Besya (a prostitute).--Recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901,
as a sub-caste of Oriya Gunis. It is a form of the word Vesya.
Betta (hill).--A sub-division of Kurumba.
Bevina.--Bevina or Beva (nim or margosa: Melia Azadirachta) has been
recorded as an exogamous sept of Kuruba, and a sub-division of Kadu
Kurumba. The nim tree is held sacred by Hindus, and takes an important
part in many of the ceremonials connected with the small-pox goddess
and other village deities.
Bhag (tiger).--A sept of numerous classes in Vizagapatam, e.g.,
Bhumia, Bottada, Domb, Gadaba, Mattiya, Omanaito, Pentiya, and
Rona. The equivalent Bhago occurs among some classes in Ganjam.
Bhagavatulu.--Recorded as play-actors in the Telugu country. Their
name is derived from the fact that they perform stories and episodes
from the Bhagavatam, one of the Puranas.
Bhakta.--See Bagata.
Bhandari.--See Kelasi.
Bhande.--Recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as "a class of
potters in the Ganjam Maliahs, a sub-division of Kumbharo. The name
is derived from the Sanskrit bhanda, a pot."
Bharadwaja.--A Brahmanical gotra of Bhatrazus. Bharadwaja was a rishi,
the son of Brihaspati, and preceptor of the Pandavas.
Bhatia.--Nearly four hundred members of this caste were returned
at the Madras Census, 1901. It is recorded in the Bombay Gazetteer,
that "the Bhatias claim to be Bhati Rajputs of the Yadav stock. As
a class they are keen, vigorous, enterprising, thrifty, subtle and
unscrupulous. Some of the richest men in Bombay started life without
a penny. A large number of Bhatias are merchant traders and brokers,
and within the last fifty years they have become a very wealthy and
important class." Like the Nattukottai Chettis of Southern India,
the Bhatias undertake sea voyages to distant countries, and they are
to be found eastward as far as China.
Bhatta.--A sub-division of Gaudo.
Bhatkali.--A class of Muhammadans on the west coast, who are said to
have originally settled at Bhatkal in North Canara.
Bhatrazu.--The Bhats, Bhatrazus, or Bhatrajus are described, in the
Mysore Census Reports, 1891 and 1901, as musicians and ballad-reciters,
who "speak Telugu, and are supposed to have come from the Northern
Circars. They were originally attached to the courts of the Hindu
princes as bards or professional troubadours, reciting ballads in
poetry in glorification of the wondrous deeds of local princes and
heroes. Hyder Ali, although not a Hindu, delighted to be constantly
preceded by them, and they are still an appendage to the state of
Hindu and Mussalman Chiefs. They have a wonderful faculty in speaking
improvisatore, on any subject proposed to them, a declamation in
measures, which may be considered as a sort of medium between blank
verse and modulated verse. But their profession is that of chanting
the exploits of former days in front of the troops while marshalling
them for battle, and inciting them to emulate the glory of their
ancestors. Now many of them are mendicants."
In the Madras Census Report, 1871, the Bhat Rajahs are said to
"wear the pavitra or sacred thread. They are the bards and minstrels,
who sing the praises of the Kshatriya race, or indeed of great men in
general, and especially of those who liberally reward the singers. They
are a wandering class, gaining a living by attaching themselves to
the establishments of great men, or in chanting the folklore of the
people. They are mostly Vishnu worshippers, and in only one district
is it reported that they worship village deities." In the Madras
Census Report, 1891, the Bhatrazus are summed up as being "a class of
professional bards, spread all over the Telugu districts. They are
the representatives of the Bhat caste of other parts of India. They
are called Razus, because they are supposed to be the offspring of a
Kshatriya female by a Vaisya male. They are well versed in folklore,
and in the family histories and legends of the ancient Rajahs. Under
the old Hindu Rajahs the Bhatrazus were employed as bards, eulogists,
and reciters of family genealogy and tradition. Most of them are now
cultivators, and only a few are ballad-reciters. They will eat with
the Kapus and Velamas. Their ceremonies of birth, death and marriage
are more or less the same as those of the Kapus. Razu is the general
name of the caste."
The Bhatrazus, Mr. W. Francis writes, [134] "are also called Bhats or
Magadas. They have two endogamous sub-divisions, called Vandi, Raja or
Telaganya, and Magada, Kani or Agraharekala. [Some Bhatrazus maintain
that Vandi and Magada were individuals who officiated as heralds at
the marriage of Siva.] Each of these is again split up into several
exogamous septs or gotras, among which are Atreya, Bharadwaja,
Gautama, Kasyapa and Kaundinya. All of these are Brahmanical
gotras, which goes to confirm the story in Manu that the caste is
the offspring of a Vaisya father and a Kshatriya mother. Bhatrazus
nevertheless do not all wear the sacred thread now-a-days, or recite
the gayatri. [135] They employ Brahman priests for their marriages,
but Jangams and Satanis for funerals, and in all these ceremonies they
follow the lower or Puranic instead of the higher Vedic ritual. Widow
marriage is strictly forbidden, but yet they eat fish, mutton and
pork, though not beef. These contradictions are, however, common
among Oriya castes, and the tradition is that the Bhatrazus were a
northern caste which was first invited south by King Pratapa Rudra
of the Kshatriya dynasty of Warangal (1295-1323 A.D.). After the
downfall of that kingdom they seem to have become court bards and
panegyrists under the Reddi and Velama feudal chiefs, who had by that
time carved out for themselves small independent principalities in the
Telugu country. As a class they were fairly educated in the Telugu
literature, and even produced poets such as Ramaraja Bhushana, the
author of the well-known Vasu-Charitram. Their usual title is Bhat,
sometimes with the affix Razu or Murti."
Of the Bhatrazus in the North Arcot district, Mr. H. A. Stuart states
[136] that "they now live by cultivation, and by singing the fabulous
traditions current regarding the different Sudra castes at their
marriages and other ceremonies, having probably invented most of
them. They profess to be Kshatriyas. But it is known that several are
Musalmans or members of other castes, who, possessing an aptitude for
extempore versification, were taken by Rajahs to sing their praises,
and so called themselves Bhatturazus. They resemble the Razus in
their customs, but are said to bury their dead." In the Gazetteer of
Anantapur, the Bhatrazus are described as touring round the villages,
making extempore verses in praise of the principal householders,
and being rewarded by gifts of old clothes, grain, and money. It is
stated in the Kurnool Manual that "the high-caste people (Kammas) are
bound to pay the Batrajulu certain fees on marriage occasions. Some
of the Batrajas have shotriems and inams." Shotriem is land given
as a gift for proficiency in the Vedas or learning, and inam is land
given free of rent.
In connection with the special attachment of the Bhatrazus to the
Velama, Kamma, and Kapu castes, the following story is narrated. Once
upon a time there was a man named Pillala Marri Bethala Reddi, who had
three sons, of whom two took to cultivation. The third son adopted
a military life, and had seventy-four sons, all of whom became
commanders. On one occasion, during the reign of Pratapa Rudra,
when they were staying at the fort of Warangal, they quarrelled
among themselves, and became very rebellious. On learning this,
the king summoned them to his court. He issued orders that a sword
should be tied across the gate. The commanders were reluctant to go
under a sword, as it would be a sign of humiliation. Some of them ran
against the sword, and killed themselves. A Bhatrazu, who witnessed
this, promised to help the remaining commanders to gain entrance
without passing under the sword. He went to the king, and said that
a Brahman wished to pay him a visit. An order was accordingly issued
that the sword should be removed. The services of the Bhatrazu greatly
pleased the commanders, and they came to regard the Bhatrazus as their
dependants, and treated them with consideration. Even at the present
day, at a marriage among the Kapus, Kammas, and Velamas, a Bhatrazu
is engaged. His duties are to assist the bridegroom in his wedding
toilette, to paint sectarian marks on his forehead, and to remain
as his personal attendant throughout the marriage ceremonies. He
further sings stanzas from the Ramayana or Mahabharata, and songs
in praise of Brahmans and the caste to which the bridal couple
belong. The following was sung at a Kapu wedding. "Anna Vema Reddi
piled up money like a mountain, and, with his brother Pinna Brahma
Reddi, constructed agraharams. Gone Buddha Reddi spent large sums
of money for the reading of the Ramayana, and heard it with much
interest. Panta Malla Reddi caused several tanks to be dug. You,
their descendants, are all prosperous, and very charitable." In the
houses of Kammas, the following is recited. "Of the seventy-seven sons,
Bobbali Narasanna was a very brave man, and was told to go in search
of the kamma (an ornament) without using abusive language. Those who
ran away are Velamas, and those who secured it Kammas."
In their ceremonial observances, the Bhatrazus closely follow the
standard Telugu type. At marriages, the bridal couple sit on the
dais on a plank of juvvi (Ficus Tsiela) wood. They have the Telugu
Janappans as their disciples, and are the only non-Brahman caste,
except Jangams and Pandarams, which performs the duties of guru or
religious instructor. The badge of the Bhatrazus at Conjeeveram is
a silver stick. [137]
In the Madras Census Report, 1901, Bhato, Kani Razu, Kannaji Bhat
and Padiga Raju appear as synonyms, and Annaji Bhat as a sub-caste
of Bhatrazus.
The following account of a criminal class, calling themselves
Batturajas or Battu Turakas, was published in the Police Weekly
Circular, Madras, in 1881. [138] "They are known to the Cuddapah
and North Arcot Police as criminals, and a note is made whenever an
adult leaves his village; but, as they commit their depredations
far from home, and convert their spoil into hard cash before they
return, it is difficult to get evidence against them. Ten or twelve
of these leave home at once; they usually work in parties of three
or four, and they are frequently absent for months together. They
have methods of communicating intelligence to their associates when
separated from them, but the only one of these methods that is known
is by means of their leaf plates, which they sew in a peculiar
manner, and leave after use in certain places previously agreed
upon. These leaf plates can be recognised by experts, but all that
these experts can learn from them is that Battu Turakas have been
in the neighbourhood recently. On their return to their village, an
account of their proceedings is rendered, and their spoil is divided
equally among the whole community, a double share being, however,
given to the actual thief or thieves. They usually disguise themselves
as Brahmans, and, in the search of some of their houses lately,
silk cloths worn only by Brahmans were found together with other
articles necessary for the purpose (rudraksha necklaces, salagrama
stones, etc.). They are also instructed in Sanskrit, and in all the
outward requisites of Brahmanism. A Telugu Brahman would soon find
out that they are not Brahmans, and it is on this account that they
confine their depredations to the Tamil country, where allowance is
made for them as rude uncivilized Telugus. They frequent choultries
(travellers' resting-places), where their very respectable appearance
disarms suspicion, and watch for opportunities of committing thefts,
substituting their own bags or bundles (filled with rubbish) for those
they carry off." To this account Mr. M. Paupa Rao Naidu adds [139] that
"it is during festivals and feasts that they very often commit thefts
of the jewels and cloths of persons bathing in the tanks. They are
thus known as Kolamchuthi Papar, meaning that they are Brahmins that
live by stealing around the tanks. Before the introduction of railways,
their depredations were mostly confined to the choultries and tanks."
Concerning the Bhattu Turakas of the North Arcot district,
Mr. H. A. Stuart writes [140] that "a few of this very intelligent and
educated criminal class are found in the north-west of the Chendragiri
taluk, and in the north of Punganur. They are really Muhammadans,
but never worship according to the rules of that religion, and know
little about its tenets. They have no employment save cheating, and
in this they are incomparably clever. They speak several languages
with perfect fluency, have often studied Sanskrit, and are able to
personate any caste. Having marked down a well-to-do householder,
they take an opportunity of entering his service, and succeed at last
in gaining his confidence. They then abuse it by absconding with what
they can lay hands upon. They often take to false coining and forgery,
pretend to know medicine, to have the power of making gold or precious
stones, or of turning currency notes into others of higher value."
Bhayipuo.--Bhayipuo is returned, in the Census Report, 1901, as an
Oriya caste, the members of which claim to be Kshatriyas. The word
means brother's son, in which sense it is applied to the issue of
the brothers of Rajahs by concubines. The illegitimate children of
Rajahs are also classed as Bhayipuo.
Bhima.--A section of Savaras, named after Bhima, one of the Pandava
brothers.
Bholia (wild dog).--An exogamous sept of Kondra.
Bhondari.--The Bhondaris are the barbers of the Oriya country,
living in Ganjam. "The name Bhondari," Mr. S. P. Rice writes, [141]
is "derived from bhondaram, treasure. The zamindars delivered over
the guarding of the treasure to the professional barbers, who became
a more important person in this capacity than in his original office
of shaver in ordinary to His Highness." The Bhondaris occupy a higher
position than the Tamil and Telugu barbers. Though various Oriya
castes bathe after being shaved, the touch of a Bhondari at other
times is not regarded as polluting. All over the Ganjam district,
the Bhondaris are employed as domestic servants, and some are engaged
as coolies, cart-drivers, etc. Others officiate as pujaris (priests)
at Takurani (village deity) temples, grind sandalwood, or make flower
garlands. On the occasion of ceremonial processions, the washing of
the feet of the guests, carrying articles required for worship, and
the jewels and cloths to be worn by the bridal couple on the wedding
day, are performed by the Bhondari. I am informed that a woman of
this caste is employed by Karnams on the occasion of marriage and
other ceremonials, at which her services are indispensable. It is
said that in some places, where the Bhondaris do not shave castes
lower than the Gudiyas, Oriya Brahmans allow them to remove the leaf
plates off which they have taken their food, though this should not
be done by a non-Brahman.
There are apparently three endogamous sub-divisions, named Godomalia,
Odisi, and Bejjo. The word Godomalia means a group of forts, and it is
said to be the duty of members of this section to serve Rajahs who live
in forts. The Godomalias are most numerous in Ganjam, where they claim
to be superior to the Odisi and Bejjo sections. Among exogamous septs,
Mohiro (peacock), Dhippo (light), Oppomarango (Achyranthes aspera),
and Nagasira (cobra) may be noted. Members of the Oppomarango sept
do not touch, or use the root of the plant as a tooth brush. Lights
may not be blown out with the breath, or otherwise extinguished by
members of the Dhippo sept; and they do not light their lamps unless
they are madi, i.e., wearing silk cloths, or cloths washed and dried
after bathing. Nagasira is a sept common to many Oriya castes, and
is said to owe its origin to the influence of Oriya Brahmans.
The hereditary headman of the caste is called Behara, and he is
assisted by a Bhollobaya. Most of the Bhondaris follow the form
of Vaishnavism inculcated by Chaithyana, and known as Paramartho
matham. They wear as a necklace a string of tulsi (Ocimum sanctum)
beads, without which they will not worship or take their food. Many
Hindu deities, especially Jagannatha, and various local Takuranis
are also worshipped by them.
A man should not marry his maternal uncle's or paternal aunt's
daughter. Infant marriage is the rule, and, if a girl has not secured
a husband before she attains maturity, she has to go through a mock
marriage ceremony called dharma bibha. She is taken to a Streblus asper
(sahada or shadi) tree, and married to it. She may not, during the
rest of her life, touch the Streblus tree, or use its twigs as a tooth
brush. Sometimes she goes through the ceremony of marriage with some
elderly man, preferably her grandfather, or, failing him, her elder
sister's husband as bridegroom. A divorce agreement (tsado patro)
is drawn up, and the pseudo-marriage thereby dissolved. Sometimes
the bridegroom is represented by a bow and arrow, and the ceremony
is called khando bibha.
The real marriage ceremonies last over seven days. On the day before
the bibha (wedding), a number of earthen pots are placed on a spot
which has been cleaned for their reception, and some married women
throw Zizyphus Jujuba leaves and rice, apparently as an evil-eye
removing and purificatory ceremony. While doing so, they cry "Ulu, ulu"
in a manner which recalls to mind the kulavi idal of the Maravans
and Kallans. A ceremony, called sokko bhondo, or wheel worship,
is performed to a potter's wheel. The bridegroom, who has to fast
until the night, is shaved, after which he stands on a grindstone and
bathes. While he is so doing, some women bring a grinding-mill stone,
and grind to powder Vigna Catiang, Cajanus indicus and Cicer arietinum
seeds, crying "Ulu, ulu," as they do so. The bridegroom then dresses
himself, and sits on the marriage dais, while a number of married
women crowd round him, each of whom touches an areca nut placed on his
head seven times with a grinding stone. They also perform the ceremony
called bhondaivaro, which consists in throwing Zizyphus Jujuba leaves,
and rice dyed with turmeric, over the bridegroom, again calling
out "Ulu, ulu." Towards evening, the bridegroom's party proceed in
procession to a temple, taking with them the various articles required
on the morrow, such as the sacred thread, jewels, cloths, and mokkuto
(forehead ornament). After worshipping the god, they return home,
and on the way thither collect water in a vessel from seven houses,
to be used by the bridegroom when he bathes next day. A ceremonial
very similar to that performed by the bridegroom on the eve of the
wedding is also performed by the bride and her party. On the wedding
day, the bridegroom, after worshipping Vigneswara (Ganesa) at the
marriage dais with the assistance of a Brahman purohit, proceeds,
dressed up in his marriage finery, mokkuto, sacred thread and wrist
thread, to a temple in a palanquin, and worships there. Later on,
he goes to the bride's house in a palanquin. Just as he is about to
start, his brother's wife catches hold of the palanquin, and will
not let him go till she has received a present of a new cloth. He
is met en route by the bride's father, and his feet are washed by
her brother. His future father-in-law, after waving seven balls of
coloured rice before him, escorts him to his house. At the entrance
thereto, a number of women, including the bride's mother, await his
arrival, and, on his approach, throw Zizyphus Jujuba leaves, and cry
"Ulu, ulu." His future mother-in-law, taking him by the hand, leads
him into the house. As soon as he has reached the marriage dais,
the bride is conducted thither by her maternal uncle, and throws
some salt over a screen on to the bridegroom. Later on, she takes her
seat by his side, and the Brahman purohit, after doing homam (making
sacred fire), ties the hands of the contracting couple together with
dharbha grass. This is called hastagonthi, and is the binding portion
of the marriage ceremony. The bride and bridegroom then exchange ten
areca nuts and ten myrabolams (Terminalia fruits). Two new cloths
are thrown over them, and the ends thereof are tied together in a
knot containing twenty-one cowry (Cypræa Arabica) shells, a coin,
and a few Zizyphus leaves. This ceremonial is called gontiyalo. The
bride's brother strikes the bridegroom with his fist, and receives a
present of a cloth. At this stage, the couple receive presents from
relations and friends. They then play seven times with cowry shells,
and the ceremonial closes with the throwing of Zizyphus leaves, and
the eating by the bride and bridegroom of rice mixed with jaggery
(crude sugar) and curds. On the two following days, they sit on
the dais, play with cowries, and have leaves and rice thrown over
them. They wear the cloths given to them on the wedding day, and may
not bathe in a tank (pond) or river. On the fourth day (chauti), the
bride is received into the gotra of the bridegroom. In token thereof,
she cooks some food given to her by the bridegroom, and the pair make a
show of partaking thereof. Towards the evening the bride is conducted
by her maternal uncle to near the dais, and she stands on a grinding
stone. Seven turns of thread dyed with turmeric are wound round the
posts of the dais. Leading his wife thither, the bridegroom cuts the
thread, and the couple stand on the dais, while four persons support
a cloth canopy over their heads, and rice is scattered over them. On
the fifth day, the newly-married couple and their relations indulge in
throwing turmeric water over each other. Early on the morning of the
sixth day, the bridegroom breaks a pot placed on the dais, and goes
away in feigned anger to the house of a relation. Towards evening, he
is brought back by his brother-in-law, and plays at cowries with the
bride. The Bhondaivaro ceremony is once more repeated. On the seventh
day, the sacred thread, wrist-threads and mokkuto are removed. Widows
and divorcées are permitted to remarry. As among various other castes,
a widow should marry her deceased husband's younger brother.
The dead are cremated. When a person is on the point of death,
a little Jagannatha prasadam, i.e., rice from the temple at Puri,
is placed in his mouth. Members of many Oriya castes keep by them
partially cooked rice, called nirmalyam, brought from this temple,
and a little of this is eaten by the orthodox before meals and
after bathing. The corpse is washed, anointed, and wrapped in a new
cloth. After it has been secured on the bier, a new red cloth is
thrown over it. At the head, a sheaf of straw, from the roof of the
house, if it is thatched, is placed. The funeral pyre is generally
prepared by an Oriya washerman. At the burning-ground, the corpse
is placed close to the pyre, and the son puts into the mouth some
parched rice, and throws rice over the eyes. Then, lighting the straw,
he waves it thrice round the corpse, and throws it on the face. The
corpse is then carried thrice round the pyre, and laid thereon. In
the course of cremation, each mourner throws a log on the pyre. The
son goes home, wet and dripping, after bathing. On the following
day, the fire is extinguished, and two fragments of bone are placed
in a small pot, and carefully preserved. The ashes are heaped up,
and an image is drawn on the ground with a stick, to which food is
offered. A meal, called pithapona (bitter food), consisting of rice
and margosa (Melia Azadirachta) leaves, is partaken of by agnates
only. On the tenth day, the relatives and intimate friends of the
deceased are shaved, the son last of all. The son and the agnates go
to a tank bund (pond embankment), and cook food in a new pot within
a shed which has been specially constructed for the occasion. The
pot is then broken into ten fragments, on which food is placed, and
offered to the dead person. The son takes the fragments, one by one,
to the tank, bathing each time. The pot containing the two pieces
of bone is generally buried beneath a pipal (Ficus religiosa) tree
growing near a tank. On the tenth day, after the offering of food,
the son proceeds to this spot, and, after pouring water ten times
over the ground beneath which the pot is buried, takes the pot home,
and buries it near the house. As he approaches his home, he goes
ahead of those who accompany him, and, carrying a vessel filled with
water, pours some of this three times on the ground, waving his hand
in a circular manner. He then makes three marks with a piece of iron
on the ground. A piece of hollow bamboo open at both ends, or other
grain measure, is given to him, with which he measures rice or other
grain seven times. He then throws the measure behind him between his
legs, and, entering the house, puts a sect mark on his forehead with
the aid of a broken looking-glass, which must be thrown away. Ghi
(clarified butter) and meat may not be eaten by those under death
pollution till the eleventh day, when a feast is held.
If an important elder of the community dies, a ceremony called
jola-jola handi (pot drilled with holes) is performed on the night of
the tenth day. Fine sand is spread over the floor of a room having
two doors, and the surface is smoothed with a tray or plank. On the
sand a lighted lamp is placed, with an areca nut by its side. The
lamp is covered with an earthen cooking-pot. Two men carry on their
shoulders a pot riddled with holes, suspended from a pole made of
Diospyros Embryopteris wood, from inside the room into the street,
as soon as the lamp is covered by the cooking-pot. Both doors of the
room are then closed, and not opened till the return of the men. The
pot which they carry is believed to increase in weight as they bear it
to a tank, into which it is thrown. On their return to the house, they
tap three times at the door, which then opens. All present then crowd
into the room, and examine the sand for the marks of the foot-prints
of a bull, cat or man, the trail of a centipede, cart-track, ladder,
etc., which are believed to be left by the dead person when he goes
to the other world.
Opprobrious names are very common among the Bhondaris, especially
if a child is born after a succession of deaths among the offspring
of a family. Very common among such names are those of low castes,
e.g., Haddi, Bavuria, Dandasi, etc.
Bhonjo.--The title of the Raja of Gumsur in Ganjam.
Bhumanchi (good earth).--A sub-division of Kapu.
Bhu (earth) Razu.--A name for Razus who live in the plains, in
contradistinction to the Konda Razus who live in the hills.
Bhu Vaisya (earth Vaisya).--A name returned by some Nattukottai
Chettis and Vellalas.
Bhumi Dhompthi.--The name, meaning earth marriage offering, of a
sub-division of Madigas, at whose marriages the offering of food is
placed on the ground.
Bhumi Razulu (kings of the earth).--A name assumed by some Koyis.
Bhumia.--The Bhumias are an Oriya caste of hill cultivators, found in
the Jeypore Zamindari. According to a tradition, they were the first
to cultivate the land on the hills. In the Central Provinces they are
said to be known as Baigas, concerning whom Captain Ward writes [142]
that "the decision of the Baiga in a boundary dispute is almost always
accepted as final, and, from this right as children of the soil and
arbiters of the land belonging to each village, they are said to have
derived their title of Bhumia, the Sanskrit bhumi meaning the earth."
For the following note I am indebted to Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao. The
Bhumias have septs, e.g., bhag (tiger) and naga (cobra). A man
can claim his paternal aunt's daughter in marriage. The marriage
ceremonial is much the same as among the Bottadas. The jholla tonk
(presents) consist of liquor, rice, a sheep or fowl, and cloths
for the parents of the bride. A pandal (booth), made of poles of
the sorghi tree, is erected in front of the bridegroom's house,
and a Desari officiates. The remarriage of widows is permitted and
a younger brother usually marries his elder brother's widow. If a
man divorces his wife, it is customary for him to give her a rupee
and a new cloth in compensation. The dead are burned, and pollution
lasts for nine days. On the tenth day a ceremonial bath is taken,
and a feast, with copious supplies of liquor, is held. In parts of
the Central Provinces the dead are buried, and two or three flat
stones are set up over the grave. [143]
Bhuri.--A sub-division of Gond.
Bijam (seed).--An exogamous sept of Boya.
Bilpathri (bael: Ægle Marmelos).--An exogamous sept of Boya.
Bindhani (workman).--A title of Oriya Badhoyis, and sometimes used
as the name of the caste.
Bingi.--The Bingivandlu are described, in the Kurnool Manual, as a
class of mendicants, who play dramas. Some of them have shrotiyam
villages, as Lingineni Doddi in Pattikonda. "Shrotiyam" has been
defined [144] as "lands, or a village, held at a favourable rate,
properly an assignment of land or revenue to a Brahman learned in
the Vedas, but latterly applied generally to similar assignments to
native servants of the government, civil or military, and both Hindus
and Muhammadans, as a reward for past services."
Bhutiannaya (ashes).--An exogamous sept of Bant.
Bidaru (wanderers).--A sub-division of Odde.
Bilimagga.--The Bilimagga weavers of South Canara, who speak a very
corrupt form of Tamil, must not be confused with the Bilimaggas
of Mysore, whose mother-tongue is Canarese. In some places the
Bilimaggas of South Canara call themselves Padma Sales, but they have
no connection with the Padma Sale caste. There is a tradition that
they emigrated from Pandiya Maduradesa in the Tamil country. The caste
name Bilimagga (white loom) is derived from the fact that they weave
only white cloths. In some places, for the same reason, Devangas
call themselves Bilimaggas, but the Devangas also make coloured
cloths. White cloths are required for certain gods and bhuthas
(devils) on occasions of festivals, and these are usually obtained
from Bilimaggas.
The Bilimaggas follow the makkala santana law of inheritance (from
father to son). They are said to have seven gotras, and those of
the Mangalore, Kundapur, and Udipi taluks, are stated to belong
respectively to the 800, 700, and 500 nagaras. The caste deities are
Virabhadra, Brahmalinga, and Ammanoru.
For the whole community, there is a chief headman called Paththukku
Solra Settigar, or the Setti who advises the ten, and for every village
there is an ordinary headman styled Gurikara. The chief headman is
usually the manager of some temple of the caste, and the Gurikara has
to collect the dues from the members of the community. Every married
couple has to pay an annual tax of twelve annas, and every unmarried
male over twelve years of age of six annas towards the temple fund.
Marriage of girls before puberty is the rule, and any girl who attains
maturity without being married runs the risk of losing her caste. The
remarriage of widows is permitted. The betrothal ceremony is important
as being binding as a contract. It consists in the father of the
girl giving betel leaves and areca nuts in a tray to the father of
her future husband, before a number of people. If the contract is
dissolved before the marriage is celebrated, betel and nuts must be
presented to the father of the girl, in the presence of an assembly,
as a sign that the engagement is broken off. On the day previous
to the marriage ceremonial, the fathers of the contracting couple
exchange betel leaves and areca nuts three times. On the following
morning, they proceed to the house of the bridegroom, the bride's
father carrying a brass vessel containing water. From this vessel,
water is poured into smaller vessels by an odd number of women
(five or more). These women are usually selected by the wife of the
headman. The pouring of the water must be carried out according to
a recognised code of precedence, which varies with the locality. At
Udipi, for example, the order is Mangalore, Barkur, Udipi. The women
all pour water over the head of the bridegroom.
The rite is called mariyathe niru (water for respect). The bridegroom
is then decorated, and a bashingam (chaplet) is placed on his
forehead. He sits in front of a brass vessel, called Ganapathi (the
elephant god), which is placed on a small quantity of rice spread on
the floor, and worships it. He is then conducted to the marriage pandal
(booth) by his sister's husband, followed by his sister carrying the
brass vessel and a gindi (vessel with a spout), to which the bride's
bashingam and the tali (marriage badge) are tied. A red cloth, intended
for the bride, must also be carried by her. Within the pandal, the
bridegroom stands in front of a cot. The bride's party, and the men
in attendance on the bridegroom, stand opposite each other with the
bridegroom between them, and throw rice over each other. All are then
seated, except the bridegroom, his sister, and the bride's brother. The
bridegroom's father waves incense in front of the cot and brass vessel,
and hands over the gindi, and other articles, to the bridegroom's
sister, to be taken to the bride. Lights and arathi water are waved
before the bridegroom, and, while the bride's father holds his hands,
her brother washes his feet. He then goes seven times round the cot,
after he has worshipped it, and broken cocoanuts, varying in number
according to the nagara to which he belongs--seven if he is a member
of the seven hundred nagara, and so on. He next takes his seat on
the cot, and is joined by the bride, who has had the bashingam put
on her forehead, and the tali tied on her neck, by the bridegroom's
sister. Those assembled then call the maternal uncles of the bridal
couple, and they approach the cot. The bridegroom's uncle gives the
red cloth already referred to to the uncle of the bride. The bride
retires within the house, followed by her maternal uncle, and sits
cross-legged, holding her big toes with her hands. Her uncle throws
the red cloth over her head, and she covers her face with it. This is
called devagiri udugare. The uncle then carries her to the pandal,
and she sits on the left of the bridegroom. The Gurikara asks the
maternal uncle of the bridegroom to hand over the bride's money,
amounting to twelve rupees or more. He then requests permission of the
three nagara people, seven gotra people, and the relatives of the bride
and bridegroom to proceed with the dhare ceremony. This being accorded,
the maternal uncles unite the hands of the pair, and, after the cloth
has been removed from the bride's face, the dhare water is poured over
their hands, first by the bride's father, and then by the Gurikara,
who, while doing so, declares the union of the couple according to
the observances of the three nagaras. Those assembled throw rice
on, and give presents to the bride and bridegroom. The presents are
called moi, and the act of giving them moi baikradhu (Tamil). Some
women wave arathi, and the pair go inside the house, and sit on a
mat. Some milk is given to the bridegroom by the bride's sister,
and, after sipping a little of it, he gives it to the bride. They
then return to the pandal, and sit on the cot. Rice is thrown over
their heads, and arathi waved in front of them. The bridegroom drops
a ring into a tray, and turmeric-water is poured over it. The couple
search for the ring. The wedding ceremonies are brought to a close
by bathing in turmeric-water (vokli bath), after which the couple
sit on the cot, and those assembled permit the handing over of the
bride to the bridegroom's family (pennu oppuchchu kodukradhu).
Any number of marriages, except three or seven, may be carried on
simultaneously beneath a single pandal. If there are more than a
single bridal couple, the bashingam is worn only by the pair who are
the elder, or held in most respect. Sometimes, one couple is allowed
to wear the bashingam, and another to have the dhare water first
poured over them.
The dead are cremated. The corpse is carried to the burning-ground
on a bier, with a tender plantain leaf placed beneath it. Fire
is carried not by the son, but by some other near relative. The
ashes are collected on the third day, and a mound (dhupe) is made
therewith. Daily until the final death ceremony, a tender cocoanut,
and water in a vessel, are placed near it. In the final death ceremony
(bojja), the Bilimaggas closely follow the Bants, except as regards the
funeral car. To get rid of death pollution, a Tulu Madivali (washerman
caste) gives cloths to, and sprinkles water over those under pollution.
The caste title is Setti or Chetti.
Billai-kavu (cat-eaters).--Said to be Mala Paidis, who eat cats.
Billava.--The Billavas are the Tulu-speaking toddy-drawers of the
South Canara district. It is noted, in the Manual, that they are
"the numerically largest caste in the district, and form close upon
one-fifth of the total population. The derivation of the word Billava,
as commonly accepted in the district, is that it is a contraction of
Billinavaru, bowmen, and that the name was given as the men of that
caste were formerly largely employed as bowmen by the ancient native
rulers of the district. There is, however, no evidence whatever,
direct or indirect, to show that the men of the toddy-drawing caste
were in fact so employed. It is well known that, both before and after
the Christian era, there were invasions and occupations of the northern
part of Ceylon by the races then inhabiting Southern India, and Malabar
tradition tells that some of these Dravidians migrated from Iram or
Ceylon northwards to Travancore and other parts of the West Coast of
India, bringing with them the cocoanut or southern tree (tenginamara),
and being known as Tivars (islanders) or Iravars, which names have
since been altered to Tiyars and Ilavars. This derivation would also
explain the name Divaru or Halepaik Divaru borne by the same class of
people in the northern part of the district, and in North Canara. In
Manjarabad above the ghauts, which, with Tuluva, was in olden days
under the rule of the Humcha family, known later as the Bairasu
Wodears of Karakal, they are called Devaru Makkalu, literally God's
children, but more likely a corruption of Tivaru Makkalu, children of
the islanders. In support of this tradition, Mr. Logan has pointed out
[145] that, in the list of exports from Malabar given in the Periplus,
in the first century A.D., no mention is made of the cocoanut. It was,
however, mentioned by Cosmos Indico Pleustes (522 to 547 A.D.), and
from the Syrian Christians' copper-plate grants, early in the ninth
century, it appears that the Tiyans were at that time an organised
guild of professional planters. Although the cocoanut tree may have
been introduced by descendants of immigrants from Ceylon moving up
the coast, the practice of planting and drawing toddy was no doubt
taken up by the ordinary Tulu cultivators, and, whatever the origin
of the name Billava may be, they are an essentially Tulu class of
people, following the prevailing rule that property vests in females,
and devolves in the female line."
It is worthy of note that the Billavas differ from the Tiyans in one
very important physical character--the cranial type. For, as shown
by the following table, whereas the Tiyans are dolichocephalic the
Billavas are, like other Tulu classes, sub-brachycephalic:--
===============================================================
| Cephalic Index.
|=================================================
| Average. | Maximum. | Minimum. | Number of times
| | | | exceeding 80.
=============+==========+==========+==========+================
40 Tiyans | 73 | 78.7 | 68.5 | 1
50 Billavas | 80 | 91.5 | 71 | 28
=============+==========+==========+==========+================
Some Billavas about Udipi call themselves either Billavaru or
Halepaikaru. But the Halepaiks proper are toddy-drawers, who are found
in the Kundapur taluk, and speak Kanarese. There are said to be certain
differences between the two classes in the method of carrying out the
process of drawing toddy. For example, the Halepaiks generally grasp
the knife with the fingers directed upwards and the thumb to the
right, while the Billavas hold the knife with the fingers directed
downwards and the thumb to the left. A Billava at Udipi had a broad
iron knife with a round hole at the base, by which it was attached to
an iron hook fixed on to a rope worn round the loins. For crushing the
flower-buds within the spathe of the palm, Billavas generally use a
stone, and the Halepaiks a bone. There is a belief that, if the spathe
is beaten with the bone of a buffalo which has been killed by a tiger,
the yield of toddy will, if the bone has not touched the ground, be
greater than if an ordinary bone is used. The Billavas generally carry
a long gourd, and the Halepaiks a pot, for collecting the toddy in.
Baidya and Pujari occur as caste names of the Billavas, and also as a
suffix to the name, e.g., Saiyina Baidya, Bomma Pujari. Baidya is said
to be a form of Vaidya, meaning a physician. Some Billavas officiate as
priests (pujaris) at bhutasthanas (devil shrines) and garidis. Many
of these pujaris are credited with the power of invoking the aid
of bhutas, and curing disease. The following legend is narrated,
to account for the use of the name Baidya. A poor woman once lived
at Ullal with two sons. A Sanyasi (religious ascetic), pitying their
condition, took the sons as his sishyas, with a view to training them
as magicians and doctors. After some time, the Sanyasi went away from
Ullal for a short time, leaving the lads there with instructions
that they should not be married until his return. In spite of his
instructions, however, they married, and, on his return, he was very
angry, and went away again, followed by his two disciples. On his
journey, the Sanyasi crossed the ferry near Ullal on foot. This the
disciples attempted to do, and were on the point of drowning when the
Sanyasi threw three handfuls of books on medicine and magic. Taking
these, the two disciples returned, and became learned in medicine
and magic. They are supposed to be the ancestors of the Billavas.
The Billavas, like the Bants, have a number of exogamous septs (balis)
running in the female line. There is a popular belief that these are
sub-divisions of the twenty balis which ought to exist according to
the Aliya Santana system (inheritance in the female line).
The caste has a headman called Gurikara, whose office is hereditary,
and passes to the aliya (sister's son). Affairs which affect the
community as a whole are discussed at a meeting held at the bhutasthana
or garidi.
At the betrothal ceremony, the bride-price (sirdachi), varying from
ten to twenty rupees, is fixed. A few days before the wedding, the
maternal uncle of the bride, or the Gurikara, ties a jewel on her neck,
and a pandal (booth) is erected, and decorated by the caste barber
(parel maddiyali) with cloths of different colours. If the bridegroom
is an adult, the bride has to undergo a purificatory ceremony a day
or two before the marriage (dhare) day. A few women, usually near
relations of the girl, go to a tank (pond) or well near a Bhutasthana
or garidi, and bring water thence in earthenware pots. The water is
poured over the head of the girl, and she bathes. On the wedding
day, the bride and bridegroom are seated on two planks placed on
the dais. The barber arranges the various articles, such as lights,
rice, flowers, betel leaves and areca nuts, and a vessel filled with
water, which are required for the ceremonial. He joins the hands
of the contracting couple, and their parents, or the headman, place
the nose-screw of the bridesmaid on their hands, and pour the dhare
water over them. This is the binding part of the ceremony, which
is called kai (hand) dhare. Widow remarriage is called bidu dhare,
and the pouring of water is omitted. The bride and bridegroom stand
facing each other, and a cloth is stretched between them. The headman
unites their hands beneath the screen.
If a man has intercourse with a woman, and she becomes pregnant,
he has to marry her according to the bidu dhare rite. Before the
marriage ceremony is performed, he has to grasp a plantain tree with
his right hand, and the tree is then cut down.
At the first menstrual period, a girl is under pollution for ten or
twelve days. On the first day, she is seated within a square (muggu),
and five or seven cocoanuts are tied together so as to form a seat. A
new earthenware pot is placed at each corner of the square. Four
girls from the Gurikara's house sit at the corners close to the
pots. Betel leaves, areca nuts, and turmeric paste are distributed
among the assembled females, and the girls pour water from the pots
over the head of the girl. Again, on the eleventh or the thirteenth
day, the girl sits within the square, and water is poured over her
as before. She then bathes.
The dead are usually cremated, though, in some cases, burial is
resorted to. The corpse is washed and laid on a plantain leaf, and a
new cloth is thrown over it. Some paddy (unhusked rice) is heaped up
near the head and feet, and cocoanut cups containing lighted wicks
are placed thereon. All the relations and friends assembled at the
house dip leafy twigs of the tulsi (Ocimum sanctum) in water, and
allow it to drop into the mouth of the corpse. The body is carried
on a plank to the burning-ground. The collection of wood for the
pyre, or the digging of the grave, is the duty of Holeyas. The wood
of Strychnos Nux-vomica should never be used for the pyre. This is
lighted by placing fire at the two ends thereof. When the flames meet
in the middle, the plantain leaf, paddy, etc., which have been brought
from the house, are thrown into them. On the fifth day, the ashes
are collected, and buried on the spot. If the body has been buried,
a straw figure is made, and burnt over the grave, and the ashes are
buried there. A small conical mound, called dhupe, is made there,
and a tulsi plant stuck in it. By the side of the plant a tender
cocoanut with its eyes opened, tobacco leaf, betel leaves and areca
nuts are placed. On the thirteenth day, the final death ceremonies,
or bojja, are performed. On the evening of the previous day, four
poles, for the construction of the upparige or gudikattu (car),
are planted round the dhupe. At the house, on or near the spot where
the deceased breathed his last, a small bamboo car, in three tiers,
is constructed, and decorated with coloured cloths. This car is
called Nirneralu. A lamp is suspended from the car, and a cot placed
on the ground beneath it, and the jewels and clothes of the dead
person are laid thereon. On the following morning, the upparige is
constructed, with the assistance of the caste barber. A small vessel,
filled with water, is placed within the Nirneralu. The sons-in-law
of the deceased receive a present of new cloths, and, after bathing,
they approach the Nirneralu. The chief mourner takes the vessel from
within it, and pours the water at the foot of a cocoanut tree. The
chief Gurikara pours some water into the empty vessel, and the chief
mourner places it within the Nirneralu. Then seven women measure out
some rice three times, and pour the rice into a tray held by three
women. The rice is taken to a well, and washed, and then brought
back to the car. Jaggery (crude sugar) and cocoanut scrapings are
mixed with the rice, which is placed in a cup by seven women. The cup
is deposited within the car on the cot. The wife or husband of the
deceased throws a small quantity of rice into the cup. She turns the
cup, and a ladle placed by its side, upside down, and covers them with
a plantain leaf. The various articles are collected, and tied up in
a bundle, which is placed in a palanquin, and carried in procession,
by two men to the upparige, which has been constructed over the
dhupe. Nalkes and Paravas (devil-dancers), dressed up as bhutas, may
follow the procession. Those present go thrice round the upparige,
and the chief mourner unties the bundle, and place its contents
on the car. The near relations put rice, and sometimes vegetables,
pumpkins, and plantains, on the plantain leaf. All present then leave
the spot, and the barber removes the cloths from the car, and pulls
it down. Sometimes, if the dead person has been an important member
of the community, a small car is constructed, and taken in procession
round the upparige. On the fourteenth day, food is offered to crows,
and the death ceremonies are at an end.
If a death occurs on an inauspicious day, a ceremony called Kale
deppuni (driving away the ghost) is performed. Ashes are spread on the
floor of the house, and the door is closed. After some time, or on the
following day, the roof of the house is sprinkled with turmeric water,
and beaten with twigs of Zizyphus OEnoplia. The door is then opened,
and the ashes are examined, to see if the marks of the cloven feet of
the ghost are left thereon. If the marks are clear, it is a sign that
the ghost has departed; otherwise a magician is called in to drive
it out. A correspondent naively remarks that, when he has examined
the marks, they were those of the family cat.
In some cases, girls who have died unmarried are supposed to haunt
the house, and bring trouble thereto, and they must be propitiated
by marriage. The girl's relations go in search of a dead boy, and
take from the house where he is a quarter of an anna, which is tied
up between two spoons. The spoons are tied to the roof of the girl's
house. This represents the betrothal ceremony. A day is fixed for
the marriage, and, on the appointed day, two figures, representing
the bride and bridegroom, are drawn on the floor, with the hands
lying one on the other. A quarter-anna, black beads, bangles, and a
nose-screw, are placed on the hands, and water is poured on them. This
is symbolical of the dhare ceremony, and completes the marriage.
The pujaris of all the bhuthasthanas and garidis are Billavas. The
bhutha temples called garidis belong to the Billavas, and the
bhuthas are the Baiderukulu (Koti and Chennayya), Brimmeru (or
Brahmeru) Gunda, Okka Ballala, Kujumba Ganja, and Devanajiri. The
Baiderkulu are believed to be fellow castemen of the Billavas, and
Koti and Chennayya to be descended from an excommunicated Brahman
girl and a Billava. The legend of Koti and Chennayya is recorded
at length by Mr. A. C. Burnell in the Indian Antiquary. [146] The
bhuthas are represented by idols. Brimmeru is the most important,
and the others are subordinate to him. He is represented by a plate
of silver or other metal, bearing the figure of a human being, which
is kept within a car-like stone structure within the shrine. On its
left are two human figures made of clay or stone, which represent
the Baiderukulu. On the right are a man on horseback, and another
figure, representing Okka Ballala and Kujumba Ganja. Other idols
are also set up at the garidi, but outside the main room. They
seem to vary in different localities, and represent bhuthas such as
Jumadi, Pancha Jumadi, Hosabhutha, Kallurti, etc. Brimmeru has been
transformed, by Brahman ingenuity, into Brahma, and all the bhuthas
are converted into Gonas, or attendants on Siva. In the pardhanas
(devil songs) Brimmeru is represented as the principal bhutha, and the
other bhuthas are supposed to visit his sthana. A bhuthasthana never
contains idols, but cots are usually found therein. A sthana may be
dedicated to a single bhutha, or to several bhuthas, and the number
may be ascertained by counting the number of cots, of which each is
set apart for a single bhutha. If the sthana is dedicated to more than
one bhutha, the bhuthas are generally Kodamanithaya, Kukkinathaya,
and Daiva. All the arrangements for the periodical kola, or festival
of the bhuthasthana, are made by the pujari. During the festival, he
frequently becomes possessed. Only such Billavas as are liable to be
possessed are recognised as pujaris. As a sign of their office, they
wear a gold bangle on the right wrist. Further details in connection
with bhutha worship will be found in the articles on Bants, Nalkes,
and Paravas.
Bilva (jackal).--An exogamous sept of Kondra.
Bindhollu (brass water-pot).--An exogamous sept of Jogi.
Binu (roll of woollen thread).--An exogamous sept of Kuruba.
Bissoyi.--The Parlakimedi Maliahs are, I am informed, divided up into
muttahs, and each muttah contains many villages, all ruled over by
a Bissoyi, a sort of feudal chief, who is responsible for keeping
them in order. Concerning the Bissoyis, Mr. S. P. Rice writes [147]
that in the Maliahs "are a number of forts, in which the Bissoyis, or
hill chieftains, reside. Each of them holds a small court of his own;
each has his armed retainers, and his executive staff. They were set to
rule over the hill tracts, to curb the lawlessness of the aboriginal
tribes of the mountains, the Khonds and the Savaras. They were, in
fact, lords of the marches, and were in a measure independent, but
they appear to have been under the suzerainty of the Raja of Kimedi,
and they were also generally responsible to Government. Such men
were valuable friends and dangerous enemies. Their influence among
their own men was complete; their knowledge of their own country
was perfect. It was they, and they only, who could thread their way
through the tangled and well-nigh impenetrable jungle by foot-paths
known only to themselves. Hence, when they became enemies, they could
entrench themselves in positions which were almost impenetrable. Now a
road leads to every fort; the jungles have disappeared; the Bissoyis
still have armed retainers, and still keep a measure of respect;
but their sting is gone, and the officer of Government goes round
every year on the peaceful, if prosaic occupation of examining schools
and inspecting vaccination." The story of the Parlakimedi rebellion,
"a forgotten rebellion" as he calls it, in the last century, and the
share which the Bissoyis took in it, is graphically told by Mr. Rice.
At times of census, Bissoyi has been returned as a title of Doluva,
Kalingi, Kurumo, and Sondi.
Biswalo.--A title of various Oriya castes.
Bochchu (hairs).--An exogamous sept of Odde.
Boda.--Recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as a small
cultivating class in Ganjam. Boda is the name of a sub-division
of the Gadabas, who use the fibre of boda luvada (Ficus glomerata)
in the manufacture of their female garments.
Boda Dasari (bald-headed mendicant).--An exogamous sept of Jogi.
Boddu (navel).--An exogamous sept, or sub-division of Idigas and
Asilis. It is recorded in the Gazetteer of the Bellary district, that
"in the middle of the threshold of nearly all the gateways of the
ruined fortifications round the Bellary villages will be noticed a
roughly cylindrical or conical stone, something like a lingam. This
is the Boddu-rayi, literally the navel stone, and so the middle
stone. Once a year, in May, just before the sowing season begins,
a ceremony takes place in connection with it." (See Bariki.)
Bodo (big).--A sub-division of Bottada, Mali, Omanaito, Pentia, and
other castes. Bodo Nayak is a title among the Gadabas, and Bodo Odiya
occurs as a sub-division of Sondi.
Bogam.--See Deva-dasi and Sani.
Bogara.--Recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as "Canarese
brass and copper-smiths: a sub-division of Panchala." From a note on
the Jains of the Bellary district [148] I gather that "there is a class
of people called Bogaras in the Harpanahalli taluk, and in the town of
Harpanahalli itself, side by side with the Jains. They are a thriving
class, and trade in brass and copper wares. The Bogaras practice the
Jaina religion, have the same gotras, freely worship in Jain temples,
and are accepted into Jaina society. Evidently they are a sub-division
of the Jains, though now excluded from inter-marriage." It is said that
"arrangements are now being made (through the Jaina Bhattacharya at
Kolhapur) to enable Bogaras to intermarry with the Jains."
Bogarlu.--Occurs as the name of a class of agricultural labourers in
the Vizagapatam Agency, who are probably workers in metal who have
taken to agriculture.
Boggula (charcoal).--An exogamous sept of Boya and Devanga.
Bohora.--The Bohoras or Boras are "Musalman converts from the Bombay
side. They are traders. In Madras they have their own high priest
and their own mosque (in Georgetown). It is said that, when one of
them dies, the high priest writes a note to the archangels Michael,
Israel and Gabriel, asking them to take care of him in Paradise,
and that the note is placed in the coffin." [149] They consider
themselves as a superior class, and, if a member of another section
enters their mosque, they clean the spot occupied by him during his
prayers. They take part in certain Hindu festivals, e.g., Dipavali,
or feast of lights, at which crackers are let off.
Boidyo.--Recorded under the name Boyidyo, in the Madras Census Report,
1901, as "literally a physician: a sub-caste of Pandito." There is
said to be no difference between Panditos and Boidyos. In Ganjam they
are known by the former, elsewhere by the latter name.