placed at my disposal, he writes as follows. "Although, until
quite recently, many a Boya served in the ranks of our Native army,
being entered in the records thereof either under his caste title of
Naidu, or under the heading of Gentu, [113] which was largely used
in old day military records, yet this congenial method of earning
a livelihood has now been swept away by a Government order, which
directs that in future no Telegas shall be enlisted into the Indian
army. That the Boyas were much prized as fighting men in the stirring
times of the eighteenth century is spoken to in the contemporaneous
history of Colonel Wilks. [114] He speaks of the brave armies of the
Poligars of Chitteldroog, who belonged to the Beder or Boya race in
the year 1755. Earlier, in 1750, Hyder Ali, who was then only a Naik
in the service of the Mysore Raja, used with great effect his select
corps of Beder peons at the battle of Ginjee. Five years after this
battle, when Hyder was rising to great eminence, he augmented his
Beder peons, and used them as scouts for the purpose of ascertaining
the whereabouts of his enemies, and for poisoning with the juice
of the milk-hedge (Euphorbia Tirucalli) all wells in use by them,
or in their line of march. The historian characterises them as being
'brave and faithful thieves.' In 1751, the most select army of Morari
Row of Gooty consisted chiefly of Beder peons, and the accounts of
their deeds in the field, as well as their defence of Gooty fort,
which only fell after the meanness of device had been resorted to,
prove their bravery in times gone by beyond doubt. There are still a
number of old weapons to be found amongst the Boyas, consisting of
swords, daggers, spears, and matchlocks. None appear to be purely
Boya weapons, but they seem to have assumed the weapons of either
Muhammadans or Hindus, according to which race held sway at the
time. In some districts, there are still Boya Poligars, but, as a
rule, they are poor, and unable to maintain any position. Generally,
the Boyas live at peace with their neighbours, occasionally only
committing a grave dacoity (robbery). [115]
"In the Kurnool district, they have a bad name, and many are on the
police records as habitual thieves and housebreakers. They seldom
stoop to lesser offences. Some are carpenters, others blacksmiths
who manufacture all sorts of agricultural implements. Some, again,
are engaged as watchmen, and others make excellent snares for fish
out of bamboo. But the majority of them are agriculturists, and most
of them work on their own putta lands. They are now a hard-working,
industrious people, who have become thrifty by dint of their industry,
and whose former predatory habits are being forgotten. Each village,
or group of villages, submits to the authority of a headman, who is
generally termed the Naidu, less commonly Dora as chieftain. In some
parts of Kurnool, the headmen are called Simhasana Boyas. The headman
presides at all functions, and settles, with the assistance of the
elders, any disputes that may arise in the community regarding division
of property, adultery, and other matters. The headman has the power
to inflict fines, the amount of which is regulated by the status and
wealth of the defaulter. But it is always arranged that the penalty
shall be sufficient to cover the expense of feeding the panchayatdars
(members of council), and leave a little over to be divided between
the injured party and the headman. In this way, the headman gets paid
for his services, and practically fixes his own remuneration."
It is stated in the Manual of the Bellary district that "of the
various Hindu castes in Bellary, the Boyas (called in Canarese
Bedars, Byedas, or Byadas) are far the strongest numerically. Many
of the Poligars whom Sir Thomas Munro found in virtual possession
of the country when it was added to the Company belonged to this
caste, and their irregular levies, and also a large proportion of
Haidar's formidable force, were of the same breed. Harpanahalli was
the seat of one of the most powerful Poligars in the district in the
eighteenth century. The founder of the family was a Boya taliari, who,
on the subversion of the Vijayanagar dynasty, seized on two small
districts near Harpanahalli. The Boyas are perhaps the only people
in the district who still retain any aptitude for manly sports. They
are now for the most part cultivators and herdsmen or are engaged
under Government as constables, peons, village watchmen (taliaris),
and so forth. Their community provides an instructive example of the
growth of caste sub-divisions. Both the Telugu-speaking Boyas and
the Canarese-speaking Bedars are split into the two main divisions
of Uru or village men, and Myasa or grass-land men, and each of
these divisions is again sub-divided into a number of exogamous
Bedagas. Four of the best known of these sub-divisions are Yemmalavaru
or buffalo-men; Mandalavaru or men of the herd; Pulavaru or flower-men,
and Minalavaru or fish-men. They are in no way totemistic. Curiously
enough, each Bedagu has its own particular god, to which its members
pay special reverence. But these Bedagas bear the same names among
both the Boyas and the Bedars, and also among both the Uru and
Myasa divisions of both Boyas and Bedars. It thus seems clear that,
at some distant period, all the Boyas and all the Bedars must have
belonged to one homogeneous caste. At present, though Uru Boyas will
marry with Uru Bedars and Myasa Boyas with Myasa Bedars, there is
no intermarriage between Urus and Myasas, whether they be Boyas or
Bedars. Even if Urus and Myasas dine together, they sit in different
rows, each division by themselves. Again, the Urus (whether Boyas or
Bedars) will eat chicken and drink alcohol, but the Myasas will not
touch a fowl or any form of strong drink, and are so strict in this
last matter that they will not even sit on mats made of the leaf of the
date-palm, the tree which in Bellary provides all the toddy. The Urus,
moreover, celebrate their marriages with the ordinary ceremonial of the
halu-kamba or milk-post, and the surge, or bathing of the happy pair;
the bride sits on a flour-grinding stone, and the bridegroom stands
on a basket full of cholam (millet), and they call in Brahmans to
officiate. But the Myasas have a simpler ritual, which omits most of
these points, and dispenses with the Brahman. Other differences are
that the Uru women wear ravikkais or tight-fitting bodices, while the
Myasas tuck them under their waist-string. Both divisions eat beef,
and both have a hereditary headman called the ejaman, and hereditary
Dasaris who act as their priests."
In the Madras Census Report, 1901, it is stated that the two main
divisions of Boyas are called also Pedda (big) and Chinna (small)
respectively, and, according to another account, the caste has
four endogamous sections, Pedda, Chinna, Sadaru, and Myasa. Sadaru
is the name of a sub-division of Lingayats, found mainly in the
Bellary and Anantapur districts, where they are largely engaged
in cultivation. Some Bedars who live amidst those Lingayats call
themselves Sadaru. According to the Manual of the North Arcot
district, the Boyas are a "Telugu hunting caste, chiefly found above
the ghats. Many of the Poligars of that part of the country used to
belong to the caste, and proved themselves so lawless that they were
dispossessed. Now they are usually cultivators. They have several
divisions, the chief of which are the Mulki Boyas and the Pala Boyas,
who cannot intermarry." According to the Mysore Census Reports, 1891
and 1901, "the Bedas have two distinct divisions, the Kannada and
Telugu, and own some twenty sub-divisions, of which the following
are the chief:--Halu, Machi or Myasa, Nayaka, Pallegar, Barika,
Kannaiyyanajati, and Kirataka. The Machi or Myasa Bedas comprise a
distinct sub-division, also called the Chunchus. They live mostly
in hills, and outside inhabited places in temporary huts. Portions
of their community had, it is alleged, been coerced into living
in villages, with whose descendants the others have kept up social
intercourse. They do not, however, eat fowl or pork, but partake of
beef; and the Myasa Bedas are the only Hindu class among whom the
rite of circumcision is performed, [116] on boys of ten or twelve
years of age. These customs, so characteristic of the Mussalmans,
seem to have been imbibed when the members of this sub-caste were
included in the hordes of Haidar Ali. Simultaneously with the
circumcision, other rites, such as the panchagavyam, the burning
of the tongue with a nim (Melia Azadirachta) stick, etc. (customs
pre-eminently Brahmanical), are likewise practised prior to the youth
being received into communion. Among their other peculiar customs,
the exclusion from their ordinary dwellings of women in child-bed
and in periodical sickness, may be noted. The Myasa Bedas are said to
scrupulously avoid liquor of every kind, and eat the flesh of only two
kinds of birds, viz., gauja (grey partridge), and lavga (rock-bush
quail)." Of circumcision among the Myasa Bedars it is noted, in the
Gazetteer of the Bellary district, that they practise this rite round
about Rayadrug and Gudekota. "These Myasas seem quite proud of the
custom, and scout with scorn the idea of marrying into any family in
which it is not the rule. The rite is performed when a boy is seven
or eight. A very small piece of the skin is cut off by a man of the
caste, and the boy is then kept for eleven days in a separate hut, and
touched by no one. His food is given him on a piece of stone. On the
twelfth day he is bathed, given a new cloth, and brought back to the
house, and his old cloth, and the stone on which his food was served,
are thrown away. His relations in a body then take him to a tangedu
(Cassia auriculata) bush, to which are offered cocoanuts, flowers,
and so forth, and which is worshipped by them and him. Girls on first
attaining puberty are similarly kept for eleven days in a separate
hut, and afterwards made to do worship to a tangedu bush. This tree
also receives reverence at funerals."
The titles of the Boyas are said to be Naidu or Nayudu, Naik, Dora,
Dorabidda (children of chieftains), and Valmiki. They claim direct
lineal descent from Valmiki, the author of the Ramayana. At times
of census in Mysore, some Bedars have set themselves up as Valmiki
Brahmans. The origin of the Myasa Bedas is accounted for in the
following story. A certain Bedar woman had two sons, of whom the elder,
after taking his food, went to work in the fields. The younger son,
coming home, asked his mother to give him food, and she gave him
only cholam (millet) and vegetables. While he was partaking thereof,
he recognised the smell of meat, and was angry because his mother had
given him none, and beat her to death. He then searched the house, and,
on opening a pot from which the smell of meat emanated, found that it
only contained the rotting fibre-yielding bark of some plant. Then,
cursing his luck, he fled to the forest, where he remained, and became
the forefather of the Myasa Bedars.
For the following note on the legendary origin of the Bedars, I am
indebted to Mr. Mainwaring. "Many stories are told of how they came
into existence, each story bringing out the name which the particular
group may be known by. Some call themselves Nishadulu, and claim
to be the legitimate descendants of Nishadu. When the great Venudu,
who was directly descended from Brahma, ruled over the universe, he
was unable to procure a son and heir to the throne. When he died, his
death was regarded as an irreparable misfortune. In grief and doubt
as to what was to be done, his body was preserved. The seven ruling
planets, then sat in solemn conclave, and consulted together as to
what they should do. Finally they agreed to create a being from the
right thigh of the deceased Venudu, and they accordingly fashioned and
gave life to Nishudu. But their work was not successful, for Nishudu
turned out to be not only deformed in body, but repulsively ugly. It
was accordingly agreed, at another meeting of the planets, that he was
not a fit person to be placed on the throne. So they set to work again,
and created a being from the right shoulder of Venudu. Their second
effort was crowned with success. They called their second creation
Chakravati, and, as he gave general satisfaction, he was placed on the
throne. This supersession naturally caused Nishudu, the first born,
to be discontented, and he sought a lonely place. There he communed
with the gods, begging of them the reason why they had created him,
if he was not to rule. The gods explained to him that he could not now
be put on the throne, since Chakravati had already been installed, but
that he should be a ruler over the forests. In this capacity, Nishudu
begot the Koravas, Chenchus, Yanadis, and Boyas. The Boyas were his
legitimate children, while the others were all illegitimate. According
to the legend narrated in the Valmiki Ramayana, when king Vishwamitra
quarrelled with the Rishi Vashista, the cow Kamadenu belonging to the
latter, grew angry, and shook herself. From her body an army, which
included Nishadulu, Turka (Muhammadans), and Yevannudu (Yerukalas)
at once appeared.
"A myth related by the Boyas in explanation of their name Valmikudu
runs as follows. In former days, a Brahman, who lived as a highwayman,
murdering and robbing all the travellers he came across, kept a
Boya female, and begot children by her. One day, when he went out to
carry on his usual avocation, he met the seven Rishis, who were the
incarnations of the seven planets. He ordered them to deliver their
property, or risk their lives. The Rishis consented to give him all
their property, which was little enough, but warned him that one day he
would be called to account for his sinful deeds. The Brahman, however,
haughtily replied that he had a large family to maintain, and, as they
lived on his plunder, they would have to share the punishment that
was inflicted upon himself. The Rishis doubted this, and advised him
to go and find out from his family if they were willing to suffer an
equal punishment with him for his sins. The Brahman went to his house,
and confessed his misdeeds to his wife, explaining that it was through
them that he had been able to keep the family in luxury. He then told
her of his meeting with the Rishis, and asked her if she would share
his responsibility. His wife and children emphatically refused to be
in any way responsible for his sins, which they declared were entirely
his business. Being at his wit's end, he returned to the Rishis, told
them how unfortunate he was in his family affairs, and begged advice
of them as to what he should do to be absolved from his sins. They
told him that he should call upon the god Rama for forgiveness. But,
owing to his bad bringing up and his misspent youth, he was unable
to utter the god's name. So the Rishis taught him to say it backwards
by syllables, thus:--ma ra, ma ra, ma ra, which, by rapid repetition
a number of times, gradually grew into Rama. When he was able to
call on his god without difficulty, the Brahman sat at the scene of
his graver sins, and did penance. White-ants came out of the ground,
and gradually enveloped him in a heap. After he had been thus buried
alive, he became himself a Rishi, and was known as Valmiki Rishi,
valmiki meaning an ant-hill. As he had left children by the Boya
woman who lived with him during his prodigal days, the Boyas claim
to be descended from these children and call themselves Valmikudu."
The Bedars, whom I examined at Hospet in the Bellary district, used
to go out on hunting expeditions, equipped with guns, deer or hog
spears, nets like lawn-tennis nets used in drives for young deer or
hares. Several men had cicatrices, as the result of encounters with
wild boars during hunting expeditions, or when working in the sugar
plantations. It is noted in the Bellary Gazetteer that "the only caste
which goes in for manly sports seems to be the Boyas, or Bedars, as
they are called in Canarese. They organise drives for pig, hunt bears
in some parts in a fearless manner, and are regular attendants at the
village gymnasium (garidi mane), a building without any ventilation
often constructed partly underground, in which the ideal exercise
consists in using dumbbells and clubs until a profuse perspiration
follows. They get up wrestling matches, tie a band of straw round one
leg, and challenge all and sundry to remove it, or back themselves to
perform feats of strength, such as running up the steep Joladarasi hill
near Hospet with a bag of grain on their back." At Hospet wrestling
matches are held at a quiet spot outside the town, to witness which
a crowd of many hundreds collect. The wrestlers, who performed before
me, had the hair shaved clean behind so that the adversary could not
seize them by the back hair, and the moustache was trimmed short for
the same reason. Two young wrestlers, whose measurements I place on
record, were splendid specimens of youthful muscularity.
cm. cm.
Height 163.2 163
Shoulders 41.8 42.8
Chest 84 82
Upper arm, flexed 28 29
Thigh 47 51
In the Gazetteer of Anantapur it is stated that the Telugu New Year's
day is the great occasion for driving pig, and the Boyas are the chief
organisers of the beats. All except children, the aged and infirm,
join in them, and, since to have good sport is held to be the best
of auguries for the coming year, the excitement aroused is almost
ludicrous in its intensity. It runs so high that the parties from
rival villages have been known to use their weapons upon one another,
instead of upon the beasts of the chase. In an article entitled "Boyas
and bears" [117] a European sportsman gives the following graphic
description of a bear hunt. "We used to sleep out on the top of one
of the hills on a moonlight night. On the top of every hill round,
a Boya was watching for the bears to come home at dawn, and frantic
signals showed when one had been spotted. We hurried off to the place,
to try and cut the bear off from his residence among the boulders,
but the country was terribly rough, and the hills were covered with a
peculiarly persistent wait-a-bit-thorn. This, however, did not baulk
the Boyas. Telling me to wait outside the jumble of rocks, each man
took off his turban, wound it round his left forearm, to act as a
shield against attacks from the bear, lit a rude torch, grasped his
long iron-headed spear, and coolly walked into the inky blackness of
the enemy's stronghold, to turn him out for me to shoot at. I used to
feel ashamed of the minor part assigned to me in the entertainment,
and asked to be allowed to go inside with them. But this suggestion
was always respectfully, but very firmly put aside. One could not
see to shoot in such darkness, they explained, and, if one fired,
smoke hung so long in the still air of the caves that the bear
obtained an unpleasant advantage, and, finally, bullets fired at
close quarters into naked rock were apt to splash or re-bound in an
uncanny manner. So I had to wait outside until the bear appeared with
a crowd of cheering and yelling Boyas after him." Of a certain cunning
bear the same writer records that, unable to shake the Boyas off,
"he had at last taken refuge at the bottom of a sort of dark pit,
'four men deep' as the Boyas put it, under a ledge of rock, where
neither spears nor torches could reach him. Not to be beaten, three
of the Boyas at length clambered down after him, and unable otherwise
to get him to budge from under the mass of rock beneath which he had
squeezed himself, fired a cheap little nickel-plated revolver one of
them had brought twice into his face. The bear then concluded that
his refuge was after all an unhealthy spot, rushed out, knocking
one of the three men against the rocks as he did so, with a force
which badly barked one shoulder, clambered out of the pit, and was
thereafter kept straight by the Boyas until he got to the entrance
of his residence, where I was waiting for him."
Mr. Mainwaring writes that "the Boyas are adepts at shikar
(hunting). They use a bullock to stalk antelope, which they shoot
with matchlocks. Some keep a tame buck, which they let loose in
the vicinity of a herd of antelope, having previously fastened a
net over his horns. As soon as the tame animal approaches the herd,
the leading buck will come forward to investigate the intruder. The
tame buck does not run away, as he probably would if he had been
brought up from infancy to respect the authority of the buck of the
herd. A fight naturally ensues, and the exchange of a few butts finds
them fastened together by the net. It is then only necessary for the
shikaris to rush up, and finish the strife with a knife."
Among other occupations, the Boyas and Bedars collect honey-combs,
which, in some places, have to be gathered from crevices in overhanging
rocks, which have to be skilfully manipulated from above or below.
The Bedar men, whom I saw during the rainy season, wore a black
woollen kambli (blanket) as a body-cloth, and it was also held over
the head as a protection against the driving showers of the south-west
monsoon. The same cloth further does duty as a basket for bringing
back to the town heavy loads of grass. Some of the men wore a garment
with the waist high up in the chest, something like an English rustic's
smock frock. Those who worked in the fields carried steel tweezers on
a string round the loins, with which to remove babul (Acacia arabica)
thorns, twigs of which tree are used as a protective hedge for fields
under cultivation. As examples of charms worn by men the following
may be cited:--
String tied round right upper arm with metal talisman box attached
to it, to drive away devils. String round ankle for the same
purpose.
Quarter-anna rolled up in cotton cloth, and worn on upper arm in
performance of a vow.
A man, who had dislocated his shoulder when a lad, had been
tattooed with a figure of Hanuman (the monkey god) over the
deltoid muscle to remove the pain.
Necklet of coral and ivory beads worn as a vow to the Goddess
Huligamma, whose shrine is in Hyderabad.
Necklets of ivory beads and a gold disc with the Vishnupad (feet
of Vishnu) engraved on it. Purchased from a religious mendicant
to bring good luck.
Myasa Bedar women are said [118] to be debarred from wearing
toe-rings. Both Uru and Myasa women are tattooed on the face, and
on the upper extremities with elaborate designs of cars, scorpions,
centipedes, Sita's jade (plaited hair), Hanuman, parrots, etc. Men are
branded by the priest of a Hanuman shrine on the shoulders with the
emblem of the chank shell (Turbinella rapa) and chakram (wheel of the
law) in the belief that it enables them to go to Swarga (heaven). When
a Myasa man is branded, he has to purchase a cylindrical basket
called gopala made by a special Medara woman, a bamboo stick, fan,
and winnow. Female Bedars who are branded become Basavis (dedicated
prostitutes), and are dedicated to a male deity, and called Gandu
Basavioru (male Basavis). They are thus dedicated when there happens to
be no male child in a family; or, if a girl falls ill, a vow is made
to the effect that, if she recovers, she shall become a Basavi. If
a son is born to such a woman, he is affiliated with her father's
family. Some Bedar women, whose house deities are goddesses instead
of gods, are not branded, but a string with white bone beads strung
on it, and a gold disc with two feet (Vishnupad) impressed on it,
is tied round their neck by a Kuruba woman called Pattantha Ellamma
(priestess to Uligamma). Bedar girls, whose house deities are females,
when they are dedicated as Basavis, have in like manner a necklace,
but with black beads, tied round the neck, and are called Hennu Basavis
(female Basavis). For the ceremony of dedication to a female deity,
the presence of the Madiga goddess Matangi is necessary. The Madigas
bring a bent iron rod with a cup at one end, and twigs of Vitex Negundo
to represent the goddess, to whom goats are sacrificed. The iron rod is
set up in front of the doorway, a wick and oil are placed in the cup,
and the impromptu lamp is lighted. Various cooked articles of food are
offered, and partaken of by the assembled Bedars. Bedar women sometimes
live in concubinage with Muhammadans. And some Bedars, at the time of
the Mohurram festival, wear a thread across the chest like Muhammadans,
and may not enter their houses till they have washed themselves.
According to the Mysore Census Report, 1901, the chief deity of the
Bedars is "Tirupati Venkataramanaswami worshipped locally under the
name of Tirumaladevaru, but offerings and sacrifices are also made
to Mariamma. Their guru is known as Tirumalatatacharya, who is also a
head of the Srivaishnava Brahmans. The Uru Boyas employ Brahmans and
Jangams as priests." In addition to the deities mentioned, the Bedars
worship a variety of minor gods, such as Kanimiraya, Kanakarayan,
Uligamma, Palaya, Poleramma, and others, to whom offerings of fruits
and vegetables, and sacrifices of sheep and goats are made. The Dewan
of Sandur informs me that, in recent times, some Myasa Bedars have
changed their faith, and are now Saivas, showing special reverence
to Mahadeva. They were apparently converted by Jangams, but not to
the fullest extent. The guru is the head of the Ujjani Lingayat matt
(religious institution) in the Kudligi taluk of Bellary. They do not
wear the lingam. In the Madras Census Report, 1901, the patron deity
of the Boyas is said to be Kanya Devudu.
Concerning the religion of the Boyas, Mr. Mainwaring writes as
follows. "They worship both Siva and Vishnu, and also different
gods in different localities. In the North Arcot district, they
worship Tirupatiswami. In Kurnool, it is Kanya Devudu. In Cuddapah
and Anantapur, it is Chendrugadu, and many, in Anantapur, worship
Akkamma, who is believed to be the spirit of the seven virgins. At
Uravakonda, in the Anantapur district, on the summit of an enormous
rock, is a temple dedicated to Akkamma, in which the seven virgins are
represented by seven small golden pots or vessels. Cocoanuts, rice,
and dal (Cajanus indicus) form the offerings of the Boyas. The women,
on the occasion of the Nagalasauthi or snake festival, worship the
Nagala swami by fasting, and pouring milk into the holes of 'white-ant'
hills. By this, a double object is fulfilled. The 'ant' heap is a
favourite dwelling of the naga or cobra, and it was the burial-place of
Valmiki, so homage is paid to the two at the same time. Once a year,
a festival is celebrated in honour of the deceased ancestors. This
generally takes place about the end of November. The Boyas make no use
of Brahmans for religious purposes. They are only consulted as regards
the auspicious hour at which to tie the tali at a wedding. Though
the Boya finds little use for the Brahman, there are times when the
latter needs the services of the Boya. The Boya cannot be dispensed
with, if a Brahman wishes to perform Vontigadu, a ceremony by which
he hopes to induce favourable auspices under which to celebrate a
marriage. The story has it that Vontigadu was a destitute Boya, who
died from starvation. It is possible that Brahmans and Sudras hope in
some way to ameliorate the sufferings of the race to which Vontigadu
belonged, by feeding sumptuously his modern representative on the
occasion of performing the Vontigadu ceremony. On the morning of the
day on which the ceremony, for which favourable auspices are required,
is performed, a Boya is invited to the house. He is given a present
of gingelly (Sesamum) oil, wherewith to anoint himself. This done, he
returns, carrying in his hand a dagger, on the point of which a lime
has been stuck. He is directed to the cowshed, and there given a good
meal. After finishing the meal, he steals from the shed, and dashes
out of the house, uttering a piercing yell, and waving his dagger. He
on no account looks behind him. The inmates of the house follow for
some distance, throwing water wherever he has trodden. By this means,
all possible evil omens for the coming ceremony are done away with."
I gather [119] that some Boyas in the Bellary district "enjoy inam
(rent free) lands for propitiating the village goddesses by a certain
rite called bhuta bali. This takes place on the last day of the feast
of the village goddess, and is intended to secure the prosperity of
the village. The Boya priest gets himself shaved at about midnight,
sacrifices a sheep or a buffalo, mixes its blood with rice, and
distributes the rice thus prepared in small balls throughout the limits
of the village. When he starts out on this business, the whole village
bolts its doors, as it is not considered auspicious to see him then. He
returns early in the morning to the temple of the goddess from which
he started, bathes, and receives new cloths from the villagers."
At Hospet the Bedars have two buildings called chavadis, built by
subscription among members of their community, which they use as a
meeting place, and whereat caste councils are held. At Sandur the Uru
Bedars submit their disputes to their guru, a Srivaishnava Brahman,
for settlement. If a case ends in a verdict of guilty against an
accused person, he is fined, and purified by the guru with thirtham
(holy water). In the absence of the guru, a caste headman, called
Kattaintivadu, sends a Dasari, who may or may not be a Bedar, who
holds office under the guru, to invite the castemen and the Samaya,
who represents the guru in his absence, to attend a caste meeting. The
Samayas are the pujaris at Hanuman and other shrines, and perform
the branding ceremony, called chakrankitam. The Myasa Bedars have
no guru, but, instead of him, pujaris belonging to their own caste,
who are in charge of the affairs of certain groups of families. Their
caste messenger is called Dalavai.
The following are examples of exogamous septs among the Boyas,
recorded by Mr. Mainwaring:--
Mukkara, nose or ear ornament.
Majjiga, butter-milk.
Kukkala, dog.
Pula, flowers.
Pandhi, pig.
Chilakala, paroquet.
Hastham, hand.
Yelkameti, good rat.
Misala, whiskers.
Nemili, peacock.
Pegula, intestines.
Mijam, seed.
Uttareni, Achyranthes aspera.
Puchakayala, Citrullus Colocynthis.
Gandhapodi, sandal powder.
Pasula, cattle.
Chinthakayala, Tamarindus indica.
Avula, cow.
Udumala, lizard (Varanus).
Pulagam, cooked rice and dhal.
Boggula, charcoal.
Midathala, locust.
Potta, abdomen.
Utla, swing for holding pots.
Rottala, bread.
Chimpiri, rags.
Panchalingala, five lingams.
Gudisa, hut.
Tota, garden.
Lanka, island.
Bilpathri, Ægle Marmelos.
Kodi-kandla, fowl's eyes.
Gadidhe-kandla, donkey's eyes.
Joti, light.
Namala, the Vaishnavite namam.
Nagellu, plough.
Ulligadda, onions.
Jinkala, gazelle.
Dandu, army.
Kattelu, sticks or faggots.
Mekala, goat.
Nakka, jackal.
Chevvula, ear.
Kotala, fort.
Chapa, mat.
Guntala, pond.
Thappata, drum.
Bellapu, jaggery.
Chimala, ants.
Genneru, Nerium odorum.
Pichiga, sparrows.
Uluvala, Dolichos biflorus.
Geddam, beard.
Eddula, bulls.
Cheruku, sugar-cane.
Pasupu, turmeric.
Aggi, fire.
Mirapakaya, Capsicum frutescens.
Janjapu, sacred thread.
Sankati, ragi or millet pudding.
Jerripothu, centipede.
Guvvala, pigeon.
Many of these septs are common to the Boyas and other classes, as
shown by the following list:--
Avula, cow--Korava.
Boggula, charcoal--Devanga.
Cheruku, sugar-cane--Jogi, Odde.
Chevvula, ear--Golla.
Chilakala, paroquet--Kapu, Yanadi.
Chimala, ants--Tsakala.
Chinthakayala, tamarind fruit--Devanga.
Dandu, army--Kapu.
Eddula, bulls--Kapu.
Gandhapodi, sandal powder--a sub-division of Balija.
Geddam, beard--Padma Sale.
Gudisa, hut--Kapu.
Guvvala, pigeon--Mutracha.
Jinkala, gazelle--Padma Sale.
Kukkala, dog--Orugunta Kapu.
Lanka, island--Kamma.
Mekala, goat--Chenchu, Golla, Kamma, Kapu, Togata, Yanadi.
Midathala, locust--Madiga.
Nakkala, jackal--Dudala, Golla, Mutracha.
Nemili, peacock--Balija.
Pichiga, sparrow--Devanga.
Pandhi, pig--Asili, Gamalla.
Pasula, cattle--Madiga, Mala.
Puchakaya, colocynth--Komati, Viramushti.
Pula, flowers--Padma Sale, Yerukala.
Tota, garden--Chenchu, Mila, Mutracha, Bonthuk Savara.
Udumala, lizard--Kapu, Tottiyan, Yanadi.
Ulligadda, onions--Korava.
Uluvala, horse-gram--Jogi.
Utla, swing for holding pots--Padma Sale.
At Hospet, the preliminaries of a marriage among the Myasa Bedars are
arranged by the parents of the parties concerned and the chief men
of the keri (street). On the wedding day, the bride and bridegroom
sit on a raised platform, and five married men place rice stained
with turmeric on the feet, knees, shoulders, and head of the
bridegroom. This is done three times, and five married women then
perform a similar ceremony on the bride. The bridegroom takes up the
tali, and, with the sanction of the assembled Bedars, ties it on the
bride's neck. In some places it is handed to a Brahman priest, who
ties it instead of the bridegroom. The unanimous consent of those
present is necessary before the tali-tying is proceeded with. The
marriage ceremony among the Uru Bedars is generally performed at the
bride's house, whither the bridegroom and his party proceed on the eve
of the wedding. A feast, called thuppathuta or ghi (clarified butter)
feast, is held, towards which the bridegroom's parents contribute rice,
cocoanuts, betel leaves and nuts, and make a present of five bodices
(ravike). At the conclusion of the feast, all assemble beneath the
marriage pandal (booth), and betel is distributed in a recognised
order of precedence, commencing with the guru and the god. On the
following morning four big pots, smeared with turmeric and chunam
(lime) are placed in four corners, so as to have a square space
(irani square) between them. Nine turns of cotton thread are wound
round the pots. Within the square the bridegroom and two young girls
seat themselves. Rice is thrown over them, and they are anointed. They
and the bride are then washed by five women called bhumathoru. The
bridegroom and one of the girls are carried in procession to the
temple, followed by the five women, one of whom carries a brass
vessel with five betel leaves and a ball of sacred ashes (vibuthi)
over its mouth, and another a woman's cloth on a metal dish,
while the remaining three women and the bridegroom's parents throw
rice. Cocoanuts and betel are offered to Hanuman, and lines are drawn
on the face of the bridegroom with the sacred ashes. The party then
return to the house. The lower half of a grinding mill is placed
beneath the pandal, and a Brahman priest invites the contracting
couple to stand thereon. He then takes the tali, and ties it on the
bride's neck, after it has been touched by the bridegroom. Towards
evening the newly married couple sit inside the house, and close
to them is placed a big brass vessel containing a mixture of cooked
rice, jaggery (crude sugar) and curds, which is brought by the women
already referred to. They give a small quantity thereof to the couple,
and go away. Five Bedar men come near the vessel after removing
their head-dress, surround the vessel, and place their left hands
thereon. With their right hands they shovel the food into their mouths,
and bolt it with all possible despatch. This ceremony is called bhuma
idothu, or special eating, and is in some places performed by both
men and women. All those present watch them eating, and, if any one
chokes while devouring the food, or falls ill within a few months,
it is believed to indicate that the bride has been guilty of irregular
behaviour. On the following day the contracting couple go through the
streets, accompanied by Bedars, the brass vessel and female cloth,
and red powder is scattered broadcast. On the morning of the third
and two following days, the newly married couple sit on a pestle,
and are anointed after rice has been showered over them. The bride's
father presents his son-in-law with a turban, a silver ring, and a
cloth. It is said that a man may marry two sisters, provided that he
marries the elder before the younger.
The following variant of the marriage ceremonies among the Boyas
is given by Mr. Mainwaring. "When a Boya has a son who should be
settled in life, he nominally goes in search of a bride for him,
though it has probably been known for a long time who the boy is to
marry. However, the formality is gone through. The father of the boy,
on arrival at the home of the future bride, explains to her father
the object of his visit. They discuss each other's families, and,
if satisfied that a union would be beneficial to both families, the
father of the girl asks his visitor to call again, on a day that is
agreed to, with some of the village elders. On the appointed day, the
father of the lad collects the elders of his village, and proceeds with
them to the house of the bride-elect. He carries with him four moottus
(sixteen seers) of rice, one seer of dhal (Cajanus indicus), two seers
of ghi (clarified butter), some betel leaves and areca nuts, a seer
of fried gram, two lumps of jaggery (molasses), five garlic bulbs,
five dried dates, five pieces of turmeric, and a female jacket. In
the evening, the elders of both sides discuss the marriage, and,
when it is agreed to, the purchase money has to be at once paid. The
cost of a bride is always 101 madas, or Rs. 202. Towards this sum,
sixteen rupees are counted out, and the total is arrived at by counting
areca nuts. The remaining nuts, and articles which were brought by
the party of the bridegroom, are then placed on a brass tray, and
presented to the bride-elect, who is requested to take three handfuls
of nuts and the same quantity of betel leaves. On some occasions, the
betel leaves are omitted. Betel is then distributed to the assembled
persons. The provisions which were brought are next handed over to
the parents of the girl, in addition to two rupees. These are to
enable her father to provide himself with a sheet, as well as to
give a feast to all those who are present at the betrothal. This is
done on the following morning, when both parties breakfast together,
and separate. The wedding is usually fixed for a day a fortnight
or a month after the betrothal ceremony. The ceremony differs but
slightly from that performed by various other castes. A purohit is
consulted as to the auspicious hour at which the tali or bottu should
be tied. This having been settled, the bridegroom goes, on the day
fixed, to the bride's village, or sometimes the bride goes to the
village of the bridegroom. Supposing the bridegroom to be the visitor,
the bride's party carries in procession the provisions which are to
form the meal for the bridegroom's party, and this will be served
on the first night. As the auspicious hour approaches, the bride's
party leave her in the house, and go and fetch the bridegroom, who is
brought in procession to the house of the bride. On arrival, he is made
to stand under the pandal which has been erected. A curtain is tied
therein from north to south. The bridegroom then stands on the east
of the curtain, and faces west. The bride is brought from the house,
and placed on the west of the curtain, facing her future husband. The
bridegroom then takes up the bottu, which is generally a black thread
with a small gold bead upon it. He shows it to the assembled people,
and asks permission to fasten it on the bride's neck. The permission
is accorded with acclamations. He then fastens the bottu on the bride's
neck, and she, in return, ties a thread from a black cumbly (blanket),
on which a piece of turmeric has been threaded, round the right wrist
of the bridegroom. After this, the bridegroom takes some seed, and
places it in the bride's hand. He then puts some pepper-corns with
the seed, and forms his hands into a cup over those of the bride. Her
father then pours milk into his hand, and the bridegroom, holding it,
swears to be faithful to his wife until death. After he has taken
the oath, he allows the milk to trickle through into the hands of the
bride. She receives it, and lets it drop into a vessel placed on the
ground between them. This is done three times, and the oath is repeated
with each performance. Then the bride goes through the same ceremony,
swearing on each occasion to be true to her husband until death. This
done, both wipe their hands on some rice, which is placed close at
hand on brass trays. In each of these trays there must be five seers
of rice, five pieces of turmeric, five bulbs of garlic, a lump of
jaggery, five areca nuts, and five dried dates. When their hands are
dry, the bridegroom takes as much of the rice as he can in his hands,
and pours it over the bride's head. He does this three times, before
submitting to a similar operation at the hands of the bride. Then each
takes a tray, and upsets the contents over the other. At this stage,
the curtain is removed, and, the pair standing side by side, their
cloths are knotted together. The knot is called the knot of Brahma,
and signifies that it is Brahma who has tied them together. They now
walk out of the pandal, and make obeisance to the sun by bowing, and
placing their hands together before their breasts in the reverential
position of prayer. Returning to the pandal, they go to one corner
of it, where five new and gaudily painted earthenware pots filled
with water have been previously arranged. Into one of these pots,
one of the females present drops a gold nose ornament, or a man drops
a ring. The bride and bridegroom put their right hands into the pot,
and search for the article. Whichever first finds it takes it out,
and, showing it, declares that he or she has found it. This farce is
repeated three times, and the couple then take their seats on a cumbly
in the centre of the pandal, and await the preparation of the great
feast which closes the ceremony. For this, two sheep are killed,
and the friends and relations who have attended are given as much
curry and rice as they can eat. Next morning, the couple go to the
bridegroom's village, or, if the wedding took place at his village,
to that of the bride, and stay there three days before returning
to the marriage pandal. Near the five water-pots already mentioned,
some white-ant earth has been spread at the time of the wedding, and
on this some paddy (unhusked rice) and dhal seeds have been scattered
on the evening of the day on which the wedding commenced. By the time
the couple return, these seeds have sprouted. A procession is formed,
and the seedlings, being gathered up by the newly married couple, are
carried to the village well, into which they are thrown. This ends
the marriage ceremony. At their weddings, the Boyas indulge in much
music. Their dresses are gaudy, and suitable to the occasion. The
bridegroom, if he belongs to either of the superior gotras, carries
a dagger or sword placed in his cummerbund (loin-band). A song which
is frequently sung at weddings is known as the song of the seven
virgins. The presence of a Basavi at a wedding is looked on as a good
omen for the bride, since a Basavi can never become a widow."
In some places, a branch of Ficus religiosa or Ficus bengalensis
is planted in front of the house as the marriage milk-post. If it
withers, it is thrown away, but, if it takes root, it is reared. By
some Bedars a vessel is filled with milk, and into it a headman throws
the nose ornament of a married woman, which is searched for by the
bride and bridegroom three times. The milk is then poured into a pit,
which is closed up. In the North Arcot Manual it is stated that the
Boya bride, "besides having a golden tali tied to her neck, has an
iron ring fastened to her wrist with black string, and the bridegroom
has the same. Widows may not remarry or wear black bangles, but they
wear silver ones."
"Divorce," Mr. Mainwaring writes, "is permitted. Grounds for divorce
would be adultery and ill-treatment. The case would be decided by
a panchayat (council). A divorced woman is treated as a widow. The
remarriage of widows is not permitted, but there is nothing to prevent
a widow keeping house for a man, and begetting children by him. The
couple would announce their intention of living together by giving
a feast to the caste. If this formality was omitted, they would be
regarded as outcastes till it was complied with. The offspring of such
unions are considered illegitimate, and they are not taken or given
in marriage to legitimate children. Here we come to further social
distinctions. Owing to promiscuous unions, the following classes
spring into existence:--
1. Swajathee Pure Boyas, the offspring of parents who
Sumpradayam. have been properly married in the proper
divisions and sub-divisions.
2. Koodakonna The offspring of a Boya female, who is
Sumpradayam. separated or divorced from her husband who
is still alive, and who cohabits with
another Boya.
3. Vithunthu The offspring of a Boya widow by a Boya.
Sumpradayam.
4. Arsumpradayam. The offspring of a Boya man or woman,
resulting from cohabitation with a member
of some other caste.
The Swajathee Sumpradayam should only marry among
themselves. Koodakonna Sumpradayam and Vithunthu Sumpradayam may
marry among themselves, or with each other. Both being considered
illegitimate, they cannot marry Swajathee Sumpradayam, and would not
marry Arsumpradayam, as these are not true Boyas, and are nominally
outcastes, who must marry among themselves."
On the occasion of a death among the Uru Bedars of Hospet, the corpse
is carried on a bier by Uru Bedars to the burial-ground, with a new
cloth thrown over, and flowers strewn thereon. The sons of the deceased
each place a quarter-anna in the mouth of the corpse, and pour water
near the grave. After it has been laid therein, all the agnates throw
earth into it, and it is filled in and covered over with a mound, on to
the head end of which five quarter-anna pieces are thrown. The eldest
son, or a near relation, takes up a pot filled with water, and stands
at the head of the grave, facing west. A hole is made in the pot, and,
after going thrice round the grave, he throws away the pot behind him,
and goes home without looking back. This ceremony is called thelagolu,
and, if a person dies without any heir, the individual who performs
it succeeds to such property as there may be. On the third day the
mound is smoothed down, and three stones are placed over the head,
abdomen, and legs of the corpse, and whitewashed. A woman brings some
luxuries in the way of food, which are mixed up in a winnowing tray
divided into three portions, and placed in the front of the stones
for crows to partake of. Kites and other animals are driven away,
if they attempt to steal the food. On the ninth day, the divasa
(the day) ceremony is performed. At the spot where the deceased
died is placed a decorated brass vessel representing the soul of the
departed, with five betel leaves and a ball of sacred ashes over its
mouth. Close to it a lamp is placed, and a sheep is killed. Two or
three days afterwards, rice and vegetables are cooked. Those who have
been branded carry their gods, represented by the cylindrical bamboo
basket and stick already referred to, to a stream, wash them therein,
and do worship. On their return home, the food is offered to their
gods, and served first to the Dasari, and then to the others, who
must not eat till they have received permission from the Dasari. When
a Myasa Bedar, who has been branded, dies his basket and stick are
thrown into the grave with the corpse.
In the Mysore Census Report, 1891, the Mysore Bedars are said to
cremate the dead, and on the following day to scatter the ashes on
five tangedu (Cassia auriculata) trees.
It is noted by Buchanan [120] that the spirits of Baydaru men who die
without having married become Virika (heroes), and to their memory
have small temples and images erected, where offerings of cloth,
rice, and the like, are made to their names. If this be neglected,
they appear in dreams, and threaten those who are forgetful of their
duty. These temples consist of a heap or cairn of stones, in which
the roof of a small cavity is supported by two or three flags; and
the image is a rude shapeless stone, which is occasionally oiled,
as in this country all other images are."
Bedar.--See Vedan.
Begara.--Begara or Byagara is said to be a synonym applied by Canarese
Lingayats to Holeyas.
Behara.--Recorded, at times of census, as a title of various Oriya
castes, e.g., Alia, Aruva, Dhobi, Gaudo, Jaggali, Kevuto, Kurumo,
Ronguni, and Sondi. In some cases, e.g., among the Rongunis, the
title is practically an exogamous sept. The headman of many Oriya
castes is called Behara.
Bejjo.--A sub-division of Bhondari, and title of Kevuto.
Belata (Feronia elephantum: wood-apple).--An exogamous sept of Kuruba.
Bellapu (jaggery: palm-sugar).--An exogamous sept of Boya.
Bellara.--"The Bellaras, or Belleras," Mr. H. A. Stuart writes,
[121] "are a somewhat higher caste of basket and mat-makers than
the Parava umbrella-makers and devil-dancers. They speak a dialect
of Canarese (see South Canara Manual, Vol. II). They follow the
aliya santana law (inheritance in the female line), but divorce is
not so easy as amongst most adherents of that rule of inheritance,
and divorced women, it is said, may not marry again. Widows, however,
may remarry. The dead are either burned or buried, and a feast called
Yede Besala is given annually in the name of deceased ancestors. The
use of alcohol and flesh, except beef, is permitted. They make both
grass and bamboo mats."
Bellathannaya (jaggery: crude sugar).--An exogamous sept of Bant.
Belle (white).--An exogamous sept of Kuruba. The equivalent bile
occurs as a gotra of Kurni.
Belli.--Belli or Velli, meaning silver, has been recorded as an
exogamous sept of Badaga, Korava, Kuruba, Madiga, Okkiliyan, Toreya,
and Vakkaliga. The Belli Toreyas may not wear silver toe-rings.
Vellikkai, or silver-handed, has been returned as a sub-division of
the Konga Vellalas.
Belu (Feronia elephantum).--An exogamous sept of Kuruba.
Benayito.--A sub-division of Odiya.
Bende (Hibiscus esculentus).--An exogamous sept of Kuruba. The
mucilaginous fruit (bendekai or bandicoy) of this plant is a favourite
vegetable of both Natives and Europeans. The nick-name Bendekai is
sometimes given, in reference to the sticky nature of the fruit,
to those who try to smooth matters over between contending parties.
Bengri (frog).--A sept of Domb.
Benia.--A small caste of Oriya cultivators and palanquin-bearers
in Ganjam. It is on record [122] that in Ganjam honey and wax
are collected by the Konds and Benias, who are expert climbers of
precipitous rocks and lofty trees. The name is said to be derived
from bena, grass, as the occupation of the caste was formerly to
remove grass, and clear land for cultivation.
Benise (flint stone).--An exogamous sept of Kuruba.
Benne (butter).--A gotra of Kurni.
Bepari.--Bepari is, in the Madras Census Report, described as "a
caste allied to the Lambadis. Its members worship a female deity
called Banjara, speak the Bepari or Lambadi language, and claim
to be Kshatriyas." Bhonjo, the title of the Rajah of Gumsur, was
returned as a sub-caste. The Rev. G. Gloyer [123] correctly makes
the name Boipari synonymous with Brinjari, and his illustration of
a Boipari family represents typical Lambadis or Brinjaris. Bepari
and Boipari are forms of Vyapari or Vepari, meaning a trader. The
Beparis are traders and carriers between the hills and plains in
the Vizagapatam Agency tracts. Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao informs me
that "they regard themselves as immune from the attacks of tigers,
if they take certain precautions. Most of them have to pass through
places infested with these beasts, and their favourite method of
keeping them off is as follows. As soon as they encamp at a place,
they level a square bit of ground, and light fires in the middle of
it, round which they pass the night. It is their firm belief that the
tiger will not enter the square, from fear lest it should become blind,
and eventually be shot. I was once travelling towards Malkangiri from
Jeypore, when I fell in with a party of these people encamped in the
manner described. At that time, several villages about Malkangiri
were being ravaged by a notorious man-eater (tiger)."
Beralakoduva (finger-giving).--A section of the Vakkaligas, among whom
the custom of sacrificing some of the fingers used to prevail. (See
Morasu.)
Beri Chetti.--The Beri Chettis, or principal merchants, like other
Chettis and Komatis, claim to be Vaisyas, "but they will not admit
that the Komatis are on a par with them, and declare that they
alone represent the true Vaisya stock." [124] With regard to their
origin, the Kanyakapurana states that a certain king wanted to marry
a beautiful maiden of the Komati caste. When the Komatis declined to
agree to the match, the king began to persecute them, and those Komatis
who left the country out of fear were called Beri or Bediri (fear)
Chettis. The story is, in fact, similar to that told by the Nattukottai
Chettis, and the legend, no doubt, refers to persecution of some king,
whose extortion went beyond the limits of custom. Another derivation
of the word Beri is from perumai, greatness or splendour. The name
Beri, as applied to a sub-division of the Komatis, is said to be
a corruption of bedari, and to denote those who fled through fear,
and did not enter the fire-pits with the caste goddess Kanyakamma.
The legend of the Beri Chettis, as given by Mr. H. A. Stuart, [124]
states that "Kaveripuram near Kumbakonam was formerly the town in
which the caste principally resided. The king of the country attempted
to obtain a Beri Chetti maiden in marriage, but was refused, and
he therefore persecuted them, and drove them out of his dominions,
forbidding interchange of meals between them and any other caste
whatever--a prohibition which is still in force."
The Beri Chettis have a number of endogamous divisions, named after
geographical areas, towns, etc., such as Tirutaniyar, Acharapakaththar,
Telungu, Pakkam, Musalpakam. Among these there is an order of social
precedence, some of the divisions interdining, others not.
The Beri Chettis are, like the Kammalans (artisan class), a
leading caste of the left-hand section, and the following story is
narrated. While the Beris were living at Kaveripuram in a thousand
houses, each house bearing a distinct gotra (house name,) a king,
who took wives from among all castes, wanted the Beris to give him
one of their maidens. Though unwilling, they promised to do so, but
made up their minds to get over the difficulty by a ruse. On the day
fixed for the marriage, all the Beri families left the place, after a
male black dog had been tied to the milk-post of the marriage pandal
(booth). When he learnt what had occurred, the king was very angry,
and forbade all castes to take water from the Beris. And this led to
their joining the left-hand section.
The Beri Chettis resort to the panchayat system of administration of
affairs affecting the caste, and the headman, called Peridanakkaran,
is assisted by a barber of the left-hand section. They are in favour
of infant marriages, though adult marriage is not prohibited. They are
not allowed to tie plantain trees to the posts of the wedding pandal,
with the trees touching the ground. If this is done, the Paraiyans,
who belong to the right-hand section, cut them down. This custom
is still observed in some out-of-the way villages. Upanayanam, or
investiture with the sacred thread, is either performed long before
marriage, or by some along with the marriage rite. A man or boy,
after investiture, always wears the thread.
Most of the Beri Chettis are meat-eaters, but some profess to be
vegetarians.
It is said that there is much dispute between the Beri Chettis and the
Komatis regarding their relative positions, and each caste delights
to tell stories to the detriment of the other. In general estimation,
however, the Beris are deemed a little inferior to the Komatis." [125]
The claim of the Beri Chettis to be Vaisyas is based on the following
legend, as given by Mr. Stuart. [126] "In the time of the Cholas,
they erected a water-pandal, and Komatis claimed the right to use it,
which was at once denied. The king attempted to solve the question by
reference to inscriptions in the Kamakshiamma temple at Conjeeveram,
but without success. He then proposed that the rivals should submit
to the ordeal of carrying water in an unbaked pot. This was agreed
to, and the Beri Chettis were alone successful. The penalty for
failure was a fine of Rs. 12,000, which the Komatis could not pay,
and they were therefore obliged to enslave themselves to a Beri Chetti
woman, who paid the fine. Their descendants are still marked men,
who depend upon Beri Chettis for their subsistence. The great body
of the Komatis in the country were not parties to the agreement,
and they do not now admit that their inferiority has ever been
proved." According to another version of the legend, during the
reign of the Cholas, a water-pandal was erected by the Beris, and
the Komatis claimed the right to use it. This was refused on the
ground that they were not Vaisyas. The question at issue was referred
to the king, who promised to enquire into it, but did not do so. A
Viramushti (caste beggar of the Beri Chettis and Komatis) killed the
king's horse and elephant. When questioned as to his reason for so
doing, he explained that it was to call the king's attention to the
dispute, and restored the animals to life. The king then referred
both parties to Conjeeveram, where a sasanam (copper-plate grant)
was believed to exist. To procure this document, the decapitation of
twelve human beings was necessary, and the Viramushti sacrificed his
twelve children. According to the document, the Beris were Vaisyas,
and the Komatis were ordered to be beheaded. But some Beris interceded
on their behalf, and they were pardoned on condition that they would
pay a sum of money. To secure the necessary money, they became slaves
to a rich Beri woman. Ever since this incident, the Komatis have
been the children of the Beris, and their descendants are called
Pillaipuntha Komati, or Komati who became a son. For the services
which he rendered, the Viramushti is said to have been presented
with a sasanam, and he is treated as a son by the caste men, among
whom he has some influence. For example, the Beri Chettis may not
plant in their back-yards Moringa pterygosperma, Dolichos Lablab,
or a red variety of Amarantus. If the Viramushti found the first
of these planted, he would destroy it, and demand a fine of three
fanams. For Dolichos the fine is six fanams, and for Amarantus one
fanam. The rearing of pigs, goats, and fowls by the Beri Chettis is
forbidden under penalty of a fine. If a Beri Chetti woman carries a
water-pot on her head, the Viramushti will throw it down, and demand
a fine of twelve fanams. The women are not allowed to carry on sales
at a public fair, under penalty of excommunication. The Beri Chettis
and Komatis should not do business together.
The Kammalans and Chettis are regarded as friends, and there is a Tamil
proverb "Settiyum Kammalanum onnu," i.e., the Chetti and Kammalan
are one. In this connection the following legend is quoted. "In
the town of Kanda, anciently the Camalas (artificers of five sorts)
lived closely united together, and were employed by all ranks of men,
as there were no artificers besides them. They feared and respected
no king, which offended certain kings, who combined against them,
taking with them all kinds of arms. But, as the fort (Kanda Kottai,
or magnetic fort), in which the Camalar lived, was entirely constructed
of loadstone, this attracted, and drew the weapons away from the hands
of the assailants. The kings then promised a great reward to any one
who should burn down the fort. No one dared to do this. At length
the courtesans of a temple engaged to effect it, and took the pledge
of betel and areca, engaging thereby to do so. The kings, greatly
rejoicing, built a fort opposite, filled with such kind of courtesans,
who, by their singing, attracted the people from the fort, and led
to intercourse. One of these at length succeeded in extracting from
a young man the secret, that, if the fort was surrounded with varacu
straw, set on fire, it might be destroyed. The king accordingly had
this done, and, in the burning down of the fort, many of the Camalar
lost their lives. Some took to ships belonging to them, and escaped by
sea. In consequence, there were no artificers in that country. Those
taken in the act of endeavouring to escape were beheaded. One woman
of the tribe, being pregnant, took refuge in the house of a Chetti,
and escaped, passing for his daughter. From a want of artificers, who
made implements for weavers, husbandmen, and the like, manufactures
and agriculture ceased, and great discontent arose in the country. The
king, being of clever wit, resorted to a device to discover if any of
the tribe remained, to remedy the evil complained of. This was to send
a piece of coral, having a fine tortuous aperture running through it,
and a piece of thread, to all parts of the country, with promise of
great reward to any one who should succeed in passing the thread
through the coral. None could accomplish it. At length the child
that had been born in the Chetty's house undertook to do it; and,
to effect it, he placed the coral over the mouth of an ant-hole,
and having steeped the thread in sugar, placed it at some little
distance. The ants took the thread, and drew it through the coral. The
king, seeing the difficulty overcome, gave great presents, and sent
much work to be done, which that child, under the council and guidance
of its mother, performed. The king sent for the Chetty, and demanded an
account of this young man, which the Chetty detailed. The king had him
plentifully supplied with the means especially of making ploughshares,
and, having married him to the daughter of a Chetty, gave him grants
of land for his maintenance. He had five sons, who followed the five
different branches of work of the Camalar tribe. The king gave them
the title of Panchalar. Down to the present day there is an intimate
relation between these five branches, and they intermarry with each
other; while, as descendants of the Chetty tribe, they wear the punul,
or caste-thread of that tribe." [127]
The Acharapakam Chettis are known as Malighe Chettis, and are connected
with the Chettis of this legend. Even now, in the city of Madras,
when the Beri Chettis assemble for the transaction of caste business,
the notice summoning the meeting excludes the Malighe Chettis, who
cannot, like other Beri Chettis, vote at elections, meetings, etc.,
of the Kandasami temple.
Some Beri Chettis, Mr. Stuart writes, "worship Siva, and some Vishnu,
and a few are Lingayats, who do not marry into families with a
different worship. They bury, while the others burn their dead. All
the divisions wear the sacred thread, and do not tolerate widow
remarriage. Unlike Komatis, their daughters are sometimes married
after puberty."
Berike.--The children of a Boya widow by a man of her own caste,
with whom she lives, are said [128] to drift into a distinct section
called Berike.
Bestha.--The Besthas are summed up, in the Madras Census Report,
1891, as "a Telugu caste, the hereditary occupation of which is
hunting and fishing, but they have largely taken to agriculture,
and the professions of bearers and cooks." In the Census Report,
1901, it is stated that "the fisherman caste in the Deccan districts
are called Besthas and Kabberas, while those in some parts of the
Coimbatore and Salem districts style themselves Toreyar, Siviyar,
and Parivarattar. These three last speak Canarese like the Kabberas,
and seem to be the same as Besthas or Kabberas. Kabbera and Toreya
have, however, been treated as distinct castes. There are two
endogamous sub-divisions in the Bestha caste, namely the Telaga
and the Parigirti. Some say that the Kabbili or Kabberavandlu are
a third. The Parigirti section trace their descent from Sutudu,
the famous expounder of the Mahabharata. Besthas employ Brahmans
and Satanis (or Jangams, if Saivites) for their domestic ceremonies,
and imitate the Brahman customs, prohibiting widow remarriage, and
worshipping Siva and Vishnu as well as the village deities. The Maddi
sub-caste is said to be called so, because they dye cotton with the
bark of the maddi tree (Morinda citrifolia)." It is suggested, in
the Gazetteer of the Bellary district, that the Besthas are really
a sub-division of the Gangimakkalu Kabberas, who were originally
palanquin-bearers, but, now that these vehicles have gone out of
fashion, are employed in divers other ways. It may be noted that
the Siviyars of Coimbatore say that they are Besthas who emigrated
from Mysore in the troublous times of the Muhammadan usurpation. The
name Siviyar, they say, was given to them by the Tamils, as, being
strong and poor, they were palanquin-bearers to officers on circuit
and others in the pre-railway days. Their main occupations at the
present day are tank and river fishing.
In the Manual of the North Arcot district, it is noted that many
Besthas "trade, and are in a flourishing condition, being most numerous
above the ghats. The name Bestha appears to have no meaning, but
they call themselves Sutakulam, and say they are descendants of the
rishi Suta Mahamuni. The term Suta also applies to the offspring of a
Kshatriya by a Brahman, but it seems more probable that the Besthas
gained the name from their superiority in the culinary art, suta
also meaning cook. They are divided into Telugu Besthas and Parigirti
Besthas, the difference between them being chiefly one of religious
observance, the former being in the habit of getting themselves branded
on the shoulders with the Vaishnavite emblems--chank and chakram--and
the latter never undergoing this ceremony. It is a rule with them to
employ Dasaris as the messengers of a death, and Tsakalas, as those
of a birth, or of the fact that a girl has reached womanhood. Their
chief object of worship is Hanuman, the monkey god, a picture or
figure of whom they always have in their houses for domestic worship."
In connection with the names Parigirti or Pakirithi which have been
recorded as divisions of the Besthas, it may be observed that,
in some parts of the Telugu country, the term Pakirithi is used
as a substitute for Vaishnava. This word has become converted into
Parigirti or Parikithi, denoting that the Besthas are Vaishnavites,
as opposed to Saivites. Some Besthas, when questioned as to the origin
of their caste, said that they had no purandam to help them. The word
used by them is a corruption of puranam.
The Besthas are summed up, in the Mysore Census Report, 1901, as
"fishermen, boatmen, and palanquin-bearers, who are known by different
names according to the localities they live in. In the eastern
districts they are called Bestha, in the southern Toraya, Ambiga and
Parivara (boatmen), while in the western parts their names are Kabyara
and Gangemakkalu. The Telugu-speaking population call themselves
Boyis. Their chief occupations are fishing, palanquin-bearing,
and lime-burning. Some of them are employed by Government as peons
(orderlies), etc., while a large number are engaged in agricultural
pursuits. The Boyis obey a headman called the Pedda (big) Boyi. The
Toraya does not intermarry either with the Kabyara or the Boyi, whom he
resembles in every way. The Kabyara or Karnatic Besthas proper never
carry the palanquin, but live by either farming or lime-burning. They
have a headman known as the Yajaman."
I have often seen Besthas in Mysore fishing on tanks from rafts, with
floats made of cane or cork-wood supporting their fish-baskets. The
Besthas use small cast-nets, and it is thought by them that the
employment of drag-nets worked by several men would bring bad luck
to them. When a new net is used for the first time, the first fish
which is caught is cut, and the net smeared with its blood. One of
the meshes of the net is burnt, after incense has been thrown into
the fire. If a snake becomes entangled in a net when it is first used,
it is rejected, and burnt or otherwise disposed of.
The tribal deity of the Telugu Besthas is Kamamma, and, when this
goddess is worshipped, Mala Pambalas are engaged to recite the
legendary story relating to her. They never offer the flesh of animals
or liquor to the goddess.
Like other Telugu castes, the Besthas have intiperulu or exogamous
septs and gotras. In connection with some of the latter, certain
prohibitions are observed. For example, the jasmine plant (malle)
may not be touched by members of the malle gotra, and the ippa tree
(Bassia latifolia) may not be touched or used by members of the Ippala
gotra. Writing at the beginning of the last century, Buchanan [129]
informs us that "everywhere in Karnata the palanquin-bearers are of
Telinga descent. In the language of Karnata they are called Teliga
Besthas, but in their own dialect they are called Bai. Their proper
occupations, beside that of carrying the palanquin, are fishing, and
distillation of rum. Wealthy men among them become farmers, but none
of the caste hire themselves out as farm servants. Their hereditary
chiefs are called Pedde Bui, which, among the Europeans of Madras,
is bestowed on the headman of every gentleman's set." In a note on
the Bestha Boyis, or fishermen bearers of Masulipatam in the days of
the East India Company, Mr. H. G. Prendergast writes [130] that they
were "found to be peculiarly trustworthy servants. When their English
masters went on promotion to Madras, they were accompanied by their
trusty Boyis, and, from that day to this, Bestha Boyis have been
employed as attendants in public and mercantile offices in Madras,
and have continued to maintain their good reputation."
Of the use of the word Boy (a corruption of Boyi) for palanquin-bearer,
numerous examples are quoted by Yule and Burnell. [131] Thus
Carraccioli, in his life of Lord Clive, records that, in 1785, the
Boys with Colonel Lawrence's palankeen, having struggled a little
out of the time of march, were picked up by the Marattas. Writing in
1563, Barras states [132] that "there are men who carry the umbrella
so dexterously to ward off the sun that, although their master trots
on his horse, the sun does not touch any part of his body and such
men are called Boi."