CHAPTER XVI.

SALADIN.

“Sans peur et sans reproche.”

Saladin has already appeared upon our pages, but hitherto scarcely

more than incidentally. The reader will, no doubt, be glad to have a

consecutive account of the career of this illustrious prince, as

told by the historians of his own nation.

We must go back to the time of the invasion of Egypt by King Amaury.

On Shírkoh’s death, many of the chief officers of Núr-ed-dín’s army

were desirous of succeeding to the important post of grand vizier;

but the Caliph, El ‘Άdhid, himself sent for Saladin, and conferred

the office upon him, together with many privileges and titles of

honour. He was designated El Melik en Násir, “the Victorious King,”

and Sipáh-sálár, a Persian title, signifying generalissimo of the

army; and his standard, or coat of arms, was placed instead of his

name at the head of all official communications—a form made use of

only in the case of royal personages. In writing to him, however,

the Egyptian Caliph did not address his letters to Saladin

individually, but inscribed them “To the Emír Saladin, and all the

princes in the land of Egypt.” This was doubtless in order to assert

his own prerogative and superior authority; but the young Kurd,

having once placed his foot upon the steps of the throne, was not to

be deterred from mounting to the summit of his ambition by mere

scruples of etiquette. He was, moreover, a rigid follower of the

Shafi‘íte sect, and therefore no friend to the pretensions of the

sons of ‘Alí; indeed, he had already received the commands of

Nûr-ed-dín to depose the Ismaelites from all religious and judicial

offices, to appoint orthodox doctors in their stead, and to insert

the name of the Abbaside Caliph of Baghdad in the Friday prayer in

the place of that of the Fatemite Caliph of Egypt.

In 1169 the Franks made their final effort for the possession of

Egypt, and besieged Damietta; but Saladin had garrisoned and

provisioned the town so well that it was enabled to hold out until a

fresh attack by Nûr-ed-dín upon the Syrian possessions of the

Christians compelled them to abandon the attempt and return home

bootless. The next year Saladin himself invaded their territory,

and, after plundering the neighbourhood of Ascalon and Ramleh,

returned to Egypt. His next expedition was against Ailah (‘Akabah),

which he blockaded by land and sea, and conquered with little

difficulty.

For some time Saladin was prevented from carrying out Nûr-ed-dín’s

injunctions respecting the abolition of the Fatemite sect and

authority, through fear of an insurrection; but towards the end of

the year 1171 an opportunity offered itself in the sudden illness of

El ‘Άdhid li dín allah. Of this Saladin at once availed himself, and

the name of El Mostadhí bi amr illah was solemnly proclaimed in the

mosques of Cairo.

This great _coup d’état_, which won Egypt over to the orthodox

Mohammedan sect, and ultimately enabled Saladin to grasp the

independent sovereignty of the country, was effected, as an Arab

historian quaintly observes, “so quietly, that not a brace of goats

butted over it.” The last of the Fatemites died only ten days

afterwards, in happy ignorance of the downfall of his dynasty. The

news was hailed with great demonstrations of joy in Baghdad, and

‘Emád-ed-dín Sandal, a confidential servant of Saladin’s, was

despatched to Cairo with dresses of honour for the emir, hearing

also the black flag, the famous standard of the house of Abbas.

But Saladin was flying at higher game; and when news reached him of

the death of Nûr-ed-dín, in August 1174, he at once set out for

Damascus. El Melik es Sálíh Ismáìl, who had succeeded his father

upon the throne, was absent at Aleppo when Saladin arrived, and the

latter established himself without opposition in the government of

the town. Hums and Hamah (the Hamath of the Bible) next yielded to

his authority, but Aleppo still held out, and warmly supported the

cause of El Melik es Sálíh the legitimate heir to the kingdom. After

an unsuccessful attempt to reduce the place by blockade, Saladin

made terms with his rival, and each agreed to leave the other in

quiet possession of the districts of Syria which he then actually

held. Having concluded this arrangement, he returned to Egypt. El

Melik es Sálíh died in 1181, and was succeeded by his uncle,

‘Ezz-ed-dín Mas‘úd, who, however, exchanged by mutual consent the

throne of Aleppo with Maudúd, lord of Sanjár.

In May, 1182, Saladin once more set out for Damascus, ravaging the

country of the Crusaders by the way, and obtaining a large amount of

booty. He never afterwards returned to Egypt, but from that moment

devoted himself to the task of reconquering the Holy Land for the

Mussulmans.

In the following month he began his campaign, and, pitching at

Tiberias, harassed the neighbourhood of Beisán, Jaibín, and the

Ghor, causing much loss to the Christians, both of property and

life. Beirút and the sea coast were next attacked, and, even where

the towns themselves held out, the country around suffered severely

from his depredations, for he seldom returned empty handed from a

raid.

It was in this same year, 1182, that the Frank occupants of Kerek

and Shobek determined to make an expedition against Medinah itself,

and thus to attack the Mohammedans in the very birthplace and

stronghold of their faith. They had even sworn that they would dig

up the body of the Prophet, and carry it off to their own country,

in order to put a stop to pilgrimages once and for all. That this

was no idle threat was clear from the fact that the Prince Renaud of

Kerek had caused ships to be constructed and carried over land to

the Red Sea, and that troops had been transported in these vessels,

and were actually on their way to Medinah.

Saladin was at Hauran when the news of the intended invasion reached

him. He was furious at the insult offered to his religion, and sent

orders to his lieutenant in Egypt to despatch the Emír Hisám-ed-dín

Lúlú in pursuit of the enemy. The Franks, rather more than three

hundred in number, besides a body of rebellious Bedawín which had

joined their ranks, had advanced within a day’s march of Medinah

when Lúlú caught them up. Despairing of being able to resist the

Egyptian troops, who were superior to themselves both in numbers and

discipline, they sought refuge upon a mountain difficult of access,

while the Bedawín, with their usual discretion in cases of danger,

took to their heels. Lúlú, however, followed them to the heights,

captured, and sent them in chains to Cairo. They were given over for

execution “to the dervishes, lawyers, and religious persons,” who

put them all to a cruel death, reserving only two of the most

conspicuous members of the band, “who were sent to Mecca to have

their throats cut, like the beasts who are sacrificed before the

Ka‘abah.”

In 1183 Saladin obtained possession of Hums, Amed, ‘Aintáb, and

other places. He next besieged Aleppo, which he took after a short

siege; though, to compensate the sovereign of that place,

‘Emád-ed-dín ibn Maudúd, for its loss, he bestowed upon him the

territory of Sanjár. The conquest of Aleppo took place in the month

Safar, and a poet of Damascus (Muhíy-ed-dín), celebrating the event

in an ode addressed to the Sultan, “declared that the capture of

Aleppo in Safar was a good augury for that of Jerusalem in Rejeb”—a

verse which seems to have been prophetic, for Jerusalem fell in the

month Rejeb of the year 1187 A.D.

The next year the Sultan made a fresh attack upon Kerek. A severe

conflict took place between his forces and the Christians, and some

of the forts fell into his hands. He did not, however, follow up his

advantage, but returned to Damascus, having first marched upon

Nablús, which he plundered and burnt.

In 1186 Diyár Bekr also yielded to his arms, and his kingdom was now

becoming so extensive that he found himself obliged to make some

different provision for the government of the various provinces.

Sending for his son, El Melik el Afdhal, from Egypt, he assigned him

the _seigneurie_ of Damascus; Egypt, Hamah, Diyár Bekr, &c., he

allotted to other members of his family.

We now come to 1187, the year of the fall of Jerusalem, and the most

important era in Saladin’s career. His operations against the

Franks, though generally successful, had as yet partaken rather of

the character of border forays than regular warfare, and, although

they harassed and annoyed the Crusaders, they did not materially

weaken their position in the country. Jerusalem was defended by the

flower of the Christian chivalry, and as yet appeared too strong for

him to attack; but his determination had long been taken, and he

merely waited for an opportunity to strike a decisive blow. An

appeal was, moreover, made to him, artfully calculated to inflame

his religious zeal, and sting his personal pride. An aged native of

Damascus had been taken prisoner by the Franks and carried to

Jerusalem. From the place of his captivity be sent a copy of verses

to the Sultan, in which the Holy City was made to address him thus:

Just sovereign, mighty monarch! thou

To whom the Crosses’ standards bow!

There cometh up before thee now

Jerusalem’s piteous plaint.

“Elsewhere are idols overthrown—

Shall I, the Holy House, alone,

The Muslim’s noblest temple, groan

Beneath so foul a taint?”

The verse had its effect, and later on, Saladin rewarded the author

with the deanery (if I may so translate the word _khatábeh_) of the

Masjid el Aksa.

In the month of March be addressed letters to all parts of his

dominions calling on his subjects to rally round his standard, and

follow him to the “Holy War.” Setting out from Damascus with such

men as he could raise, he began himself to beat up recruits, and

persuaded even the most unwilling to take up arms in the cause of

their faith.

Renaud, Prince of Kerek, had resolved upon attacking the Mohammedan

pilgrims on their return from Mecca, and carrying them into

captivity; but Saladin encamped near Bosra until the caravan had

passed, and so thwarted his designs. Renaud was one of the fiercest

and most implacable antagonists the Muslims had to contend with, and

he, knowing that he had little chance of quarter if he fell into

Saladin’s hands, withdrew into his fortress at Kerek. As the

Egyptian contingent for which he was waiting did not arrive so soon

as he had expected, Saladin commanded his son, El Melik el Afdhal,

to remain at Rás el Má, and collect an army, while he himself

occupied his leisure by plundering and burning the villages in the

neighbourhood of Kerek. Here he was at last joined by the Egyptians,

and things remained _in statu quo_ for two months. Meanwhile El

Afdhal had executed his father’s commands, and collected a large

body of men, with whom, in the absence of other orders, he marched

upon Tiberias. At Sefúríyeh they were met by the Christian troops,

who sallied forth in great numbers from the town and gave them

battle. Fortune, however, declared for the Muslims, and the

Crusaders retired with great loss. Saladin, on receiving the news of

this victory, left Kerek and joined his son. The combined forces now

amounted to an immense number of men, all ardently desiring to do

battle with the “infidels,” and the Franks, sensible of the

approaching danger, made overtures for peace. But Saladin continued

his march upon Jerusalem. On the 27th of June he pitched at Jaibín,

and on the following morning reached the Jordan.

In the meantime the Crusaders endeavoured to stop his progress, and

had assembled (according to the Arab authorities) to the number of

fifty thousand in the plain of Sefúríyeh, where for some days

continuous but unimportant skirmishes took place. Saladin determined

first to attack Tiberias itself, and, sending a party of sappers and

miners stealthily to undermine the walls, he approached and entered

the town at nightfall. The Franks knew that the loss of this

important place would be fatal to their cause. The next morning,

therefore, as soon as they got information of the movement, they

beat to arms, and proceeded with all speed to endeavour to oust

Saladin from his position. It was a Friday morning, but, rigid

Mussulman as the Sultan was, he did not, on this occasion at least,

allow his scruples to interfere with his plan of action. Leaving

some men in charge of the castle of Tiberias, he sallied out, and

gave battle to the enemy. The conflict raged fiercely, neither side

gaining a decisive advantage, until night coming on put a stop to

the encounter. In the morning, both sides prepared to resume the

fight, and the Muslims rushed to the attack shouting like one man.

At this a sudden panic seized upon the Christian ranks, and they

retired in disorder to Jebel Hattín, a village in which is the

reputed tomb of Jethro, the father-in-law of Moses. The Count of

Tripoli, foreseeing that defeat was imminent, withdrew with his

followers before the general rout began, and fled to Tyre.

And now was enacted a scene of indescribable carnage and confusion.

The Muslims, who had followed in hot pursuit, came suddenly upon the

retreating host, and, having surrounded them on all sides, so as to

make escape impossible, set fire to the dry herbage beneath their

feet. The flames spread instantly, and the Christians, scorched by

the burning grass, and fainting under the scarcely less fierce rays

of a Syrian midsummer sun, fell, huddled together like sheep,

beneath the swords and darts of their assailants. No less than

thirty thousand of their bravest soldiers are said to have perished

on the field, and many others were taken captive. So entirely were

they cowed and demoralized that one peasant alone is related to have

taken thirty prisoners, and tied them in his tent, and to have sold

one of them for an old boot!

Amongst the prisoners were the king himself, and his brother

Godfrey, Odo, Lord of Jebeil, Count Humphrey, the Grand Masters of

the Templars and Hospitallers, together with many knights of both

orders, and Prince Renaud of Kerek, who was one of the first

captured. Saladin had sworn that if ever Renaud fell into his power

he would slay him with his own hand, for he was incensed against him

not only for his meditated attack upon Medinah, but because he had

violated the truce and treacherously murdered some Egyptians who

were passing by Shobek, answering them by coarse jests upon Mohammed

when they appealed to his honour and the articles of peace.

The Sultan was sitting in the threshold of his tent, which was not

yet completely set up, and the captives were arrayed before him one

by one. When King Guy was brought out he courteously invited him to

sit down by his side, and perceiving Renaud immediately after, he

made him sit down beside the king, and commenced upbraiding him with

his former breach of faith and with his attempt upon the sanctuary

of Medinah. Renaud excused himself, saying, through the interpreter,

“that he had only acted after the manner of princes.” At this moment

the king gave signs of being greatly distressed by thirst, and

Saladin ordered iced sherbet to be brought for his refreshment.

Having quenched his own thirst, the king handed the cup to Renaud;

but as the latter raised it to his lips, Saladin exclaimed, “Thou

hast given him to drink, not I.” This sentence was equivalent to

Renaud’s death knell, for Saladin thereby disclaimed the obligation

he would have been under (according to the laws of Arab warfare) to

spare the life of a captive who had eaten or drunk with him. As soon

as the tent was pitched the Sultan again ordered Renaud to be

brought before him, and told him he was “going to help Mohammed

against him this time.” He then gave the Prince of Kerek one last

chance for his life, offering to spare him if he would embrace

Islam. Renaud, whatever his other faults, was no coward, and as he

returned a proud refusal to the offer, Saladin smote him to the

ground, and commanded the attendants to cut off his head. The order

was promptly executed, and the reeking corpse was dragged by the

feet to where the king was standing. The latter, who had witnessed

the incident, made sure that his own turn was to follow next, and

could not conceal his agitation; but Saladin assured him that he had

no cause to fear, that “it was not the custom amongst his people for

one king to injure or insult another, and that Renaud had only met

the fate which all such traitors deserved.”

The capture of the king was, however, of less importance in the eyes

of the Christians than that of the “True Cross,” which fell into the

hands of the Mussulmans on this occasion. The native writers

describe with great glee the costly covering of gold and precious

stones in which the relic was encased, and the despair of the

Christians at its loss. This victory, which completely crushed the

Christian power, and paved the way for Saladin’s future successes,

took place on the 14th of June.

Saladin, by his manœuvre of the previous Friday, had only possessed

himself of a portion of the town of Tiberias. Raymond’s wife had

moved all she possessed to the castle, and prepared to defend it

against the invaders, but, when she saw the turn which affairs had

taken, she very wisely withdrew with her immediate followers and

rejoined her husband at Tyre. The Mohammedans were thus enabled to

occupy the fort.

Having appointed Sárim-ed-dín Caimázá Sanjí as governor of Tiberias,

Saladin pitched his tent outside the town, and commanded the

Templars and Hospitallers who had been taken prisoners to be brought

before him. No less than two hundred of these were found distributed

amongst the soldiery, and Saladin ordered them to be immediately

beheaded. There were a number of “doctors and philosophers” present

with the Mohammedan troops, and these petitioned as a particular

favour to be allowed to perform the office of executioners, and

permission being accorded them, the learned gentlemen each selected

a knight and butchered him, as a practical comment upon the Ovidian

maxim—

Ingenuas didicisse fideliter artes

Emollit mores nec sinit esse feros!

The grand masters of the two orders were spared and sent, together

with the king, his brother Godfrey, and the Lord of Jebail, to

Damascus, where they were thrown into prison.

On the following Tuesday the Sultan resumed his march, and on the

Thursday morning encamped before the walls of Acre. The inhabitants

made no resistance, but came out of the city and met him with

prayers for quarter. This he granted them, and, having given them

the option either of remaining in the city or removing from it, and

giving those who chose to withdraw time to enable them to do so, he

took possession of it with his troops on the 9th of July. While

here, Saladin received intelligence that his brother, El Melik el

‘Adil, had left Egypt, and was on the road to join him, having

conquered the fortress of Mejdel Yaba and the city of Jaffa by the

way.

Making Acre his head-quarters, the Sultan dispersed his emírs over

the country in different directions for the purpose of attacking the

castles and fortified towns. Nazareth was taken after a slight

resistance, men and women were carried into captivity and their

property plundered. Sefuríyeh was found to be entirely deserted, the

inhabitants having decamped after the disastrous battle of Hattín.

Cæsarea, Arsúf, Sebastiyeh, and Nablús were next added to the list

of Saladin’s conquests; the last named place fell an easy prey, as

all the principal inhabitants, both of the town and its vicinity,

were Mohammedan, and consequently disaffected to the Christian rule.

Fúleh was one of the most important fortresses of the Crusaders, and

a depôt both for their stores and men. Against this the Sultan next

directed his attention, and succeeded in reducing it after some

days’ siege. He did not, however, derive as much advantage from the

conquest of this place as he had expected, for its defenders had

found means of withdrawing with the greater part of their arms and

provisions; so that the Sultan found no one there when he entered it

but a few of the lower class of the population. It was,

nevertheless, important in its results, for the conquest of the

other principal forts of the neighbourhood followed as a matter of

course, and Dabúríyeh, Jaibín, Towáliyeh, Lejún, Beisán, and other

places fell into the Saracens’ hands, including the entire provinces

of Tiberias and Acre.

The Sultan then ordered his nephew, El Melik el Muzaffar to march

upon the fortress of Tibnín. After a week’s siege the inhabitants

were obliged to sue for quarter. The request was referred to Saladin

personally, who granted quarter to the defenders of the town, taking

hostages for their good conduct, on condition of their entirely

surrendering it within five days, and setting free all the

Mohammedan captives who remained in their hands. This plan he

adopted thenceforth with all places which he conquered, and thus set

at liberty a large number of prisoners, many of whom were doubtless

fighting men, and would add greatly to the numerical strength of his

army.

The occupation of Tibnín by Saladin’s troops took place on the 26th

of July, 1187, and three days afterwards the Muslim flag was flying

from the walls of Sidon.

Saladin next attacked Beirút, which place prepared for a long

resistance; but his sappers and miners having succeeded in

undermining the wall and weakening the foundations of the tower, the

besieged deemed it better to capitulate, and the town was occupied

by the Saracens on the 6th of August.

While he was at Beirút a letter came to the Sultan from one of his

officers at Damascus, informing him that Odo, Lord of Jebail, who,

it will be remembered, was taken prisoner at Hettín, had consented

to surrender his town on condition that he should be himself

released from captivity. Saladin ordered him to be brought to Beirút

in chains, and having concluded the bargain and obtained possession

of Jebail (August 14th), he set Odo at liberty. The arrangement was

not a politic one for the Mussulmans, for Odo was an active and

influential chief, and was destined to give them much trouble. The

greater part of the inhabitants of Beirút, Sidon, and Jebail were

Mohammedans, which may account for the easy conquest of those

places. The Christian part of the population, who had received

permission to withdraw on the entry of the Sultan’s troops, removed

to Tyre, where the Count of Tripoli had retired after the defeat of

the Christians at Tiberias. Hearing that Saladin was marching upon

him, the count vacated the city and fled to Tripoli, where he died.

The Marquis of Montferrat, who had only arrived that year on the

coast of Syria, happened at this time to put into the port of Acre,

not knowing that it was in the possession of the Muslims. He was at

first surprised that no demonstration of joy greeted his arrival,

but quickly perceiving the real state of the case, he would

willingly have sought safety in flight. The wind, however, being

unfavourable, he asked for quarter and requested that he might be

allowed to land. Permission was given him, but he pretended that he

dare not trust himself ashore without a safe-conduct in the Sultan’s

own handwriting, and gaining time by this and similar devices, he

took advantage of a favourable wind springing up and sailed away to

Tyre. Here he landed, and at once set about fortifying and

entrenching the town, and, being joined by the fugitives from all

the towns conquered by the Mussulmans, he succeeded in establishing

himself in an almost impregnable position.

After the conquest of Beirút and Jebail, Saladin returned by way of

Sidon and Sarfend, and, passing by Tyre without attempting to

assault it, he proceeded to the coast of Philistia, and, having

taken Ramleh, Yabneh, Bethlehem, and Hebron on his way thither, sat

down before Ascalon and prepared to bring his engines of war to bear

upon the walls. For fourteen days the city held out, at the end of

which time the inhabitants surrendered on the urgent representations

of the king and the Grand Master of the Templars, to whom Saladin

had given a promise that he would release them from captivity so

soon as he should have mastered the forts and towers which still

remained in the hands of the Crusaders. Ascalon was enabled to make

very good terms with its conqueror, all the residents being

permitted to leave unmolested, and taking with them all their

property and possessions. It surrendered on the 5th of September,

1187, having been in the hands of the Crusaders for nearly

thirty-five years. At Ascalon Saladin was joined by his son, el

Melik El ‘Azíz ‘Othmán, from Cairo, who brought with him a

contingent of troops, and information of the departure of the Emír

Lúlú with the Egyptian fleet to intercept the arrival of

reinforcements to the Crusaders by sea.

And now came the supreme moment for the Christian power; the Sultan

gave orders to march upon Jerusalem, and the greatest consternation

prevailed within the Holy City.

On the evening of Sunday, the 20th of October, the Mohammedan army

arrived in front of the town on the west side, where it was met by a

large sortie, and a fierce and sanguinary conflict took place. On

the 25th, the Sultan moved his camp to the north side of the city,

and began to set up his engines and battering rams, and shortly

effected a slight breach; at the same time his sappers were

undermining the wall which runs parallel to the Wády Jehennum. The

Christians, few in numbers and disheartened, made one or two

sorties, but victory inclined to the Mussulmans. Balian of Ibelin

now sallied forth with a flag of truce, and besought the Sultan to

allow them to capitulate, but Saladin would hold no parley with him,

and swore that “he would capture the city by the sword, as the

Franks had taken it from the true believers.” The Frank leaders,

finding entreaties of no avail, swore that if terms were not granted

them they would sell their lives as dearly as might be, utterly

destroy the city, and the Cubbet es Sakhrah with it, and murder

every Mohammedan who remained in their power. As there were some

thousands of Muslim prisoners in the city, this last threat induced

the Sultan to reconsider his determination, and a council of war was

called, at which it was resolved that the peaceable capitulation of

the town should be received upon certain conditions. These were,

that the Christians should pay ten dínars for every man, five for a

woman, and two for a child, and that those who could not pay were to

surrender as prisoners. There were said to be more than sixty

thousand fighting men in the town, besides women and children and

other non-combatants; the sum of money demanded was therefore

immoderately large. Balian disbursed thirty thousand dínars on

behalf of the poor, and the Grand Masters of the Hospitallers and

Templars, as well as the Patriarch, came forward nobly to the relief

of their poorer brethren both with money and security. The

Mohammedans entered the city on the 1st of November, just before

noon-day prayer, and at once took precautions for ensuring the due

performance of the stipulation, by locking the gates of the city and

allowing no one to leave without payment of the required sum, and,

moreover, appointing officers to collect the poll-tax from the

inhabitants.

The Mohammedan historians themselves allow that great corruption

prevailed amongst these officers, and that for a small consideration

they connived at the escape of many Christians by the breaches which

had been made during the siege, or even let them down themselves in

buckets from the walls. Some of the more distinguished, especially

of the women, experienced the Sultan’s clemency; amongst these was a

princess of great wealth, who had resided in Jerusalem as a nun, and

who was allowed to leave with her property intact. Sybille, the

queen consort of the captive king, and the Princess of Kerek,

daughter of Philip and mother of Humphrey, were also excused the

tax, and permitted to depart. Zeha, one of the Saracen generals,

sought and obtained the release of over five hundred Armenians,

alleging that they belonged to his country and were only present as

pilgrims; and a thousand more Armenians were set at liberty on a

similar representation being made in their favour by Muzaffer-ed-dín

Kokabúrí, another of Saladin’s officers. Committees were established

in various parts of the town where payments were received, and a

passport from any of these boards was sufficient to procure the

bearer a free passage out of the city. As might be expected much

peculation went on amongst the inferior officers, in spite of which

nearly one hundred thousand dínars were brought into the public

treasury, while many Franks still remained prisoners in default of

payment. The Franks were anxious to clear out of the place as soon

as possible, and sold their lands and effects at ruinous prices to

the Mussulmans, while the patriarch stripped the Holy Sepulchre and

other churches of the plate, gold and silver ornaments, and other

valuables, and prepared to carry them off with him. El ‘Emád, the

Sultan’s secretary, saw with displeasure the disappearance of all

this treasure, worth, we are told, more than two hundred thousand

dínars, and advised Saladin to forbid its removal, declaring that

the privilege extended to private property alone. But the Sultan

declared that the Christians should never have occasion to charge

the Muslims with a breach of faith, and allowed the Franks to carry

off all the portable articles they pleased. Those who were enabled

to leave made the best of their way to Tyre; but there still

remained over fifteen thousand defaulters, of whom eight thousand

were women and children. When the Mussulmans were quietly settled in

the possession of Jerusalem the Christians asked and obtained

permission to return, on payment of the usual tax.

A curious reason is given by the Arab historians for the strong

feeling which the taking of Jerusalem excited throughout Europe. The

Christians, say they, made an image of Christ and Mohammed, the

latter holding an upraised stick and the former fleeing away, and

carried it about with them in Christian countries to induce their

co-religionists to revenge their quarrel by a new crusade.

The first Friday after the taking of Jerusalem was a memorable one

for Islam; Saladin himself was present at the public service and

prayed in the Cubbet es Sakhrah, where a most eloquent sermon

(_khotbah_) was delivered by the poet Muhiy-ed-dín (whose verse

prophetic of the occasion has been already alluded to[74]) and the

concourse of people was so great that there was scarcely standing

room in the open court of the Haram Area.

Footnote 74:

Page 77.

The Franks had built an oratory and altar over the Sakhrah itself,

and “filled it with images and idols;” these Saladin removed, and

restored it to its original condition as a mosque. The Christians

are also said to have cut off portions of the Sakhrah and sold them

in Sicily and Constantinople for their weight in gold.

A great cross, plated with gold and studded with jewels, was found

on the holy rock when Saladin entered the Temple; this the Muslims

pulled down and dragged with great glee round the city, to the

intense horror of the Christians, who expected some dreadful

visitation to follow such profanity. Saladin’s first care was to

uncover the _mihráb_ or “prayer niche,”[75] in front of which the

Templars had built a wall, leaving an empty space between;[76] they

had also built a spacious house and a chapel on the west of the

kiblah. He pulled down the wall, covered the _mihráb_ with marble,

thoroughly cleansed the place, and supplied it with lamps, costly

carpets, and other furniture. The Sultan Nûr-ed-dín had himself

resolved upon the conquest of Jerusalem, but the expedition was

prevented by his sudden death. He had ordered a magnificent pulpit

(_mimbar_) to be executed by a celebrated artist at Aleppo,

intending to present it to the mosque; this Saladin sent for and

placed in the Jámi‘ el Aksa, where it remains to the present day,

and forms one of the principal objects of attraction to the visitor,

being one of the most exquisite pieces of carved wood-work in the

world. Both the Cubbet es Sakhrah and El Aksa were furnished by the

Sultan with copies of the Coran, doubtless from the celebrated

library at Damascus, the remains of which are preserved in the

little dome (called Cubbet el Kutub) in the Jámi‘ el Omawíyeh of

that city.

Footnote 75:

The _mihráb_, that is, of the Jámi‘ el Aksa, as being that of the

congregational building, and therefore the principal one in the

enclosure. It is necessary to bear in mind a few facts, which are

perfectly clear from the statements of the Arab historians (in the

original), but which are either neglected or misinterpreted by

many European writers, and notably by Mr. Fergusson. These are: 1.

That the _Masjid el Aksa_ is the _whole_ Haram Area, including the

Jámi‘ el Aksa and Cubbet es Sakhrah, as well as all the smaller

oratories, mosques, minarets, &c. 2. That _all these_ were built

by ‘Abd el Melik (see p. 77), and that the Cubbet es Sakhrah is

only mentioned more specially than the other buildings erected by

that prince because of its magnificent proportions and the

peculiar sanctity of the spot it covers. 3. That the Cubbet es

Sakhrah is only a supplementary building (see p. 83). 4. That when

_the_ pulpit, _the_ “kiblah,” &c., of the Masjid el Aksa is spoken

of it must always be referred to that of the Jámi‘ el Aksa; just

as when speaking of the chancel of an English cathedral we should

mean that of the main building, and not that of the lady chapel,

and still less of any oratory, however large, that might exist in

another part of the close. The account in the text is taken from

Mejír-ed-dín. The inscription recording Saladin’s restorations may

still be seen in letters of gold over the _mihráb_ of the Jámi‘ el

Aksa.

Footnote 76:

Some say it had been even turned into a _latrina_.

The princes of Saladin’s family personally assisted in the work of

restoration and purification, and it is related that El Melik el

Muzaffar himself headed the attendants who swept out and washed the

sanctuary. The process must have cost a considerable sum, for after

thoroughly cleansing it with water they deluged every portion, even

to the walls and pavement, with rose water.

The _mihráb_, or, as it is sometimes called, the Tower of David,

near the Jaffa Gate, was also refurnished as a mosque, and endowed

with funds.

These more important buildings provided for, he turned his attention

to the other churches and sacred places in the town. The church of

Sion was occupied by El Melik el ‘Άdil and his staff officers, the

soldiery being encamped at the gate. The church of St. Hannah was

turned into a college for the doctors of the Shafi‘íte sect; and the

Patriarch’s house adjoining, and partly built on the church of the

Holy Sepulchre, was made use of as a cloister for the Sufí monks and

philosophers; both of these establishments were liberally endowed,

and afterwards became celebrated schools of Mohammedan learning. As

for the church of the Holy Sepulchre it was locked up, and no

Christian allowed to enter it. It had indeed a narrow escape, as

many of Saladin’s officers counselled him to destroy it; thanks,

however, to the Sultan’s moderation and the noble example of ‘Omar,

which he adduced, their advice was not carried out. The whole of the

wealth which he had acquired by this conquest he distributed amongst

the most deserving of his followers, disregarding the advice of some

more prudent minds to keep it against future emergencies. He also

collected all the Mohammedan captives, and fed them, clothed them,

and sent them to their homes at his own private expense.

Saladin, having written to the caliph to acquaint him with the

victory, remained for some time at Jerusalem to complete the

reduction of the fortresses in the neighbourhood and to tranquillise

the country; while his generals El Melik el Afdhal and El Melik el

Muzaffer, proceeded to Acre. The Emír ‘Alí ibn Ahmed el Mashtúb,

governor of Sidon and Beyrout remained behind with the Sultan.

Hearing that the Marquis of Montferrat had taken advantage of the

concentration of their attention upon Jerusalem to strengthen his

position at Tyre, he began to tremble for the safety of his own

towns, and continually urged Saladin to resume his campaign in

Syria.

Accordingly, on the 26th of October, Saladin once more set out for

Acre, and reached that city on the 3rd of November. In eight days

more he had moved off to Tyre, and, encamping at some distance from

the walls, awaited the arrival of the rest of his forces. On the

25th of November the reinforcements came up, under the command of

his son, El Melik ed Dháhir Ghiyás ed-dín Ghází, from Aleppo, and

the siege was commenced in right earnest, all the wood in the

neighbourhood being cut down for the construction of the battering

rams and other engines. But Conrad defended the place skilfully and

gallantly, and it withstood all attempts to take it by storm.

Hitherto we have seen Saladin prosecuting a career of victory

unsullied by a single defeat; the tide of war now began to turn for

a time in favour of the Franks.

The first disaster which the Muslims experienced was by sea. The

Sultan had ordered all the ships of war to come up and assist in the

blockade of Tyre, and those which were at Acre, ten in number,

quickly appeared upon the scene, and were joined in a few days by

the fleet from Beirút and Jebail. The marquis, seeing that this

manœvre was likely to cause him some trouble, determined to counter

it, and accordingly sent out his own vessels to give them battle.

The Muslim ships were drawn up in line close upon the shore and

immediately protected by their own troops. The sailors, confident in

the security of their position, neglected to remain upon the alert,

and thus gave the marquis his opportunity, of which he was not slow

to avail himself. On the night of the 8th of December, a number of

the Sultan’s ships were riding at anchor near the entrance to the

harbour of Tyre; the sailors and marines were tranquilly sleeping in

happy ignorance of the enemy’s movements, when, just before morning,

they were rudely awakened to find themselves surrounded and at the

mercy of the Christians, by whom they were at once boarded and

captured. The Mohammedans were paralysed at this sudden and

unexpected reverse, and the remainder of the fleet were hastily

ordered off to Beirút, towards which they made the best of their

way, the army riding alongside of them upon the shore to cover their

flight. Before, however, they had got far, the Frank vessels came

suddenly down upon them, and the Mohammedan sailors, precipitating

themselves into the water, made hastily for the shore, leaving their

vessels without a soul on board. One schooner alone managed to elude

her pursuers, and got off with all her crew. When the Christians

came upon the deserted vessels (which they still believed to be full

of men) they fancied that the Mohammedans were too terrified to give

them battle, and poured tumultuously out upon the shore and attacked

the main body of Saladin’s troops. The latter had by this time

somewhat recovered their presence of mind, and gave them a warm

reception; a desperate conflict took place, and the Franks were at

last driven back towards the town. Two of their leaders fell into

the enemy’s hands, and “a great count” was also taken prisoner. El

Melek ed Dháhir, who had not taken part in any of the previous

engagements, at once ordered the last mentioned prisoner to be

beheaded, and the Mohammedans, believing him to be the Marquis of

Montferrat himself (whom he did resemble in form and features) were

greatly delighted at the supposed death of so formidable an

antagonist. But they had experienced a very heavy blow, and would

fain have compelled the Sultan to relinquish the enterprise against

Tyre and return home. Saladin, however, reproached them with their

faint-heartedness, and, partly by bribes, partly by persuasion,

induced them to persevere.

As a slight compensation for his recent losses and defeats he

received news about this time of the capitulation of the Fortress of

Honein, which had been for some time besieged by one of his

officers.

The troops now began to suffer so severely from the winter cold and

rains that Saladin was obliged, though with extreme reluctance, to

raise the siege of Tyre. He had expended immense sums of money upon

his engines of war; but these were for the most part too bulky to

remove, while to leave them behind would be to strengthen the hands

of the besieged. Some, therefore, which it was possible to take to

pieces and pack up, were sent on to Sidon, while others, which could

not be so provided for, were set fire to and destroyed. The army

then broke up into several divisions, and departed with the

understanding that they were to come back again in the early part of

the spring and resume the siege. The Sultan himself moved on to Acre

and camped outside the city; but the cold presently became so

intense that he was compelled to seek shelter within the walls.

Remaining here in winter quarters, he occupied himself in regulating

and improving the public institutions of the town. With the first

mild days of spring Saladin was again on the move, and as the whole

complement of the army had not yet come up, he determined to

commence the new campaign by laying siege to the fortress of Kokeb;

but this proved a longer and more difficult task than he had

anticipated.

While the Sultan was at Kokeb he received a visit from the widow of

Renaud, Prince of Kerek, who came to beg for the release of her son

Humphrey. She was accompanied by the queen and her daughter, who had

also married Renaud’s son. Saladin received them with great

courtesy, and agreed with the Princess of Kerek for the release of

her son on condition that the two fortresses of Kerek and Shobek

should surrender at discretion to his arms. Having exacted a promise

from her to this effect, Humphrey was sent for from Damascus, and

proceeded with his mother and a detachment of Mohammedan troops to

arrange for the fulfilment of the terms of the contract. But the

people of Kerek were by no means disposed to become a ransom for the

young count, and met the widow’s demand for them to lay down their

arms with coarse jeers and opprobrious language. At Shobek she fared

no better, and was after all constrained to return to the Sultan

with the humiliating confession that she had not sufficient

authority over her troops to carry out the stipulations. Saladin,

like a true and noble gentleman as he was, disdained to take a mean

advantage of her failure, and allowed both the lady and her son to

proceed to Tyre. In the meantime he sent troops to reduce Kerek and

Shobek. Kokeb still maintained an obstinate resistance, and Saladin,

leaving an officer with five hundred men behind him to continue the

siege, and posting a regiment of five hundred cavalry at Safad to

harass the Christians in that quarter, left for Damascus, which he

reached on the 5th of March, 1187. Here he received intelligence of

the approach of his army from the east, and, remaining only a week

in his capital, he again set out for Baalbekk, whence he marched on

to Lebweh, and was there joined by ‘Emád-ed-dín, Lord of Sanjár,

with his division. Disencumbering themselves of all the heavy

baggage, the combined forces hurried on to the sea coast. Several

months were consumed in military operations against the Franks

without any decisive engagement taking place, though one after

another, Jebeleh, Laodicea, Sion, Bekas, and other towns and

fortresses fell into the Sultan’s hands, and materially increased

his resources by the quantity of arms and provisions which they

contained. The fort of Burzíyeh gave him more trouble. This castle

enjoyed the reputation of being the strongest in Palestine: and was

situated upon a lofty mountain nearly 1700 feet high, with steep

escarpments, and surrounded by deep valleys. Notwithstanding its

formidable character Saladin determined to attack it, and on the

morning after his arrival (21st August) he ascended the heights with

his troops, both cavalry and infantry, and the whole of his siege

train, and surrounded the fortress on every side. For two days and

nights a continuous assault was made upon the walls with the

battering rams, and projectiles were thrown into the midst of the

castle without intermission. On the morning of the 23rd,

preparations were made for taking the place by storm: the whole army

was divided into three parts, each of which was to carry on the

assault for a portion of the day, so as to give the besieged no

interval of rest. The first division, under ‘Emád-ed-dín, commenced

the attack with the early morning light, and the contest raged on

both sides with unexampled fury; at last, ‘Emád-ed-dín’s men

beginning to flag, were relieved by the second division, commanded

by the Sultan in person. Placing himself at the head of the storming

party, Saladin called out to his soldiers to follow him to victory:

answering his appeal by a long and enthusiastic shout, they swarmed

like one man up the rocks and battlements, carrying everything

before them, and poured into the fortress. The defenders, driven

back from the walls, now began to cry out for quarter; but it was

too late, the blood of the Muslims was fairly aroused, and even

Saladin’s presence and authority could not for some time stop the

indiscriminate slaughter. At last order was partially restored, the

prisoners—an immense number—were secured, and the soldiers, loaded

with booty, returned in triumph to their tents. Amongst the captives

were the sister of the Prince of Antioch (to whom the castle

belonged), her husband, daughter, and son-in-law; these were all

treated by the conqueror with the greatest kindness and

consideration, and were, together with a few of their immediate

followers, allowed to depart free and unmolested. The fall of

Burzíyeh was closely followed by that of Diresak and Bukrás, both

strongholds of the Templars, near Antioch. The last of the two was a

great depôt of provisions, and by its capture a large quantity of

grain fell into the Saracens’ hands.

Saladin next turned his attention to Antioch itself, but the prince

of that town, knowing that it was not sufficiently well furnished

either with provisions or arms to support a long siege, deemed it

more prudent to come to terms. A truce was therefore concluded for

five months, and an exchange of prisoners made.

At Bukrás the Sultan took leave of ‘Emád-ed-dín, Zanghi, and the

Syrian contingent, who had done him good service in the late

campaign. Both the chief and his soldiery received substantial marks

of Saladin’s gratitude, who bestowed upon them liberal presents in

addition to the share of prize-money which had been already allotted

to them.

Saladin then proceeded with his own army by way of Aleppo, Hamath,

and Baalbekk to Damascus, whither his men were desirous of returning

in time to keep the fast of Ramadhán. Anxiety, however, for the

success of the military operations which he had confided to his

various generals, would not allow him to remain long in idleness,

and in the beginning of October he set out for Safad. On the way he

was joined by his brother El Melek el ‘Άdil, who had just concluded

the siege of Kerek in Moab, that place having capitulated after a

protracted resistance. Safad held out until the 30th of November,

when it was ceded to Saladin’s forces; the defenders obtained

quarter by the release of a number of Muslim prisoners, who were in

their hands, and received permission to withdraw to Tyre. The

Christians hoped to make up for the loss of this important

stronghold by strengthening their position at Kokeb, which was

blockaded by one of Saladin’s generals. They accordingly despatched

two hundred picked men to lie in wait for the Muslims at a certain

difficult part of the road and attack them at a disadvantage. But a

company of Mohammedan troops happened to come across a straggler

from this party, who, to save himself, betrayed his companions, and

pointed out the ambuscade in the valley. The whole two hundred were

captured and brought to the Saracen leader. Amongst the prisoners

were two chiefs of the Knights Hospitallers, and being carried

before the Sultan one of them said, “Thank God, we shall come to no

harm, now that we have looked upon your highness’s face.”

“This speech,” says the Arab writer, “must have been dictated by

divine inspiration, for nothing else could have induced the Sultan

to spare their lives; as it was, he set them both at liberty.”

The great addition to the besieging force, combined with the extreme

cold and scarcity of provisions, proved too much for the endurance

of the garrison of Kokeb, and in the beginning of January, 1189, it

was added to the list of the Sultan’s conquests. After this, Saladin

and his brother returned to Jerusalem, where the latter took leave

of him and set out for Egypt with his division of the army.

The Sultan then proceeded to Acre, and spent some time in fortifying

and otherwise providing for the safety and good government of the

town, which he handed over to the care of one Bahá-ed-dín Caracosh,

who had, in the meantime, arrived from Egypt with a large following.

Towards the end of March he commenced a tour of inspection

throughout his Syrian dominions, visiting in turn, Tiberias,

Damascus, and other places. On the 21st of April he reached the

Shakíf Arnon, near which he encamped in the plain called Merj ‘Ayún.

The fortress of the Shakíf was in the hands of Renaud, Lord of

Sidon, who came in person to the Sultan, and begged for three

months’ grace to enable him to remove his family from Tyre, alleging

that, if the Marquis of Montferrat should get intelligence of what

he had done, his family would be detained there as hostages. The

Sultan acceded to his request, and refrained from attacking his

castle. Renaud, however, took advantage of this leniency to

strengthen his own position, and made secret but active preparations

for war. Saladin discovering the treachery, gave orders for

blockading the fort, whereupon Renaud again endeavoured to induce

him to grant a year’s cessation of hostilities; but the Sultan was

not to be deceived a second time, and, some officers he had sent to

inspect the castle reporting that the work of fortification was

still being carried on, arrested the count, and sent him a prisoner

to Banias. Sending for him a few days afterwards, he upbraided him

with his perfidy, and despatched him for safe keeping to Damascus.

As for the castle, the Sultan established a close blockade, although

it was full twelve months before it was finally ceded to his

lieutenant. While the Sultan was encamped in the Merj ‘Ayún, the

Frank forces were concentrating around Tyre, which the marquis had

contrived to make the greatest stronghold in Syria, and in which the

last hope of the Christian arms was placed.

On the 3rd of July they made an attempt upon Sidon, but were

repulsed by Saladin—whose scouts brought him timely notice of the

manœuvre—though not without considerable loss on either side.

After this Saladin retired to Tiberias, and occupied some time in

making preparation for a decisive attack upon the Christian camp.

Meanwhile, the Christians were by no means idle, but dispersed

themselves over the country in various directions, committing much

depredation, and harassing the Mohammedan troops, who were

continually falling into their ambuscades.

On the 22nd of August Saladin received news that the Franks had

collected their forces by land and sea, and were bearing down upon

Acre, a detachment having already reached Alexandretta, where they

had had a slight skirmish with the Muslims. The Sultan hastily

issued orders for collecting the army together, and hurried off to

the relief of the town. Having arrived at Sefúríyeh he left his

heavy baggage, and pushed on to Acre with all speed; but the Franks

were before him, and had already invested the place, rendering the

approach impossible for his troops.

On the 13th of September he made a desperate onslaught upon the

besieging lines, drove the Franks to a hill called Tell es

Siyásíyeh, and thus established a free communication with the city

on the north side.

On the 21st of September the Franks assembled towards the close of

the day and attacked the Muslims in full force; the latter, however,

withstood the shock, and both sides fought with great fury, but

night coming on compelled them to desist from hostilities.

On the 24th the Sultan moved to Tell es Siyásíyeh, which, from its

commanding position, appeared to him a very important post to

occupy. Here information was brought him that the Franks were

dispersed over the country in foraging parties, and, without loss of

time, he despatched companies of Arabs, whose familiarity with

guerilla warfare peculiarly adapted them for such service, to

intercept them. The Bedawin horsemen bore down upon the small

detached parties, cut them off from the camp, and, slaughtering them

almost without resistance, carried their heads in triumph to

Saladin.

On the 3rd of October the Franks made a desperate onslaught upon

Saladin’s troops; a fierce battle ensued, in which victory inclined

to the Christians, and the Muslims were compelled to flee, some to

Tiberias, and others to Damascus. While the victors were occupied in

pillaging the Sultan’s camp a panic suddenly seized them; the

Muslims rallied, and attacked their left, completely defeating them,

and killing more than five thousand cavalry, amongst whom was the

Grand Master of the Templars. The bodies of the Franks lay in such

numbers on the field of battle that the Muslims were much annoyed by

the stench, and the soldiers were employed for some days in throwing

the carcasses into the sea.

Saladin now dismissed the Egyptian contingent, bidding them return

in the spring, and both sides prepared for the winter, which was

already setting in with great severity. The Franks fortified their

camp, and dug a fosse round the town of Acre, extending from sea to

sea. The Sultan had, in the meantime, removed to his old camp at

Kharú-beh, where the heavy baggage lay. The news that the Emperor of

Germany, Frederick Barbarossa, was _en route_ for Syria stimulated

both parties to further exertions, and the warlike preparations went

on with greater activity than ever.

On the 13th of December the Egyptian fleet—which the Sultan had

ordered to be prepared on the first landing of the Franks at

Acre—arrived, with a complement of more than ten thousand men. This

reinforcement gave great confidence to the Muslim troops, and

constant raids were made by the new comers upon the Christian lines.

The arrival of a Frank ship, laden with women, about this time,

seems to have demoralized both armies; for the ladies appear to have

been somewhat indifferent as to religion and nationality, and to

have bestowed their favours upon Christian and Muslim alike,

according as one or the other happened to meet them on landing. The

Arab writers, however, speak of many Christian women, who were

animated by the true Crusading spirit; and it was no uncommon

occurrence to find upon the field of battle, or amongst the

prisoners, many champions of the softer sex. The new year, A.D.

1190, came in, and found things _in statu quo_, the town besieged by

the Franks, and the latter in turn hemmed in by the Sultan’s forces.

Saladin himself, ever actively engaged in inspecting his lines, was

exposed to constant dangers; on one occasion, having ventured out

hunting on the beach, he would inevitably have been taken prisoner

by a party of the enemy, had not the advanced guard of his own army,

which was stationed in the neighbourhood, luckily come up in time to

effect a rescue. Constant communications were kept up between the

town and the Sultan’s army by means of carrier pigeons and of

divers, who managed to swim past the enemy’s lines, and carry

letters and money to and fro between them. The Franks had

constructed towers, battering-rams, and other engines of war, with

great skill, and would have, no doubt, accomplished the taking of

the city by storm, had it not been for a certain cunning artificer

from Damascus, who succeeded in destroying them one by one with

rockets, naphtha, and other combustibles, which he directed upon the

works.

The winter and spring passed away without any decisive change in the

relative position of the two armies; but on the 13th of June, 1190,

a second naval reinforcement arrived from Egypt, and the Sultan

endeavoured, by an attack by land, to divert the attention of the

enemy, and enable the marines to land. The Frank ships, however,

were not idle, and several severe engagements took place by sea, in

which the Muslims had decidedly the disadvantage. Presently news

arrived that the Emperor of Germany had crossed over from

Constantinople, and had been for more than a month, during the

severest season of winter, in great straits, his army being

compelled to devour their cavalry horses for want of food, and to

burn their pontoons in the absence of fire-wood.

On reaching Tarsus the army halted to drink at the river which flows

by the city, and the Emperor being driven, in the crowd and

confusion, to a deep part of the stream, where there was a rapid

current, was hurried away by the force of the stream, received a

blow on the head from an overhanging bough, and was taken out in an

insensible and almost lifeless condition. A violent chill and fever

was the result, which terminated after a few hours in his death. His

son succeeded him in the command, and arrived at Acre with the

remnant of a fine army in a miserable plight, and entirely

dispirited by such a succession of reverses.

The Franks, when they heard of the approach of the son of the

Emperor of Germany, were afraid that he would appropriate all the

credit of the campaign, and determined to make a final effort before

he arrived. Accordingly at noon, on the 25th of July, they attacked

the camp of El Melik el ‘Άdil. He withstood the charge, and managed

to drive back the enemy without waiting for the rest of the troops

to come up. At this juncture the Sultan arrived upon the scene with

a large number of men, and attacked the Franks in the rear. A

complete victory for the Muslims was the result, more than ten

thousand of the enemy falling, with a loss, it is said, of only ten

men on the other side.

The arrival of Count Henry with a large following and much wealth,

gave fresh courage to the disheartened Christian forces. The count

distributed large sums amongst the soldiery; and the siege of Acre

was prosecuted with more vigour than ever. Provisions now became

very scarce and dear in the Christian camp, and many of the

soldiers, compelled by actual starvation, came over as deserters to

the Mohammedan lines.

A few battles were fought, always with disadvantage to the Franks,

many of whom were also killed or taken prisoners in the ambuscades

which the Muslims were continually laying for them. On the 31st of

December, seven ships arrived from Egypt with provisions for the

relief of the town, and while the inhabitants were engaged in

assisting them to escape the enemy’s fleet and get into port, the

Christians took advantage of the walls being partially deserted, to

make a desperate effort to take the place by storm. The scaling

ladders, however, broke with the weight of the men; the storming

parties were thrown into disorder, and the Muslims, on the alarm

being given, left the ships to themselves, and rushing up to the

walls drove back or cut to pieces their assailants. The incident was

disastrous to both sides, for a sudden storm coming on carried the

seven ships out to sea, where they perished with all the crews and

supplies. A few nights afterwards a portion of the eastern wall of

the city fell down, but the defenders thrust their bodies into the

breach so promptly, that the Franks were unable to take advantage of

the opportunity.

Two curious stories are told of this period of the war. One is, that

a party of Frank renegades having obtained possession of a small

vessel, landed upon the island of Cyprus during the celebration of a

feast. They immediately proceeded to the principal church of the

place, entered it, and mixed with the congregation who were

assembled there in prayer. Suddenly they started up, locked the

door, and completely sacked the building, carrying away more than

twenty-seven prisoners, women and children, whom they sold at

Laodicæa. The other story is, that some Mohammedan looting the

Christian camp, had stolen an infant, three months old, from its

mother’s arms. The bereaved parent rushed over to the enemy’s camp,

and, before she could be stopped by the guards and chamberlains,

appeared before the Sultan’s tents, lamenting her loss, and

beseeching him to restore her child. Saladin caused inquiries to be

made, and finding that the infant had been purchased by one of his

soldiers, ransomed it with his own hand, and gave it back to its

mother.

A brig belonging to the Mohammedans and bound for Acre, with seven

hundred men on board and a large quantity of arms and munitions of

war, came into collision with one of King Richard’s English vessels.

The Mohammedan captain, finding himself worsted in the fight, burnt

his ship, which perished with all hands. This was the first serious

disaster which the Mohammedans had experienced. In June, 1190,

hostilities were carried on with renewed vigour, and engagements

were of daily occurrence. On one occasion, after a slight skirmish,

the Franks retired with a single capture, and having got out of bow

shot of the Muslim camp they made a bonfire and roasted their

prisoner alive. The Muslims, maddened at the insult and barbarity,

brought out one of their Frank prisoners, and, by way of reprisal,

burnt him in front of their lines. El ‘Emád, Saladin’s secretary,

who relates the incident, describes with much feeling the effect

produced upon the minds of all the spectators by this exhibition of

savage ferocity.

The crisis was evidently approaching. The Franks endeavoured to

delude the Sultan into inactivity by proposals for peace, while they

were at the same time hastening on their preparations for a final

assault upon Acre. Saladin, however, was constantly informed of the

state of things within the city, and knew that it could not hold out

much longer; he, therefore, refused to listen to terms, but used all

means in his power to force on a battle, and on the night of the 2nd

of July he attacked the enemy’s trenches, and succeeded in forcing a

position at one, though not a very important point.

At this juncture, Seif-ed-dín el Mashtúb, momentarily expecting the

city to be taken by storm, came out with a flag of truce to make an

offer of capitulation, and demand quarter on behalf of the

inhabitants. King Richard received him with his usual bluntness, and

refused to grant the request. When El Mashtúb reminded him of the

clemency which his master Saladin had exercised upon similar

occasions, Richard answered curtly: “These kings whom thou seest

around me are my servants; but as for you, ye are my slaves; I shall

do with you as I please.” The Saracen emír returned to Acre highly

indignant at this discourteous treatment, and swore that the fall of

the city should cost the victors dear.

When El Mashtúb made known the ill success of his errand many of the

chief men and emírs of Acre deserted the city, to the great chagrin

of the Sultan, who condemned them to forfeiture of their estates,

and other pains and penalties. This severity, and the charge of

cowardice, induced some to return and take part once more in the

defence of the town.

On the 4th of July a great battle took place, and lasted until

the morning of the 5th, but without any decided advantage on

either side. Evening again came and found them in the same

position; the city surrounded by the enemy, and the enemy

surrounded by Saladin’s army. But on Saturday the 6th, the

Prince of Sidon sallied forth from the trenches with about forty

knights, and rode into the Sultans camp carrying a flag of

truce. Saladin sent Najíb-ed-dín, one of his confidential

officers, to arrange with him the terms on which the city should

be capitulated. At first the Franks refused to listen to any

other terms than the complete surrender of all the Christian

possessions in Syria and Palestine, and the release of all the

captives. It was then proposed that Acre should be ceded to the

Christians, that its garrison and inhabitants should be allowed

to leave unmolested, and that an exchange of prisoners should be

made, one Christian being released by the Muslims for every one

of their own men given up by the Christians. These terms were

also refused, and Saladin’s magnificent offer to throw the “True

Cross” into the bargain could not induce them to agree. Perhaps

the relic had fallen into disfavour after its failure at

Tiberias, or it might be that the Crusaders were beginning to

rely more upon their own military prowess than upon the childish

superstitions of the fetish-worshipping monks.

On the 22nd of July the Christians effected a breach in the walls,

and were with difficulty prevented from entering the city. El

Mashtúb again sought Richard’s camp with offers of capitulation, and

this time with better success. It was agreed that the lives and

property of the defenders of Acre should be spared on condition of

their paying two hundred thousand dínárs, releasing five hundred

captives, and giving up possession of the True Cross.

Suddenly, therefore, much to the Sultan’s surprise and annoyance,

the Christian standards were seen flying from the walls of Acre. He

immediately despatched Bahá-ed-dín Caracosh to make the best

arrangements possible, and promised to pay half the amount of the

indemnity at once, and give hostages for the settlement of the

remainder of the claim within a month. Hostilities were not

suspended in the meantime, and the Franks having made several

sallies from their new position at Acre, suffered severely from the

Arab horsemen, who continually came down unexpectedly on them and

cut off their retreat.

In the beginning of August messengers came from the Christian camp

to demand payment of the sum agreed upon. The first instalment of a

hundred thousand dínárs was given up to them, but Saladin refused to

pay the rest, or to hand over the captives until he had received

some guarantee that the Christians would perform their part of the

contract, and allow the prisoners from Acre to go free. After

numerous delays and disagreements everything appeared at last likely

to be satisfactorily arranged; the money was weighed out and placed

before Saladin, the captives were ready to be delivered up, and the

“True Cross” was also displayed. Richard was encamped close by the

Merj ‘Ayún, and had caused the Acre captives to be ranged behind him

on the neighbouring hill side. Suddenly, at a signal from the king,

the Christian soldiers turned upon the unhappy and helpless

captives, and massacred them all in cold blood. Even at such a

moment as this Saladin did not forget his humane disposition and his

princely character. The proud Saladin disdained to sully his honour

by making reprisals upon the unarmed prisoners at his side; he

simply refused to give up the money or the cross, and sent the

prisoners back to Damascus.

Which was the Paynim, and which the Christian then?

In the first week of September the Franks determined to march upon

Ascalon, and, having provided for the safety of Acre, set off in

that direction. El Afdhal, who was in command of the advanced guard,

intercepted them on their road, and managed to divide them into two

parties. He then sent off an express to his father Saladin,

requesting him to come to his assistance, but the officers of the

Sultan represented to him that the army was not yet prepared to

move; the opportunity was therefore lost, and the Franks were

enabled to pass on to Cæsarea. The Muslims, however, shortly

afterwards started in pursuit, and on the 11th of September they

came up with the enemy, and a bloody battle was fought by the Nahr

el Casb near Cæsarea. The next day both armies moved off to Arsúf; a

battle took place on the road, and the Franks retired with

considerable loss into the town, while the Muslims encamped on the

banks of the river ‘Aujeh.

In a few days they again fought their way along the coast, and on

the 19th of September the Christian army succeeded in reaching

Jaffa, while the Sultan with his troops encamped at Ramleh on the

afternoon of the same day.

Here he waited for the heavy baggage, and when this arrived, in

charge of his brother, El ‘Άdil, he moved on to Ascalon. A council

of war was immediately held, at which it was decided to destroy the

fortifications of the last named town. As the Franks were in

possession of Jaffa, which lies about half way between Ascalon and

Jerusalem, it was clearly impossible to defend both towns without

the maintenance of an overwhelming force in each, and as Saladin

felt sure that Ascalon, if besieged, would share the fate of Acre,

he determined to raze it to the ground, and concentrate his efforts

upon the defence of Jerusalem. The work of demolition was at once

commenced, and the city, one of the finest in Palestine, soon became

a mass of ruins; the inhabitants suffered severely by this

transaction, for they were obliged to sell their property at ruinous

prices, and dispersed themselves over the country, to find a home

where best they could.

The intermediate fortresses of Lydda, Ramleh, and Natrún were next

destroyed, and on the 14th of October the Sultan camped on a high

hill near the latter town. A few unimportant engagements had in the

meantime taken place between the two armies, in one of which Richard

narrowly escaped being taken prisoner.

Negotiations were now reopened between El Melik el ‘Άdil and King

Richard, and a peace was actually arranged, upon the stipulation

that Richard should give his sister in marriage to El ‘Άdil, and

that the husband and wife should occupy the throne of Jerusalem, and

jointly rule over the Holy Land. The Grand Masters of the Templars

and Hospitallers were to occupy certain villages, but they were not

to retain possession of any of their castles. The queen was to have

no military attendants in Jerusalem, although a certain number of

priests and monks were still to be allowed there.

El ‘Άdil called the principal men of the army around him, El ‘Emád,

Saladin’s secretary, amongst the number, and deputed them to consult

the Sultan’s wishes upon the subject. The latter agreed to the

conditions, and on the 30th of October the messengers returned to

King Richard to inform him of the acceptance of his proposal.

The Frank chiefs, however, strongly opposed the match, while the

priests poisoned the princess’s mind, and induced her to withdraw

from the engagement, except on the condition that El ‘Άdil should

embrace the Christian religion. This, of course, he declined to do,

and the negotiations fell through. The Sultan then moved off to

Ramleh, so as to be nearer the enemy. Here news was brought him that

the Franks had made a sortie at Barzur; hastening against them he

approached their camp and completely surrounded it, but the

Christians charged fiercely and suddenly, and broke through the

Mohammedan ranks.

On the 18th another conference was held between El ‘Άdil and the

King of England, but again their attempts at negotiations failed.

The Lord of Sidon, who had come from Tyre, was more fortunate, and

concluded a peace with the Sultan, hoping by this means to

strengthen his own hands against Richard. The latter, on this, again

renewed his proposals, but they, as usual, came to nothing, for

whenever an arrangement was on the point of being concluded his bad

faith or stupidity rendered it abortive.

There was now no longer any doubt but that the Franks were bent upon

the conquest of the Holy City, and as winter was coming on apace,

the Sultan retired, on the 14th of December, within the walls of

Jerusalem, and occupied himself with the fortification of the town.

He, however, provided for the safety of the country between

Jerusalem and Jaffa by posting brigades of soldiers in the various

passes and defiles upon the road.

A party of workmen opportunely arrived at this time from Mosul,

despatched by the sovereign of that place, who also sent money to

pay them. These were employed in digging the trenches, and remained

six months engaged upon the work. In addition to this, Saladin built

a strong wall round the town, at which he compelled more than two

thousand Frank prisoners to labour. He repaired the towers and

battlements between the Damascus and Jaffa gates, expending upon

them an immense sum of money, and employing in their construction

the large stones which were quarried out in cutting the trench. His

sons, his brother, El ‘Άdil, and other princes of his court, acted

as overseers of the work, whilst he himself daily rode about from

station to station encouraging the labourers, and even bringing in

building stones upon the pommel of his saddle. His example was

followed by all classes of inhabitants, and the work of

fortification went on with great rapidity. By the beginning of the

year 1192 the wall was completed, the trenches were dug, and the

inhabitants awaited with complacency the arrival of the besieging

army. On the 20th of January the Franks left Ramleh, and had

advanced as far as Ascalon, when they suddenly changed their

intention of marching upon Jerusalem and stayed to rebuild the

demolished city. El Mashtúb, who had been taken prisoner by the

Franks, but had purchased his ransom for the sum of fifty thousand

dinars, of which he had actually paid thirty thousand (and given

pledges for the rest), came to Jerusalem on the 18th of March. The

Sultan received him graciously, and gave him the town of Nablús and

its vicinity as a compensation for his heavy pecuniary loss. The

general did not, however, live long to enjoy his good fortune, but

died in the course of the year, bequeathing a third of his estate to

the Sultan, and leaving the rest to his son.

On the 29th of March the Marquis of Montferrat was assassinated at

Tyre by two men as he was leaving the house of the bishop, where he

had just been entertained at a repast. The murderers were at once

arrested, and put to an ignominious death; not, however, until they

had confessed that it was the King of England who had instigated

them to the deed. Many attempts have been made by historians to

clear King Richard’s character from this foul blot, and a letter

purporting to come from the “Old Man of the Mountain” accepting the

responsibility of the act is triumphantly appealed to. The document

in question is, however, a transparent forgery, and the unscrupulous

character and savage brutality of the lion-hearted king afford only

too good reason for believing the dying testimony of the actual

perpetrators of the crime. At any rate, Richard alone profited by

it, and obtained possession of Tyre, which he subsequently made over

to Count Henry of Champagne. On the death of the marquis, Richard

again endeavoured to come to terms with Saladin, proposing to divide

the country equally between the latter and himself, and to leave all

Jerusalem and its fortifications in possession of the Muslims, with

the sole exception of the Church of the Holy Sepulchre.

A great reverse was experienced by the Mohammedans about this time

by the fall of Dárúm, a strong fortress, situated on the border of

the Egyptian territory beyond Gaza. The Franks stormed the town

after having effected a breach in the walls, and refused quarter to

the inhabitants. The governor, finding all hope of further

resistance gone, escaped to Hebron; the superintendent of stores,

however, remained, and, determining that the besiegers should reap

as little profit as possible from their conquest, hamstrung all the

beasts of burden and burnt them. When the Christians entered the

city they put nearly every one of the inhabitants to the sword,

reserving only a few prisoners, for whom they thought they might

obtain a heavy ransom. Several other engagements took place in the

same neighbourhood, in which the Franks were not so successful, and

on the 3rd of April they divided their camp into two parties, the

one making its head-quarters at Ascalon, and the other pitching at

Beit Jibrín. Jerusalem was now threatened with an immediate attack,

but the vigilance of the Sultan warded off the blow, and a

determined sortie compelled the enemy to retire to Colonia.

The Sultan had sent frequent messengers to Egypt to hurry on the

departure of the army which was being levied in that country for the

relief of Jerusalem. Falek-ed-dín, El ‘Άdil’s brother, who was in

command, pitched his tents at Bilbeys; whence, as soon as his

numbers were complete he set off, followed by an immense concourse

of merchants and traders who had taken advantage of the military

escort across the desert. On the 23rd of June news reached the

Sultan that the Egyptian contingent was on the march, but that,

relying on their numbers, they were proceeding without due caution,

while the King of England with a large force was lying in wait for

them upon the road. Saladin sent off an officer at the head of a

division to meet the approaching force, with orders to conduct them

round by the desert, and take them over the river of El Hesy before

the enemy should come upon them. Falek-ed-dín, however, did not take

any means to inform himself concerning the place of rendezvous, but

taking the shortest road, and sending his heavy baggage round by

another way, he called a halt, and encamped for the night beside a

stream called El Khaweilifeh. With the early dawn next morning the

enemy came suddenly upon them, and a scene of indescribable

confusion ensued. The Muslims started up from their sleep, ran

frantically off in any direction that was open to them, and thus

escaped in the twilight. Their baggage, arms, and equipments fell,

of course, into the enemy’s hands; this was so far fortunate, for if

the Franks loved slaughter well they loved plunder better, and there

was sufficient to turn their attention from pursuing the fugitives

of the Egyptian force thus completely broken up and routed; some

wandered back to Egypt, not a few were lost in the desert, and a

miserable remnant found their way by Kerek to Jerusalem, where the

Sultan received them kindly and condoled with them upon their

misfortune.

The Crusaders, being unsuccessful against Jerusalem, determined to

make an expedition against Beirút, as the occupation of that port

was most important for their communications with home, and its

conquest seemed likely to prove an easy matter.

But they had miscalculated the tactics of the man with whom they had

to deal; Saladin, who appears throughout to have possessed the

fullest information respecting their movements, sent orders to his

son, El Afdhal, at Damascus, to prepare for their reception.

Accordingly, when they reached the sea coast of Syria they found

Beirút occupied by the Damascene troops, and a large army awaiting

them in the Merj ‘Ayún, which prevented the Franks in Acre from

coming to the assistance of their comrades. Taking advantage, also,

of their absence, Saladin bore down upon Jaffa, which, in the

absence of King Richard, could not hold out for long. The Muslims

had already effected an entry into the city, and were about to take

possession of the fortress, when Saladin, who could never refuse a

petition for quarter, and whose experience of the Crusaders’ good

faith had not yet taught him prudence, allowed himself to be

prevailed upon by promises of submission on the part of the

patriarch and other chief men of the town to grant a day’s delay and

treat about the terms of capitulation. Of this concession the

Christians, as usual, took a mean advantage, and while they deluded

the Sultan with false oaths and promises, they were sending express

messengers to hasten the return of Richard, who unexpectedly arrived

by sea in the very midst of the negotiations and took possession of

the citadel. The Muslims thus lost much of the advantage which their

victory gave them, but they still retained possession of the town

itself, and recovered the greater part of the property which had

been plundered from the Egyptian contingent.

Both parties were now at a dead lock; the Franks on their side could

not hope to take Jerusalem, and the Muslims on theirs were unable to

drive the Christians out of the country. Richard was the first to

propose an armistice; but Saladin still held out, and strenuously

urged upon his officers the necessity for continuing the _jehád_, or

“Holy War.” But the Mohammedan chiefs were weary of continued

fighting without decisive results, and as strongly urged upon the

Sultan that the army required rest, and that peace was absolutely

necessary to enable the country to recover its industrial activity,

the repression of which had already caused so much misery to the

inhabitants. An appeal to Saladin on behalf of a suffering community

was never made in vain, and he consented to forego the attractions

of military glory for the sake of his people’s prosperity. A truce

of three years and eight months, both by land and sea, was

ultimately agreed upon, commencing 2nd of September, 1192. The

crusading princes and generals took solemn oaths to observe the

conditions of the treaty, with the sole exception of King Richard,

who held out his hand to the Saracen Sultan, and said that “There

was his hand upon it, but a king’s word might be taken without an

oath.” Saladin returned his grasp, and professed himself satisfied

with that mode of ratifying the truce. He probably felt that in this

frank and cordial demonstration he had a better guarantee of

Richard’s good faith than any oath would have afforded; for bitter

experience had taught him that so long as an unscrupulous priest

remained to give the sanction of the Church to an act of perfidious

meanness, a Crusader’s oath was of little value. The terms of the

truce were, that the sea-board from Jaffa to Cæsarea, and from Acre

to Tyre, should remain in the hands of the Franks, and that Ascalon

should not be rebuilt; the Sultan, on his side, insisted that the

territory of the Ismaelites should be included in the truce, and the

Franks on theirs demanded a similar privilege for Antioch and

Tripoli; Lydda and Ramleh were to be considered common ground.

Saladin, on the conclusion of the truce, occupied himself in

strengthening the walls and fortifications of Jerusalem; and the

Crusaders, having free access to the city, commenced visiting the

Holy Sepulchre in crowds, and, to judge from the accounts given of

their behaviour, this privilege, for which they had been fighting so

long, was after all but lightly esteemed. King Richard begged

Saladin not to allow any one to visit the city without a written

passport from himself, hoping by this means to keep up the

devotional longings of his followers, and so to induce them to

return at the expiration of the truce. Saladin’s keen penetration at

once detected the impolicy of such a step, while his sense of honour

revolted against its discourtesy, the request was, therefore,

refused. Richard shortly after this fell ill, and leaving the

government in the hands of his nephew, Count Henry, he sailed away,

and left the Holy Land for ever. Saladin, whose restless energy and

religious zeal would not allow him to remain long in idleness,

prepared for a pilgrimage to Mecca, and had actually written to

Egypt and to Arabia to make the necessary arrangements; but at the

instance of his officers, who represented to him the urgent need

which the country stood in of his presence, he relinquished his

intention.

After a tour through Syria, in the course of which he provided for

the safety and good government of the towns through which he passed,

redressing the wrongs of the people, punishing those who exercised

injustice or oppression, and rewarding all whose administration had

been moderate and just, he returned to Damascus, after an absence of

four years, during the whole of which time he had been incessantly

occupied in the prosecution of the Holy War. His arrival was hailed

with the greatest demonstrations of joy; the city was illuminated,

and for days the people made holiday to celebrate the return of

their beloved sovereign, the saviour of El Islam. But their joy was

short-lived, for on the 21st of February, 1193, he was seized with a

bilious fever, and after lingering for twelve days he expired, and

was buried in the citadel of Damascus, in the apartments in which he

died. A short time afterwards the Sultan’s remains were removed to

the tomb which they now occupy, in the vicinity of the Great Mosque,

and which had been prepared for their reception by his son, El

Afdhal. Saladin was nearly fifty-seven years old when he died; his

father, Aiyúb, was the son of a certain Kurd, a native of Davín,

named Shádí, and a retainer of ‘Emad-ed-dín Zanghí, father of the

celebrated Sultan Nûr-ed-dín, of Damascus. From him the dynasty was

called the Kurdish or Aiyubite dynasty. At the outset of his career

Saladin delighted to emulate his great namesake, Yúsuf es Sadík, the

Joseph of Scripture story; in pursuance of this idea he sent for his

father to Egypt, immediately upon his accession to power, and

offered to give up all authority into his hands. This Aiyúb

declined, and contented himself with the honourable and lucrative

post of Controller of the Treasury, with which his son entrusted

him. The old gentleman died of a fall from his horse while his son

was absent upon one of his expeditions against the Christians at

Kerek. No better proof can be given of the respect and esteem which

Saladin’s many virtues naturally commanded than the terms upon which

he lived with his brother and other relatives. In spite of the too

frequent application of the proverb which says that “the Turk can

bear no brother near the throne,” we do not hear of a single

instance of jealousy or insubordination being exhibited against his

authority by any member of his house or court, while his subjects

absolutely idolized him. Saladin knew how to win the affection of

his troops while he made his authority felt, and his example

restrained in them that license which war too often engenders.

Courteous alike to friend and foe, faithful to his plighted word,

noble in reverses and moderate in success, the Paynim Saladin stands

forth in history as fair a model of a true knight _sans peur et sans

reproche_ as any which the annals of Christian chivalry can boast.