her conquered territories, and reparation of the
destruction committed upon her navigation. Britain will not gratify
Holland in any of these respects, unless she grants the aids claimed,
and thereby plunges herself into the war against the House of Bourbon
and America, which she can never do. Thus a partial pacification
between them is not likely to take place.
America will not consent that the independence of her empire shall be
brought into question, or that her rights and claims shall be
litigated and adjusted in a Congress, in which she is not properly
represented by her Minister. Nevertheless, these things will, I am
persuaded, be attempted, and I fear they will not meet with a very
vigorous opposition from a quarter, which we have a right to expect
should stoutly oppose them.[18] Should a Congress be assembled in
this half matured state of things, is there any reasonable ground to
hope that the professed design of it, a general pacification, can be
accomplished? The determination of such bodies, are, however, so
frequently influenced by improper motives, that he who concludes that
such a matter cannot be the result merely because it ought not to be,
may find himself egregiously deceived in the end.
Thus I have attempted to give a sketch of my sentiments relative to
the business of a mediation; but Congress will probably receive a much
more particular and satisfactory account of it from a much more able
hand, who has besides better information, and is now more immediately
connected with it. I have said I should go through the fatigues of my
journey with much alacrity, if I had well grounded hopes, that at the
end I should find matters in the state we wish them to be. I do not
form any strong conclusion from the answer of the Empress to the
United Provinces. What could they expect from her when they had so
shamefully neglected any preparations necessary even for their own
defence, and seemed not to be half decided about making any. But the
following memorial of the French Ambassador at her Court, taken in
conjunction with the present retirement of Count Panin, her Prime
Minister, seems to denote an essential change in the system of the
Court of St Petersburg.
"_St Petersburg, 12th of June._ Friday last the Minister of the Court
of Versailles had a conference with Count Osterman, Vice Chancellor of
the Empire, and delivered him a memorial of the following import.
'Representations upon the continual proceedings of the English against
the commerce and navigation of the neutral nations, upon the little
activity of these last to prevent these arbitrary proceedings, and to
support the principles of their declarations made to the belligerent
powers, and the convention of neutrality, which has been concluded
between them; upon the prejudice which will naturally result therefrom
to all nations; and upon the desire which the King his master has,
that it should be remedied by the vigorous co-operation of her
Imperial Majesty; seeing that otherwise the said association of
neutrality would be turned but to the benefit of the enemies of
France, and that the King who has himself to the present time, exactly
conformed to the principles of the above mentioned declaration and
convention of neutrality, will find himself, though with regret, under
the indispensable necessity of changing in like manner the system
which he has hitherto pursued respecting the commerce and navigation
of neutrals, and to order and regulate that according to the conduct
which the English themselves pursue, and which has been so patiently
borne by the neutral nations; objects upon the subject matter of
which, his Majesty has nevertheless thought, that he ought to suspend
his final resolution, until he should have concerted measures with her
Imperial Majesty upon this business.'"
As Mr Adams had left Amsterdam before this memorial appeared, I could
not have the benefit of his judgment upon it, but I am so thoroughly
acquainted with his political sentiments, that I believe I may say, it
would have made no alteration in his opinion touching the expediency
of my going forward. It certainly has made none in mine on that point,
though it has indeed given me some reason to apprehend, that at
present the prospect of success is not so good as before. The
experiment ought to be made, what are the real dispositions of that
Court towards us, or what they would be if they were better and
properly informed about us. Britain most certainly has been
industrious in concealing the real state of things from them, and
there has not been any one there to counteract her. By this step we
shall at least have the satisfaction of knowing whether the Empress
wishes to take any friendly concern in our affairs; a point of
knowledge perhaps not altogether unprofitable, though it should turn
out contrary to our wishes, as it may prevent our amusing ourselves
vainly with expectations of important assistance from Europe, and
teach us one wholesome lesson, that America, under the blessing of
God, must depend more upon her own exertions, for the happy
establishment of her great political interests.
I think it my duty to apprize Congress, that I have no expectation of
any essential support in my commission there, though I shall be
careful to appear to be persuaded of the contrary, so long as I may do
so without injuring our cause. I doubt whether it is natural for us to
expect this support in any part of Europe, for when a nation thinks it
will insure to itself a powerful influence over another by being its
only friend and ally, why should it seek to procure it other allies,
who, by their friendly offices and support, will have a share of that
influence, and nearly in the same proportion as the new friends gain
it, the old ones must lose it? Some may act upon such a principle. I
may, in some future letter, give you more particular reasons, why I am
persuaded we ought not to expect any real support, in our attempts to
form new alliances, and why the Ministers of Congress in Europe should
be encouraged in pursuing a more independent line of conduct. I am
sensible this is a matter of much delicacy, and that appearances of
the most perfect confidence should be kept up as long as possible. I
am sensible, also, that the man who thinks thus, and who wishes to act
in conformity to his own sentiments, exposes himself to secret and
malicious attacks, which may frequently wound, if not destroy his
moral and political reputation, if he has any; but it becomes our duty
to think freely, and to communicate freely on some matters, and I hope
we may do so _safely_; otherwise, there is an end of all beneficial
correspondence, and expectations of rendering any essential services
to our country.
I crave your Excellency's pardon for the length of this letter, and
beg leave to subscribe myself, with the highest respect, and most
perfect esteem, &c.
FRANCIS DANA.
FOOTNOTES:
[18] This doubtless refers to France, but the suspicion was not well
founded, for when a pacification was proposed through the mediation of
Russia and Austria, the Court of France insisted on an express
_preliminary condition_, that the United States should be represented
by their Ministers as _an independent power_ in the negotiations for
peace. It was on this account alone, that England refused to come into
the plan of the mediation.
* * * * *
TO THE MARQUIS DE VERAC, FRENCH MINISTER AT ST PETERSBURG.
St Petersburg, August 30th, 1781.
Mr Dana begs leave to acquaint his Excellency, the Marquis de Verac,
that he has arrived in town, and proposes to do himself the honor of
paying his respectful compliments to his Excellency, as the Minister
of the sovereign in alliance with his country, at any hour, which
shall be most agreeable to him.
Mr Dana is silent at present with regard to himself, presuming that
his Excellency has been already informed by his Excellency, the Count
de Vergennes, of his intended journey to this place, and of some
circumstances, which have opened the nature of his business.
* * * * *
THE MARQUIS DE VERAC TO FRANCIS DANA.
Translation.
Thursday, August 30th, 1781.
The Marquis de Verac has the honor to present his compliments to Mr
Dana, and is very happy to hear of his arrival, which he had been
prepared to expect by the Count de Vergennes; he will be flattered to
make his acquaintance, and to assure him of his eagerness to render
him any service in his power in this country.
* * * * *
TO THE MARQUIS DE VERAC, AMBASSADOR FROM FRANCE.
St Petersburg, September 1st, 1781.[19]
Sir,
I have the honor to acquaint your Excellency, that the Congress of the
United States of America have been pleased to charge me with a
commission as their Minister at the Court of St Petersburg, and that
they have also particularly instructed me to make a communication of
the general object of my mission to his Most Christian Majesty's
Minister at the same Court. This last measure was doubtless the effect
of that full confidence they have, not only in his Majesty and his
Ministers in general, but in your Excellency in an especial manner,
and is strongly expressive of their earnest wish and persuasion, that
their negotiations at this Court may, and will be conducted in perfect
harmony with those of his Majesty, and that they rest assured, that
his benevolence and friendship towards the United States and the
general cause of humanity, are sufficient inducements to draw forth
the most powerful aid and support of his Majesty in the business of
this mission; the general object of which is, to engage her Imperial
Majesty to favor and support the sovereignty and independence of the
United States of America, and to lay a foundation for a good
understanding and friendly intercourse between the subjects of her
Imperial Majesty and the citizens of the United States, to the mutual
advantage of both nations, and consistent with the treaties subsisting
between his Most Christian Majesty and the United States.
Thus a foundation is laid in this quarter, the more strongly to cement
the interests and affections of our two countries. And I feel myself
inexpressibly happy, that it has fallen to my lot to be connected in
this business with a person so distinguished as well for his
benevolence of heart as for the eminence of his abilities; and I
flatter myself your Excellency will at all times be ready to afford me
every assistance in your power, which I may need in the execution of
my mission.
I have the honor to be, with the highest respect, &c.
FRANCIS DANA.
FOOTNOTES:
[19] Almost all Mr Dana's letters from Russia were dated in the _Old
Style_. In preparing them for the press, the dates have been altered
to _New Style_.
* * * * *
THE MARQUIS DE VERAC TO FRANCIS DANA.
Translation.
St Petersburg, September 2d, 1781.
Sir,
I have received the letter, which you did me the honor to write to me
yesterday, and I cannot too strongly express to you how sensible I am
of the mark of confidence, which you have shown me, in communicating
the views proposed by the Congress of the United States of America,
when they decided to send you to the Court of Russia as their Minister
Plenipotentiary to the Empress. You know, Sir, the deep interest,
which the King takes in the cause of the United States, and you need
not doubt, that I shall be anxious to render you here all the services
in my power, and which the circumstances of place and persons will
permit.
At this moment I cannot better reciprocate your confidence than by
making you acquainted with the general dispositions of her Imperial
Majesty in regard to the powers at war. From the commencement of
hostilities, this sovereign has made it a point of honor to hold the
balance perfectly equal between the different parties, taking
particular care not to manifest any kind of preference, by carefully
avoiding every advance, which could indicate the slightest partiality
in favor of either of the belligerent powers to the prejudice of the
others. It is this equitable and perfectly impartial conduct, which
has determined the Courts of the House of Bourbon, as well as that of
London and the States-General, to accept the offers of this Princess,
when she proposed to terminate their differences by a mediation
conjointly with that of the Emperor; and you are certainly not
ignorant, Sir, that her first plan of pacification has been sent to
all the Courts, that are interested. I confide to you, also, that the
United States of America are to take a part in it, and that these
august mediators desire that your Deputies may be admitted to the
Congress, which shall regulate the pretensions of the belligerent
powers, that they may there be able to debate and discuss their own
interests. Thus you have in few words the state of things at the
Court of Russia, and you will readily comprehend, that her Imperial
Majesty, not wishing to dissatisfy the Court of London more than those
of Versailles and Madrid, abstains with the greatest possible care
from showing any particular inclination for the American cause.