Cabinet of her Imperial Majesty will consent to recognise the Minister
of a power, which has not as yet, in their eyes, a political
existence, and expose themselves to the complaints, which the Court of
London will not fail to make against an indication of favor so public.
I ought, therefore, to desire you to reflect much before you display
the character with which you are clothed, or make advances which will
be more injurious than beneficial to the success of your views. It is
not now as the Minister of the King, that I have the honor to speak,
but as a man whom the residence of a year in this place has furnished
with local knowledge, which you cannot have acquired. If, however, you
overcome this difficulty, if you commence a negotiation with the
Russian Minister, and will do me the honor to make me acquainted with
it, you need not doubt that I shall strive most cheerfully to second
you in everything, which shall concern the common interest. Be
persuaded, moreover, that on the occasions when I shall deem it my
duty to remain inactive, it will be because I am well satisfied, that
any advance on my part would be injurious to one, without any
advantage to the other.
I can add nothing to the sincerity of my wishes for the success of
your mission, or to the distinguished sentiments with which I have the
honor to be, &c.
THE MARQUIS DE VERAC.
_P. S._ I ought to inform you, that the Count Panin and the Count
d'Ostermann do not understand English; this will render your
communications with these Ministers difficult.
* * * * *
TO THE MARQUIS DE VERAC.
St Petersburg, September 4th, 1781.
Sir,
I have received the letter, which your Excellency did me the honor to
write to me yesterday, in answer to mine of the day before,
communicating to you the general object of my mission.
It is impossible for me to express the obligations I feel myself under
to your Excellency, for letting yourself so readily, and with so much
frankness, into the state of affairs at this Court, so far as I could
have any concern in them, and for your confidential communication
respecting the proposition for the admission of the American Minister
into the proposed Congress; a proposition founded in eternal justice,
and which cannot fail to reflect immortal glory upon the august
mediators. Although I had before been acquainted with this, and also
that the Court of London had rejected the mediation on that very
account, yet I deemed it so very productive an event, and of so much
importance to the interests of my country, that I had proposed, after
being honored with your answer to my first, to write to your
Excellency upon that subject, and also to request your sentiments and
opinions upon the actual state of things at this Court, but your
goodness has anticipated my design.
You will not impute it to a proper want of respect for your
sentiments and opinions, if I presume to raise some doubts, and to
make some reflections upon them. For whether they come from the
Marquis de Verac, or from the Minister of France, they make an equal
impression upon my mind, and it is at present a matter of indifference
to me. The wisdom of her Imperial Majesty, in making it, as you
express yourself, "from the moment the first hostilities commenced, a
point of honor to hold the balance perfectly equal between the
different parties, taking particular care not to manifest any kind of
preference, by carefully avoiding every advance, which could indicate
the slightest partiality in favor of either of the belligerent powers
to the prejudice of the others," cannot be too much admired. But it
would be paying an ill compliment to that penetration, for which her
Majesty is so justly celebrated, to suppose, that she did not also
from that very moment clearly discover the importance of the American
revolution, at least to all the maritime powers of Europe, and that it
was the only basis, upon which could be erected her favorite and just
system, of equal freedom and commerce and navigation to all nations.
She might hope to obtain this great end, and to acquire the glory of
mediating between the belligerent powers at one and the same time.
Upon this supposition, that exact neutrality she has hitherto held,
was both wise and necessary. It was necessary above all, that she
should abstain, with the greatest care, from manifesting a particular
inclination for the cause of America. It seems her system of politics
must have undergone an essential change, and that it has now become
absolutely impossible for her Imperial Majesty any longer to conceal
her particular inclination for the cause of America, since she, in
conjunction with the Emperor has proposed, that the Minister of the
United States, should be admitted into the Congress for settling the
pretensions of the belligerent powers, and there to debate himself,
and discuss their proper interests. This is to rank America (as in
fact she stands) among the belligerent powers, and, in a manner, to
acknowledge her independence. It is making a much larger stride
towards it, I confess, than I expected would have been made in the
first plan of pacification. That they must come to it at last, I have
been long firmly persuaded.
I must take the liberty to differ in opinion from your Excellency,
when you say, in the present circumstances, it is very doubtful
whether the Ministry of her Imperial Majesty will acknowledge a
Minister from the United States of America, more especially when I
reflect upon the principal reasons you assign for this opinion. I can
no longer consider myself as "the Minister of a power, which has not
as yet, in her eyes, a political existence." It is difficult to
conceive upon what ground her Imperial Majesty could propose that a
Minister appointed for the express purpose, by the United States of
America, in Congress assembled, should be admitted into a Congress to
be held for settling the pretensions of the belligerent powers, if she
did not admit the political existence of that body, and consider it as
a complete sovereign. The fact is undeniably true, and no fallacy of
our enemies can invalidate it, that the United States of America have
been, ever since the 4th of July, 1776, a free, sovereign, and
independent body politic. Your illustrious Sovereign made this
declaration in the face of the whole world, more than three years
since; and I flatter myself the time is now come, when other
sovereigns are prepared to make the same, if properly invited to do
it. Neither can I imagine, that her Imperial Majesty will now give
herself much concern about any groundless complaints, which the Court
of London may make against such a public mark of respect for my
sovereign, as my open reception in the character of its Minister would
be. I cannot but consider her Imperial Majesty's line of conduct, in
this respect, decided by the above proposition, which she made as
mediator between the belligerent powers. No one could more deeply
wound the Court of London. She must have contemplated as probable, at
least, what I think might have been almost certainly predicted,
namely, the rejection of her mediation by the Court of London, on
account of that very proposition, and have resolved upon her measures
in consequence of it. She could never have committed the honor and
dignity of her Imperial Crown to so improbable a contingency, as the
Court of London accepting her mediation upon the terms upon which it
was tendered.
Having seen Britain in vain attempting for more than six years, the
reduction of the United States, without being able in all that time to
conquer one of them; finding them to continue inflexibly firm through
all their variety of fortune in the war, and still in full possession
of their independence; seeing several of the principal powers of
Europe long involved in the contest; having observed between them the
strictest neutrality to this moment; and having at last freely
tendered her good offices to bring about a general pacification upon
the most reasonable and just grounds and principles, which the Court
of London has thought proper to reject, still keeping up their absurd
claims over the United States; it would seem after all this, that
there now remained but one step for her Imperial Majesty to take,
consistent with her dignity, (for I presume the mediators cannot
withdraw their proposition,) which is, to acknowledge the independence
of America, as the most probable means, if not the only one, now left
to restore peace to both Europe and America, and effectually to
establish freedom of commerce and navigation to all nations.
If the sovereigns of Europe do not see this to be the proper moment
for putting the finishing stroke to so glorious a work, when is it to
be expected the critical moment will arrive? How long are they likely
to wait before they presume to form political connexions with, and
enjoy the profitable commerce of the new world? Will they stay till
the pride and arrogance of Britain shall be so far humbled, as
voluntarily to give up her chimerical claims over the United States,
and to invite them into this political connexion?
These are the sentiments and opinions of a man, who feels the want of
experience in the business of Courts, and of that local information,
both of which your Excellency possesses, in so eminent a degree. It is
therefore with much diffidence I venture to differ from yours. I have
endeavored to follow that example of frankness you have set me in your
communication; and I hope I have treated your sentiments and opinions
with all that decency and respect, which everything which may come
from you, demands of me. If I am wrong, I trust you will have the
goodness to set me right. I have already reflected upon this subject,
but I shall most certainly attend to your friendly caution, and
reflect again upon it, before I open the character with which I am
clothed, and be careful to avoid engaging myself in any measure, which
may become more prejudicial than advantageous to the success of my
views. On the other hand, when I see no difficulty in adopting the
measure I shall presently mention, it becomes my indispensable duty to
adopt it, because it appears to me to be betraying the honor and
dignity of the United States to seclude myself in a hotel, without
making one effort to step forth into political life; besides, I think
I owe this also to her Imperial Majesty, who it is possible, may have
matured her political plan to the utmost gratification of my wishes.
If otherwise, I presume I shall nevertheless be treated in such a
manner, as will reflect no dishonor upon the sovereign authority of
the United States, or upon myself individually considered. If the
experiment is not made, the United States can never be satisfied, that
in a juncture apparently so favorable, it would not have succeeded,
and their Minister would find it extremely difficult to justify before
them a state of absolute inaction.
At present, I should be puzzled for reasons to vindicate such a
conduct, while they seem to crowd in upon me in support of a contrary
one. The United States trust to the justice of their cause, and the
rectitude of their intentions, to open the way for them into the
affections of the sovereigns of Europe. They have no sinister, no
dishonorable propositions to make to any of them, but such only as
they are persuaded will essentially promote the great interests and
well being of all. The measure I propose to take, is to make a
confidential communication of my public character to the proper
Minister of her Majesty, and of the general object of my mission; and
perhaps to accompany those with a short memorial to her Majesty. I
shall ask and conform to his advice, if he is pleased to give it to
me, as to the proper time of presenting the memorial, or taking any
other step in the business of my mission; and ask him in the meantime
to assure me of the protection of her Majesty. I shall acquaint him,
that I have not yet assumed any public character, or made it known to
any person but to your Excellency, (in obedience to my instructions,)
that I am invested with one, and that I shall not do either without
his approbation.
As I have done in this instance, so your Excellency may be persuaded I
shall in future make you fully acquainted with any negotiation I may
enter upon with the Russian Ministry, because I rely upon the support
you have been pleased to assure to me, in everything I may undertake,
which may concern the common interests of our two countries, and which
you should not think injurious to the one without being beneficial to
the other. I must crave your Excellency's pardon for the length of
this letter, and hope you will impute that to the desire I have to
impart to you fully my sentiments and intentions touching the subject
of it.
I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the highest respect, &c.
FRANCIS DANA.
* * * * *
THE MARQUIS DE VERAC TO FRANCIS DANA.
Translation.
St Petersburg, September 12th, 1781.
Sir,
In the letter, which I had the honor to write to you on the 2d
instant, I made only a passing mention of the article of the plan of
pacification proposed by the Courts of Vienna and Petersburg, which
stipulates for the admission of deputies from the United States at the
Congress. Persuaded, as you appear to have been, that the American
Minister would be admitted in the same manner as if their public
character were recognised at the moment of their arrival, not only by
the belligerent powers, but also by the mediating powers, your
reasoning is perfectly just when you say, that one cannot admit and
recognise the Minister of a power without recognising the independence
and political existence of that power; and hence you conclude it is
very possible, that the Court of Petersburg may be in a disposition to
recognise voluntarily the character with which you are clothed. This
reasoning is equally an evidence of the justice of your views and of
your knowledge in the matter of public right. I alone have been wrong
not to enter more into detail concerning the article, which you have
erected into a principle. But in truth, I refrained from this, because
I supposed you were already perfectly acquainted with it. I cannot
better repair my omission, than to transcribe the article, as it has
been sent to the Courts of Versailles, Madrid, and London. "There
shall be a treaty at Vienna, under the mutual direction of the two
Imperial Courts, concerning all the objects of the re-establishment of
peace, &c." "And there shall at the same time be a treaty between
Great Britain and the _American Colonies_ for the re-establishment of
peace in America, _but without the intervention of any other
belligerent parties, not even that of the two Imperial Courts, unless
their mediation shall be formally asked and granted for this
object_."[20]
By this the mediating Courts intend, that your deputies shall treat
simply with the English Ministers, as they have already treated with
them in America in the year 1778; that the result of their
negotiations shall make known to the other powers upon what footing
they ought to be regarded; and that their public character will be
acknowledged without difficulty, from the moment the English
themselves interpose no opposition. This plan has been conceived for
the purpose of conciliating the strongly opposing pretensions. Have
the goodness, Sir, to observe, that I do not say that I approve this
scheme. I merely say, that the august mediators have adopted it, in
rendering to you an account of the reasons by which they are guided.
It is, therefore, clear that their design is to avoid compromiting
themselves by acknowledging the independence of the United States,
till England herself shall have taken the lead.
You perceive, Sir, that nothing is more conformable to my wishes, than
to see Russia acknowledge the independence of the United States. If it
depended on me to draw from her this acknowledgment, you would
immediately have grounds to be perfectly contented with my efforts. In
a word, you cannot doubt, that the Minister of his Most Christian
Majesty in Russia takes a warm interest in your cause. But the more I
desire your success, the more I feel myself obliged to forewarn you of
the difficulties which you have to surmount, and I should betray my
duty, if I were voluntarily to leave you in ignorance on so important
a point. Invested, as you are, with a public character on the part of
a power, whose rights and perfect independence it is my duty to
recognise, it does not pertain to me to guide your advances, but the
alliance of this same power with the King my master, invites me to
acquaint you with all the knowledge, which I have acquired respecting
this country, that can be useful to you. It is with the greatest
pleasure, Sir, that I fulfil this duty in repeating to you, what I had
the honor to say to you in my first letter, that when you shall have
succeeded in surmounting the difficulties, which you may meet in
causing your public character to be recognised at this Court, you will
find me entirely disposed to second you in everything, which shall
regard the common interest of our countries, when it shall be probable
that my intervention will be agreeable to the Ministers of her
Imperial Majesty.
You are too enlightened, Sir, to need my counsels, and much less my
approbation. I shall confine myself, therefore, to communicating such
facts as shall come to my knowledge, and which may interest you,
leaving to your intelligence and discernment the task of combining
them and drawing from them the plan of conduct, which you shall think
most suitable, being well persuaded, that whatever course you may
pursue will be for the best, and most conformable to your interests. I
ought to confide to you, therefore, that we are daily expecting the
answers of France and of Spain concerning the plan of pacification.
When these arrive, we shall know what is intended as to the article
relating to the deputies of Congress, and shall see how these
observations will be received at St Petersburg. It is for you to
judge, Sir, whether you think this circumstance ought to withhold you
or not from making known here your political character.
I have the honor to be, &c.
THE MARQUIS DE VERAC.
_P. S._ I ask pardon for the delay of this answer. It has been owing
to the embarrassment of translating your letter; the Marquis de la
Coste, my son-in-law, being the only person in my family who can read
a little English.
FOOTNOTES:
[20] See the articles of pacification at large, as far as they relate
to America, in _John Adams's Correspondence_, Vol. VI. p. 100.
* * * * *
TO THE MARQUIS DE VERAC.
St Petersburg, September 13th, 1781.
Sir,
On my return home last evening, I found myself honored with your
Excellency's letter of yesterday. No apology could be necessary for
the delay of it. It is not to be expected, that M. le Marquis de la
Coste, should make a task of translating my letters, or suffer them to
interfere with his engagements or avocations. It is with extreme
repugnance I write to your Excellency, because of the trouble I know
that it must give him; and nothing but an opinion of the necessity of
doing it, has given your Excellency, or the Marquis, any trouble of
that sort.
It may not be amiss to acquaint your Excellency, that just before my
departure from Holland, by an unforeseen accident, I was unexpectedly
deprived of the assistance of a gentleman, who both speaks and writes
the French language well, and was to have accompanied me hither. Your
Excellency may be assured, I shall very readily wait some time before
I enter upon the measure mentioned in my last, in hopes of being
favored with the answers of the Courts of Versailles and Madrid to the
plan of pacification, as soon after you may receive them, as shall be
convenient to you. It is my earnest wish to form my conduct upon the
fullest informations I can possibly obtain, and to avoid any step,
which may have the least tendency rather to injure than to promote the
interests of either country.
Your Excellency will be pleased to accept my warmest thanks for your
attention to the business of my mission, your wishes for the success
of it, as well as for the assurances of your personal zeal, to promote
the general interests of the United States.
I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the highest respect, &c.
FRANCIS DANA.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
St Petersburg, September 15th, 1781.
Sir,
In my letter from Berlin I did myself the honor to give your
Excellency an account of my route, as far as that city. A duplicate of
that letter will accompany this. I was detained there nine days, the
first part of which time was lost by my illness, and the rest in
waiting for my carriage. I set off from thence the 2d of August, and
arrived here, travelling day and night, on the 27th, _New Style_,
having stopped in this route (sometimes to recruit a little, and
sometimes to make the reparations to my carriage, necessary in so long
a journey) at the following places, viz. Dantzic, Konigsberg, Memel,
Riga and Narva, all of which are ports of consideration, and lay in my
way.
I made during my short stay in them as full inquiry into the nature of
their commerce as circumstances would admit of. I do not find that the
exports from any of them, Riga excepted, are calculated for our
markets, or that we can derive any advantage from them, till we engage
in circuitous voyages and become their carriers. The great article of
Riga is cordage of all sorts, which I am told is the best in all these
countries. They export considerable quantities of hemp likewise, to
say nothing of articles similar to our own, but this article can
perhaps be better purchased at St Petersburg, than anywhere else. I
expect to receive shortly a minute account of all the exports and
imports of Riga, with their prices current, &c. Being no merchant, my
account of these things it is to be expected will be defective, but
this being made a part of my duty, I shall endeavor to execute it in
the best manner I am able.
It is to be observed, that the Dantzickers, the Prussians and the
Russians are improving the present opportunity, which the Dutch war
affords them of increasing their own navigation, with the utmost
industry; and the great rise of freights enables them to do it with
much advantage. What effect this may have upon the sovereigns of the
two last countries, to slacken their pace towards the acknowledgement
of the independence of ours, which would lead to a speedy peace, I
cannot say. The subjects of the Emperor are reaping the same
advantages from the war.
An opportunity by water from hence to Amsterdam now presents itself,
and this being the safest way, I shall send my despatches under cover
to the care of Mr Adams, and shall desire him to break them up, and
read them before he forwards them for America, as the best means of
making him fully acquainted with all that has yet taken place here,
especially with the sentiments of the French Minister, which appear to
me to deserve our particular attention. Though I am no better
satisfied with the reasons given in support of his opinion, in his
second letter, than I was with those in his first, yet I thought it
not prudent to press him any further, with my opposition to them, and
that it was quite sufficient to give him to understand that I still
intended to adopt the measure mentioned in my second letter. He
possibly may have other reasons for his opinions, which he chooses to
keep to himself, but surely such cannot serve as rules by which to
regulate my conduct while I remain ignorant of them, nor can I imagine
it to be my duty, or the expectation of Congress, that I should
blindly fall into the sentiments of any man, especially when I think
this backwardness to give proper support to our cause at the Courts of
Europe, may be accounted for on other principles. That it does
actually exist, I can now no longer doubt. However, Congress will make
up their own judgment upon this point from the letters of the Minister
himself, and from other facts, with which they are much better
acquainted than I can be.