Before I left Spain, and often since by letters, I desired Mr

Carmichael to make out and transmit to Philadelphia a clear and full

state of the public accounts; and also agreeably to Dr Franklin's

request, to send him an account of the bills remaining to be paid. The

Doctor has not received his account; and I have no reason to suppose

that you or Mr Morris have received the other. I am not easy about

this matter, for in case of the death or recall of Mr Carmichael, (by

whom all these accounts were kept, and through whom I managed those

transactions,) I might experience difficulties respecting those

accounts, which may now be avoided.

I understood from Mr Barclay, that he is authorised to examine and

settle these accounts, and as Mr Carmichael has not much to do at

Madrid, I am very desirous that he should be ordered to bring here all

the books and papers relative to these accounts, and with me to attend

their settlement by Mr Barclay. Be so good as to lay this matter

before Congress without delay.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN JAY.

* * * * *

TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

Passy, July 20th, 1783.

Dear Sir,

The delays which have postponed the completion of the definitive

treaty, have hitherto prevented my trying the effect of the waters of

Bath for a pain in my breast, which has continued in different degrees

for a year past. Were I much longer to neglect that only probable

chance of restoring my health, my little family might have much reason

to complain.

I fear that the fluctuating counsels of the British cabinet will

protract that business, until so late in the season, as not to leave

me sufficient time both to give the waters a fair trial, and

afterwards go to Spain, before the weather will become too inclement

for an invalid to travel such a distance in a country so destitute of

accommodations. Should that be the case, I shall hope to be excused

for not undertaking it, especially as nothing of importance remains

there to be done, except preparing the draft of a treaty of commerce,

which I hoped to have been able to bring with me to America in the

spring, when it was my fixed resolution to resign.

But as I should then pass the winter without being useful to the

public, Congress may not perhaps think it reasonable, that their

allowance to me should be continued. I think it my duty therefore to

apprize them of these circumstances, and to refer it to their

discretion to assign such earlier date to my resignation, as they may

think best. I must beg the favor of you to request and to inform me of

their decision on this subject, without delay, for as I shall not

probably have an opportunity of sailing before June next, it is

important to me to know by what rule I am to regulate the expenses of

my family in the meantime.

As you know upon what principles I have devoted myself to the public

for the last nine years, and as those motives would be questionable if

after the war I did not return to a private station, I hope the

propriety of my resolution to resign will appear manifest, especially

when to these considerations are added the circumstances of certain

individuals of my family, whose afflictions and whose relation to me

give them the strongest claims to my care and attention.

Be pleased, Sir, to present to Congress my warmest acknowledgments for

the marks of confidence with which they have honored me, and assure

them that by becoming a private citizen, I mean not to retreat from

any duties, which an American owes his country.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN JAY.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

New York, July 25th, 1784.

Sir,

Having waited until the settlement of the public accounts was

completed, I left Paris the 16th of May last, and on the 1st of June

embarked with my family at Dover, on board the ship Edward, Captain

Coupar, in which we arrived here yesterday. Mr Barclay has

transmitted, or will soon transmit to Mr Morris, a state of the above

mentioned accounts; and as it will thence appear, that some of the

bills drawn upon me have been twice paid, it becomes necessary for me

to inform your Excellency of the particular and cautious manner in

which that business was transacted on my part. Soon after the arrival

of the first bills, I directed Mr Carmichael to prepare and keep a

book, with the pages divided into a number of columns, and to enter

therein the dates, numbers, and other descriptive particulars of every

bill, that might be presented to me for acceptance, and to which on

examination he should find no objection. I made it an invariable rule

to send every bill to him to be examined and entered previous to

accepting it; and from that time to the day I left Spain, I never

accepted a single bill until after it had been inspected and sent to

me by him to be accepted. Further, to avoid mistakes and frauds, I

also made it a constant rule, that every bill presented for payment,

should undergo a second examination by Mr Carmichael, that if he found

it right, he should sign his name on it, and that the bankers should

not pay any bill unless so signed.

The bills twice paid, or rather the different numbers of the same set,

stand entered in different places in the book abovementioned; and I

can only regret, that the entries of the numbers first presented and

accepted, were not observed by him, either at the time when the

subsequent ones were offered for acceptance, or at the time when they

were afterwards brought for payment.

It gives me pleasure to inform your Excellency, that the British and

American ratifications of the treaty of peace were exchanged a few

days before I left Paris. The day of my departure, I received under

cover from Dr Franklin, a copy of the British ratifications, which I

have the honor to transmit herewith enclosed.

With great respect and esteem, I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN JAY.

_P. S._ I shall send with this letter to the post office, several

others, which were committed to my care for your Excellency.

THE

CORRESPONDENCE

OF

FRANCIS DANA;

MINISTER FROM THE UNITED STATES TO RUSSIA

Francis Dana was a native of Massachusetts, and educated at Harvard

University, where he was graduated in the year 1762. He studied the

profession of the law, and was among the first to espouse the cause of

the Colonies in resisting the aggressions of the mother country. In a

letter to General Washington, dated Philadelphia, April 1st, 1776, Mr

John Adams speaks of him in the following terms.

"The bearer of this letter, Mr Francis Dana, is a gentleman of family,

fortune, and education, returned in the last packet from London, where

he has been about a year. He has ever maintained an excellent

character in his country, and a warm friendship for the American

cause. He returns to share with his friends in their dangers and their

triumphs. I have done myself the honor to give him this letter, for

the sake of introducing him to your acquaintance, as he has frequently

expressed to me a desire to embrace the first opportunity of paying

his respects to a character so highly esteemed, and so justly admired

throughout all Europe, as well as America. Mr Dana will satisfy you,

that we have no reason to expect peace with Great Britain."

Mr Dana returned to Massachusetts and was chosen a delegate to

Congress in December of the same year, though he did not take his

seat in that body till the November following. This station he filled

till September, 1779, when he was appointed Secretary to Mr John

Adams, the Minister Plenipotentiary for negotiating a treaty of peace

and a treaty of commerce with Great Britain. He went to Europe with Mr

Adams, and resided with him in Paris, and a short time in Holland. On

the 20th of June, 1780, he was commissioned to negotiate a loan in

Holland, provided Mr Adams should be prevented by other business from

attending to it. As Mr Adams undertook the negotiation, Mr Dana did

not enter upon this commission.

On the 19th of December, he was elected by Congress to be Minister

resident in Russia, with authority to accede to the convention of the

neutral and belligerent powers for protecting the freedom of commerce

and rights of nations, and also to negotiate a treaty for this

purpose. He received his commission and instructions in Paris, and

after spending a short time in Amsterdam and Berlin, he arrived at St

Petersburg towards the end of August, 1781. Here he applied himself

with zeal and activity to the objects of his mission, but the policy

of the Russian Court was at that time such, as to prevent its

recognizing the independence of the United States, or receiving

publicly a Minister from that government. In his private capacity, Mr

Dana was treated with due consideration, and was promised that, after

the signature of the definitive treaty at Paris, he should be admitted

to an audience of the Empress, and received in his public character,

as Minister from the United States. Meantime his continued ill health

had induced him to solicit from Congress permission to return home,

which was granted. He sailed from St Petersburg in a ship bound for

Boston, where he arrived in December, 1783.

Mr Dana was a member of the Convention at Annapolis, and of the

Convention of Massachusetts for ratifying the Constitution of the

United States. In this latter body he took an able and decided stand

in favor of the Constitution. He was afterwards for many years Chief

Justice of the State of Massachusetts, and died in 1811, at the age of

sixtyseven years.

THE

CORRESPONDENCE

OF

FRANCIS DANA.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Paris, August 10th, 1780.

Sir,

Mr Adams having left Paris the 27th of last month, to visit the Low

Countries, I do myself the honor of forwarding to your Excellency two

packets, the one containing his letters to you from No. 89 to 99

inclusive, and two private letters from a gentleman in London to him,

the other containing letters numbered in their order from No. 1 to 10,

inclusive. I shall also forward to your Excellency, if the bearer can

take them, all the newspapers we have on hand. The whole will be

committed to the care of Captain Jones, who will sail in the Ariel.

Had I been apprized less suddenly of the time of Captain Jones'

departure, I should also have sent translations of the declarations of

the Courts of Copenhagen and Stockholm to the belligerent powers,

conforming to that of the Empress of Russia, relative to the commerce

of the neutral powers, and the armed neutrality. These declarations

are in the "_Suite des Nouvelles d'Amsterdam_," of the 8th of August,

No. 63. The fleet, which left Virginia the 14th of last June, under

the convoy of the _Frère Rodêrique_, bound for France, are all except

one, which foundered at sea, the crew being saved, safely arrived. A

vessel, which left New London the 27th of June, was cast away on the

rocks entering Rochelle. We have no letters by any of these vessels,

but learn from them, that no intelligence had been received from M. de

Ternay, when they left America. We cannot but lament our total want of

intelligence respecting the state of our country.

I am, Sir, with the greatest respect, &c.

FRANCIS DANA.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Paris, August 24th, 1780.

Sir,

I did myself the honor on the 10th instant to write to your

Excellency, by Captain John Paul Jones, who then expected to sail

soon, in the Ariel, for Philadelphia, assigning as the reason the

absence of Mr Adams, who was gone to visit the Low Countries. I then

forwarded to your Excellency two packets, one containing his letters

to you, and two private letters from a gentleman in London to him; the

other containing letters to and from the Minister, and I also sent all

the newspapers we then had on hand, directing the whole to the care of

Captain Jones.

Mr Adams has not returned. I had a letter from him of the 17th

instant, in which he makes no mention of his being about to return, so

that it is probable he will stay there sometime longer. If anything

occurs here worthy the notice of Congress, during his absence, I shall

not fail to do myself the honor of communicating it to your

Excellency. The packets sent with this contain Mr Adams's letters to

your Excellency from No. 91 to 100, and letters to and from the

Minister, from No. 1 to 7 exclusive, and also the newspapers, which

have come to hand since making the first packet. We have not received

any advice of the arrival of M. de Ternay, or any intelligence of the

operations of the Spaniards on the Continent, since the reduction of

Mobile, or of the combined armaments in the West Indies.

I am, with the greatest respect, &c.

FRANCIS DANA.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, September 20th, 1780.

Sir,

Having been disappointed in my expectations of forwarding to your

Excellency the packets mentioned in the above letter from France, I

have brought them on to this place, and shall commit them to the care

of Captain Joseph Cook, of Providence, who is now ready to sail, and

waits only for a wind.

I beg leave to acquaint your Excellency, that Mr Searle, a member of

Congress, arrived at Paris on the evening of the 10th instant, and

immediately sent me the despatches of Congress committed to his care.

I perused them, and waited on him in the morning, and had a

conversation of several hours with him, as well upon the subject

matter of those despatches, as upon the concerns of our country.[13]

I thought it my duty immediately to prepare to set off for Amsterdam

with the despatches, and did so the next day at noon, and without

quitting my carriage arrived at Brussels the day after, and at

Amsterdam on the 16th, where I had the happiness of finding Mr Adams

in good health.

From that moment to this, he has been industriously engaged to

endeavor to effectuate the purposes of Congress. What success we may

meet with here is uncertain; but I hope I may give it as my clear

opinion to Congress, that their views would be very much facilitated

if Mr Laurens, or any other person whom they may think proper to

employ in this business, should be at the same time furnished with the

powers of a Minister Plenipotentiary to the States-General. Some

persons here, notwithstanding all that can be said, seem to be

apprehensive that the United States have granted exclusive privileges

in commerce to France. This idea is industriously propagated

throughout Europe, by the emissaries of our enemies, and especially in

this country. A disposition in Congress, therefore, to form an

alliance with the States-General upon principles of perfect

reciprocity of interest, although they should not at this instant be

prepared to enter into it, would unquestionably have a powerful

influence in effectuating the main intention of Congress, and further,

would give a consideration and independence to our councils throughout

Europe, which they will never acquire while they remain in their

present circumscribed state. We might, perhaps, look still further

with the hopes of much benefit to our country. There can be no

occasion of being more particular on this subject. Indeed, I should

not have troubled Congress at all from this place, with any letter of

mine, had not Mr Adams requested me to give my sentiments to Congress

upon the principal object of this letter. I have done so freely, and I

presume the candor of Congress will excuse me in it.

I am, with the greatest respect, &c.

FRANCIS DANA.

FOOTNOTES:

[13] Among these despatches, Mr Dana received a commission, empowering

him to obtain a loan in Holland, in case Mr Adams should for any

reason be prevented from attending to this object. As Mr Adams was

then in Holland, Mr Dana did not act under this commission. See John

Adams's Correspondence, Vol. V. p. 327.

* * * * *

_Commission to Francis Dana, referred to in the preceding Letter._

Whereas by our commission to the honorable Henry Laurens, bearing date

the 30th day of October, 1779, we have constituted and appointed him

the said Henry Laurens, during our pleasure, our agent for and on

behalf of the United States, to negotiate a loan with any person or

persons, bodies politic or corporate; and whereas the said Henry

Laurens having, by unavoidable accidents, been hitherto prevented from

proceeding on his said agency, we have, by our commission bearing

equal date herewith, constituted and appointed the honorable John

Adams, until the said Henry Laurens, or some other person appointed in

his stead, shall arrive in Europe, and undertake the execution of his

aforesaid commission, our agent to negotiate a loan as aforesaid;[14]

And whereas it may so happen, that the said John Adams, by reason of

some disability arising from the state of the business of his present

appointment, or otherwise, may be prevented from undertaking the

execution of the said commission, or having undertaken it, from

proceeding therein; we, therefore, reposing especial trust and

confidence in your patriotism, ability, conduct, and fidelity, do by

these presents constitute and appoint you, the said Francis Dana, in

the event of the disability of the said John Adams, as aforesaid,

until the said Henry Laurens, or some other person appointed in his

stead, shall arrive in Europe, and undertake the execution of the

aforesaid commission, our agent for and on behalf of the said United

States, to negotiate a loan with any person or persons, bodies politic

or corporate, promising in good faith to ratify and confirm whatsoever

shall by you be done in the premises, or relating thereto.

Witness his Excellency, Samuel Huntington, President of the Congress

of the United States of America, at Philadelphia, the 20th day of

June, in the year of our Lord, 1780, and in the fourth year of our

independence.

SAMUEL HUNTINGTON, _President_.

FOOTNOTES:

[14] See Mr Adams's commission in John Adams's Correspondence, Vol. V.

p. 329.

* * * * *

TO JONATHAN JACKSON.

Amsterdam, November 11th, 1780.

Sir,

You must before this time have heard of the capture of the late

President Laurens, on his voyage hither; that the enemy affect to

consider him a state prisoner, and have, accordingly, confined him to

the Tower, _in arcta et salva custodia_. Their treatment of him has

marked the barbarity of the nation from the throne to the footstool.

Does this look like peace? They recovered a part of his papers, such

as the plan of a treaty adjusted by Mr William Lee, with the Regency

of this city in 1778, a letter from M. de Neufville upon the subject,

one from our friend, the Commodore, one from Mr Stockton, and one from

an amiable character of this country, whom I personally know, Baron

Van der Cappellen. These were hurried over to Sir Joseph Yorke, and by

him delivered to the Prince, who, it is said, in much wrath, laid them

before the States of Holland, who transmitted copies of them to the

Regency, accompanied with certain resolutions.

The Regency have openly avowed the act. This has brought on the most

extraordinary memorial of Sir Joseph Yorke to the States-General,

which, perhaps, any foreign Minister ever made to an independent

State; calling for their open disavowal of the conduct of the Regency;

censuring them as a mad cabal, ever ready to sacrifice the public

interests to private views, aiding the natural enemy (France) of both

countries in destroying their mutual happiness; and it demands of the

States-General also, an exemplary punishment of the Pensionary, Van

Berckel, by name, and of all his _accomplices_, as disturbers of the

public peace, and violaters of the laws of nations, that is, of the

other members of the city Regency, for he acted officially in what he

did, and by their order.

In default of this, the memorial says, the King will take such

measures, as the maintenance of his dignity and the interests of his

people require. The Regency have hereupon published the whole matter

in the nature of an appeal to the people, which you will, doubtless,

soon have among you. What further measures they have taken to

vindicate themselves, and their country's rights and interests, are

not yet made public. The States-General will meet the 22d instant. It

is not probable they will, or can comply, with the several

requisitions of this memorial. You may ask me, as in another case,

what can Great Britain promise herself from all this? Whether or not

she expected to be able to effect a compliance with her demands, which

does not seem probable, by the weight of her influence in this

Republic; or whether this memorial was to serve as a balance to that

of the States-General, respecting the outrageous violation of her

territorial rights by Admiral Rodney, at St Martin's; or whether she

foresaw that the States-General will accede to the armed neutrality,

and is, therefore, determined to go to war with them upon other

pretences, so as to avoid for a time, at least, warring against the

whole confederacy; whether any of these things were the motive of this

singular conduct, is to me uncertain. If she seriously intends to put

her threat against this country into execution, I should conjecture

the last is the prevailing motive. For already Holland and three other

of the States have declared for an unconditional accession to the

neutral confederacy; two more have declared for an accession, but

allege that their territories in both the Indies should be guarantied.

This, however, I understand, is not absolutely made a condition, and

that their Deputies are at liberty to accede without such guarantee,

if they think fit. The seventh is the Province of Zealand, where the

influence of the Prince is without control, from thence, therefore,

nothing short of an open opposition to the neutral system is expected.

Whether the other six States are prepared and determined to accede

without Zealand, a short time will show.

The navy of these States is too feeble at present for an immediate war

with England, which they seem to apprehend must take place upon their

joining the neutral confederation. They have, I believe, but about

twentysix vessels, instead of the fiftytwo voted, ready for sea. It

has been apprehended, their naval preparations have been designedly

kept back, in order to keep up the fears of the States about a war

with Britain. There is no question but the Prince is fixed against it,

and whatever ideas some of our countrymen may have entertained of the

liberties of this people, they are as effectually enslaved by their

magistracy, as are any people in the old world by the mighty kings,

who hold almost all the rest of it in bondage. Nay, the influence of

the Prince seems to pervade almost every department of their

government, and the whole machine is much obstructed, when set in

motion in a direction repugnant to his inclinations and views.

May heaven preserve us from kings, princes, and stadtholders. The

people are the best guardians of their own liberties and interests.

I am, &c.

FRANCIS DANA.

* * * * *

INSTRUCTIONS TO FRANCIS DANA, AS MINISTER PLENIPOTENTIARY TO THE COURT

OF ST PETERSBURG.[15]

In Congress, December 19th, 1780.

Sir,

The great object of your negotiation is to engage her Imperial Majesty

to favor and support the sovereignty and independence of these United

States, and to lay a foundation for a good understanding and friendly

intercourse between the subjects of her Imperial Majesty and the

citizens of these United States, to the mutual advantage of both

nations.

You will readily perceive, that it must be a leading and capital

point, if these United States shall be formally admitted as a party to

the convention of the neutral maritime powers for maintaining the

freedom of commerce. This regulation, in which the Empress is deeply

interested, and from which she has derived so much glory, will open

the way for your favorable reception, which we have the greater reason

to expect, as she has publicly invited the belligerent powers to

accede thereto.

The Diplomatic Correspondence of the American Revolution, Vol. 08 · 第 17 / 36 段