The history of old London Bridge is replete with interest, and forms a

very curious epoch in the annals of bridge building before the embankment

of the river Thames by the Romans. The Southwark side, which is in many

places considerably below the level of high water of spring tides, was

frequently flooded, and numerous creeks were formed in it, so that the

river must have been very unequal in its depth, and filled with numerous

shoals, and fordable at low water in several places near London; and

there was evidently an appearance of a ford at the site of old London

Bridge, as in many cases the piers were founded on the original ground,

which must have been dry, or nearly so, at low water; these piers were

in many instances wider than the adjoining arches, so that they offered

considerable obstruction to the free flow of the tidal and fresh waters

through the bridge. These obstructions necessarily increased the velocity

and scour of the current, and threatened to carry away the old bridge.

Great starlings, or timber casings of piles, were erected round the

bridge piers, and the spaces between them were filled in with chalk.

These starlings still further narrowed the openings of the arches,

so that at low water some of them were little more than 8 or 10 feet

wide, and the obstructions became so great, that the fall at low water

increased to 5 feet perpendicular. Five openings on the south end and

one in the north end were occupied by water-wheels for pumping water for

the City. The obstruction caused by these works was so great that the

celebrated Smeaton was employed by the Corporation of London to take down

the two arches near the centre, and replace them by a single one of 80

feet span.

The original bridge is said to have been built in the year 1176; but

between that time and the period of its removal in 1834, it underwent

so many alterations and changes that it may almost be said to have been

rebuilt several times. It was originally covered with houses, as everyone

knows, leaving a narrow passage between for the traffic. To describe

the numerous alterations would require a large volume, and the reader

is therefore referred to an interesting account of this curious old

structure called ‘The Chronicles of Old London Bridge.’

Numerous speculations were made by scientific men, engineers and others,

on the effect the removal of the old bridge would have upon the river.

My father pointed out the probable results in a very simple manner; he

said that the river was in an artificial state in consequence of the

old bridge acting as a dam to the free passage of the waters upwards

and downwards, both tidal and fresh; and the consequence was, that the

river above had to a certain extent accommodated itself to circumstances.

By the removal of this obstruction the river would soon be reduced to

its natural level; the fall of 4 to 5 feet through the bridge would be

removed, consequently the tide would rise so much higher and fall so

much lower above bridge, and so much more tidal water would be admitted

above the old bridge throughout the whole length of the tidal flow as far

as Teddington Lock; and this increased quantity of tidal water passing

up and down twice each way during the twenty-four hours would scour the

bed of the river, and thus remove the great quantity of mud deposited

along the shores. And further, that the drainage of the metropolis, and

in fact the whole valley of the Thames, at least as far as Teddington,

would be greatly improved; and the water, being constantly changed, would

be clearer and fresher. He further said, that the actual level of high

water would scarcely be materially affected, perhaps not exceeding 5 or 6

inches; and lastly, that the process would be gradual, and that it would

take several years before the river would attain its final and natural

state. Such has proved to be the result.

As the works of new London Bridge proceeded attention was drawn to the

irregular outline of the wharves, which were not only unsightly but

extremely injurious to the regular passage of the waters. At this time

also, people having visited Paris and other great continental cities,

were struck with the architectural beauties which they had seen, and

became much disgusted with the mean, shabby-looking appearance of London;

and well they might, for there were no great leading thoroughfares worthy

of the name. Cockspur Street, leading from the Strand to Pall Mall,

was scarcely 20 feet wide; the Royal Mews occupied Trafalgar Square;

the Haymarket was encumbered by haycarts; Cross’s Menagerie and Exeter

Change blocked up the Strand near Waterloo Bridge; the connection between

Holborn and Oxford Street was round by old St. Giles’, and Farringdon

Street was filled with a market, and surrounded by undertakers. Regent

Street had been commenced under the direction of that clever architect

Nash, which, from his novel mode of grouping shops into distinct masses

of different styles, excited considerable attention, and was totally

different to anything we had hitherto seen in the metropolis. This

great and really magnificent street was, I am told, entirely his own

idea, and according to the opinion of the late Sir Robert Smirke, was a

Herculean task, on account of the great variety of interests to be dealt

with, and he told me that nobody but the indefatigable Nash could have

carried it through. He built a house there for himself, now the Gallery

of Illustration, opposite to the Club Chambers near Waterloo Place, where

George IV. honoured him with a visit. In fact, just about this time there

was a perfect mania for architectural improvements.

A committee, called the Committee of Taste, was accordingly appointed,

in order to design such improvements as were imperatively required in

the neighbourhood of Charing Cross, the Strand, and Holborn and Oxford

Street. This Committee consisted of the late Lord Farnborough, John

Wilson Croker, Sir John Soane, Sir Robert Smirke, Nash, and two or

three others, and certainly no committee ever discharged its duties

better. To its labours we are indebted for Trafalgar Square and the

improvements in the Strand, Cockspur Street, the Haymarket, the old Opera

House, and those between Oxford Street and Holborn, which are really

very good, and the architecture, although not altogether faultless, is

nevertheless, taken as a whole, very effective; in fact, nothing like

these improvements has been effected since. The new street from Waterloo

Bridge to Oxford Street, undertaken soon after, has been a miserable

failure; instead of taking a direct line, they availed themselves as far

as they could of the old miserable intervening streets, so that this

thoroughfare, which ought to have been one of the best in London, is

now one of the worst, and the increase in the value of the property on

each side has been very little. But if this street had been made in a

straight line, and of ample width, the shops and buildings on both sides

would have been of a superior character, and would have yielded far

higher rents, which would have gone a long way towards paying part of the

expenses, if not the whole.

About this time Sir F. Trench, who moved in the most fashionable circles

and was a great amateur in architecture and fine arts, was seized and

enraptured with the idea of constructing quays along the banks of

the Thames, between Whitehall and Blackfriars Bridge, and converting

the space so recovered from the shore of the Thames into a handsome

carriage-drive and promenade ornamented with gardens and fountains.

He applied to the late Mr. Philip Wyatt and myself to assist him in

preparing the designs and in obtaining an Act of Parliament to carry

it into effect. At the request of the London Bridge Committee I had

previously, in company with the late Mr. W. Mylne, prepared a general

plan for this object, but it went no farther on account of the difficulty

of raising the funds. Trench, however, overlooked this, and said he had

no doubt that sufficient money would be obtained. He accordingly, with

his great influence and indefatigable activity, formed a committee of

the highest class; neither were the ladies excluded; amongst others,

the beautiful Duchess of Rutland took the greatest interest in the

undertaking, and at the first meeting, which took place at Her Grace’s

house, she was unanimously voted to the chair, and conducted everything

in the most business-like manner. Lord Palmerston, then Secretary for

War, took a leading part, and it is singular that many years later

his Lordship, then Premier, should have proposed a similar measure,

and the continuation of the coal duties for carrying it into effect,

which was adopted; but when we proposed the undertaking and the mode of

raising the funds, notwithstanding our powerful committee, the idea was

considered as chimerical. Trench, however, was so confident that the

means would be found, that he went to considerable expense in preparing

a book ornamented with numerous beautiful engravings showing the effect

which would be produced by the undertaking, to which Wyatt and myself

contributed our share. A solicitor, named Leech, was appointed, notices

for going to Parliament were duly given, and the necessary plans and

estimates were deposited; but when the question as to the means of

raising the funds came before the Managing Committee, everybody was at a

loss. To form a company appeared impossible, as it did not appear that

sufficient revenue would be derived from the undertaking; and as to

raising funds by increasing and extending the coal tax, the Government

was decidedly opposed to it; they said they had done as much in this way

as possible for London Bridge, and that the public would not submit to

any further tax of the kind. Thus, after a considerable deal of useless

trouble and expense, Trench, Wyatt, and myself were obliged to abandon

this great undertaking, which has since been carried into effect nearly

upon the same principles as we recommended.

As to the architecture of the approaches to London Bridge, I referred

the subject to my brother-in-law, Cockerell, a very accomplished and

competent authority, and I exhibited his designs to the Committee as well

as some of my own. They, however, considered them to be too ornamental

and costly, although they were as plain and simple as these important

approaches rendered necessary. The Committee, having rejected them,

referred the subject to the late Sir Robert Smirke, then one of the

Crown architects, and he designed the present buildings on both sides

of the bridge, as far as King William Street on the north, and the old

townhall of Southwark on the south; and certainly, with all due respect

to my late friend Sir Robert Smirke, a more unworthy set of buildings was

never designed. Thus not only has a rare opportunity of making handsome

and appropriate buildings to one of the greatest thoroughfares in the

world been lost, but the buildings are so low and badly built, that the

advantages of the ground, which it must have been foreseen were capable

of almost unlimited development as regards rental, have been in a great

measure thrown away.

Whilst building London Bridge I had also numerous other works to attend

to, namely, the Admiralty works, the harbours of Ramsgate, Sunderland,

Donaghadee, Port Patrick, Kingstown, and Port Rush, Staines Bridge,

the bridge across the Serpentine in Hyde Park, finishing the Eau Brink

Works, the Nene and Witham outfalls, the Ancholme Drainage, together with

a good deal of miscellaneous business. As the harbours and Admiralty

works are fully described in my book on ‘British and Foreign Harbours,’

I will proceed to the drainage: first, the Eau Brink. I have already

said that the Great Cut was opened in 1821, just at the period of my

father’s death; according to the latest Act, the engineers of drainage

and navigation were obliged to report within twelve months after the

opening of the cut; they were obliged to examine the whole, and report

how far they had been completed, and what further was necessary in order

to render them efficient. Mr. Telford and myself accordingly devoted

several days to this; on examining the Eau Brink Cut we found that it

had been made in exact conformity with Huddart’s design, as specified

by the Act; but, notwithstanding, the upper end was too small, and the

scour there was so great that it threatened to break through the bank

across the upper end of the old channel, and thus revert to its old

course. We therefore recommended that it should be increased one-third

in area, the greatest part of the increase being at the upper end, and

that the money destined in the estimate for clearing away the shoals

in the river between the cut and Denver Sluice should be used for the

purpose of widening the cut, as the bed of the river did not require

clearing. This report took the Commissioners by surprise. They said

they had been deceived, and did not believe that it was required, and

would have the whole subject investigated by other engineers, which was

accordingly done. However, it ended in proving that Mr. Telford and

myself were right, and the enlargement of the Eau Brink Cut was made

under my direction; this had the effect of lowering the low-water mark

at the upper end 2 feet more, making 7 feet altogether. The scour of the

cut was so much more than estimated, that the banks between Denver Sluice

and the cut were in many places undermined, the channel was diverted from

the old quays in Lynn, and several buildings on the opposite shore were

washed down, and as the Eau Brink Commissioners were bound under the Act

to compensate for any damages done to any interest or party, they, the

Commissioners, were compelled to pay for all these damages--50,000_l._

to the bank owners, 28,000_l._, and 700_l._ a year to Lynn Harbour,

10,000_l._ to the Marshland Drainage, and other minor sums. Having

settled this, they obtained an Act to relieve themselves from all further

liability.

My father had been employed by the Duke of Bedford, and other great

landowners in the north level of the fens, to consider the best plan of

improving the Nene, so as to render it a good outfall for the drainage of

the extensive low fen lands bordering it, which, on account of their bad

drainage, were frequently subject to floods, and comparatively valueless.

My father wrote a very able report on the subject, and recommended that

the Nene should be deepened, enlarged, and lowered throughout its course

from Peterborough to the sea; that a new channel should be made from a

place called Rummery Mill above, to the Horse-shoe Bend, below Wisbeach

(for the course followed by the river through the town was so crooked

and confined that it could not be sufficiently improved without incurring

great unnecessary expense) and that the navigation to and from the town

should still be preserved by locks connecting the old with the new

channel; and also to make a new outfall for the river from Kinderly’s Cut

to a place called Crab Hole, in the Great Wash, where there was ample

depth of water. He said that the new outfall might be made partly within

the estuary and partly in the marshes without, to Skates Corner, but that

then it would neither be so direct nor so effectual as if made entirely

within the banks of the Nene estuary. Mr. Rennie’s report was approved

of, but the necessary means for carrying it into effect were wanting,

so the matter for the time lay dormant. Subsequently Mr. Telford and

myself were appointed the engineers, and reconsidered the whole matter.

Finding the people of Wisbeach were violently opposed to the main channel

passing by their town, we were obliged to give up this part, as well as

the upper portion of the channel to Peterborough, and confine ourselves

to the improvement of the outfall below Wisbeach, and to commence the

new outfall near the lower end of Kinderly’s Cut. I strongly advocated

my father’s plan of making the new outfall direct to Crab Hole, within

the old banks, but as the first expense would have been a little more,

although far less in the end, as has been proved, it was resolved to make

the new outfall to Skates Corner, partly within, partly without the old

banks.

An Act of Parliament was accordingly obtained, and Messrs. Jolliffe

and Banks became the contractors. The works commenced, and the outfall

was opened in 1831. Whilst it was in progress Mr. Telford and myself

frequently visited the works together, and in June we went down the

old estuary of the Nene in a boat at low water, for the purpose of

examining more minutely the state of the channels near Crab Hole and

Skates, where we proposed that the new outfall should enter the estuary.

It was a very stormy day, accompanied by lightning, thunder, rain, and

a strong south-west wind. We got as far as Crab Hole at low water, when

the weather beat us completely, and we were obliged to walk over the

muddy shore half-way up to our knees, and drenched to the skin. We had

sent some refreshment to an old house, called King John’s House, near the

bank, said to have been erected during his reign, and to have afforded

His Majesty shelter after his retreat from Lynn. The rain now came down

heavier than ever, so that we had no alternative but to retrace our

steps back to the dirty old “public” at the Ferry, called Cross Keys,

about 3½ miles distant. We got back, thoroughly soaked, about three in

the afternoon. I immediately stripped and went to bed. Old Telford,

being a strong, hearty man, of about seventy, instead of following my

example, ordered a large fire to be made in the only sitting-room there

was, called for the newspaper, and sat himself down to dry. After two

hours’ nap I was thoroughly refreshed, and went down to the sitting-room.

When I entered there was such a steam that I could hardly see anything;

but, approaching the fire, found Telford had nearly dried himself,

and he abused me thoroughly for being so effeminate as to go to bed.

He suffered, however, severely afterwards for his imprudence; for he

was taken with a violent diarrhœa at Cambridge on his return, and was

confined there for a fortnight, and escaped with difficulty with his

life; but the diarrhœa haunted him more or less ever after, until his

death. He was a most agreeable, facetious companion, and I passed many

happy days with him. Previous to the diversion of the old channel through

the new outfall, Mr. Telford and myself ordered the contractors to

assemble as many men, horses, carts, and materials as possible, in order

that the old channel should be stopped up during the neap tides.

When everything was ready we went down and met the contractors, Messrs.

Jolliffe and Banks, and immediately gave them orders to commence

filling up the old channel; they had about thirteen hundred men, and

horses, carts, and materials, and appliances of all kinds, and set

to work in right good earnest. The Corporation of Wisbeach, who had

always opposed the measure, although they were compelled by the Act to

contribute 30,000_l._ towards it, which was perhaps the cause, offered

every obstruction in their power, and said that the new outfall was not

excavated deep enough according to the Act, and came down in their barge

with their law officers, giving us official written notices to stop all

proceedings. At this critical moment the contractors were rather taken

aback; Mr. Telford and I, however, nothing daunted, ordered the men to

proceed stopping the channel, and to take no notice of the Corporation.

We further told them, that if they did not go away, their barge and all

in it would be swamped, and that the responsibility would rest entirely

with them. Seeing that we were in earnest they turned tail, and, leaving

their protest, returned to Wisbeach. The third day afterwards the old

channel was completely closed, and the Nene diverted to its new outfall.

It should be observed here, that Mr. Telford and myself, calculating

upon the loose nature of the soil, which was silt, and which we felt

confident would scour when fairly acted upon by the current, only made

the contract for the excavation to the level of low water of spring

tides; and therefore it would have wasted money to have excavated that

which we knew the current would do for nothing. The current at first

appeared to have very little effect; and the Duke of Bedford’s manager,

the late excellent and talented Tycho Wing, a schoolfellow of mine at

Dr. Burney’s, became much alarmed, and was sadly afraid that the outfall

would be a failure. Telford and I knew better, and assured him that our

only doubt was whether the current would not be too strong, and render

it necessary to protect the sides with stone. This we considered to be

no disadvantage--on the contrary a great benefit; for making the cut

small in the first instance, we should always be able to regulate the

scour whenever it might have a tendency to enlarge the cut beyond the

size necessary to discharge the drainage water effectually, at the same

time preserving a sufficient depth for navigation; but if it had been too

large in the first instance, it could not have been properly adjusted

afterwards. Mr. Wing was comforted by our assurances; still he had his

doubts, and two months elapsed before any sensible scour appeared to

take place. The fact was, the fall in the bottom was so little, that

the current had to remove the obstacles to its progress, which it could

only do by degrees, when it had accumulated sufficient fall or head;

having done this, its progress was most rapid, and increased daily, so

that within six months after it had been opened it had scoured out the

bottom to 9 feet below low water of spring tides; the sides also had been

regularly scoured away, and the area of the cut was increased to three

times its original size. Spring tides, which had scarcely exceeded a few

feet at Wisbeach, and not much more at Cross Keys, rose remarkably at

both places, so that vessels of considerable tonnage could reach Wisbeach

even at neaps, whereas before they could only get up there at spring

tides. The trade of the port increased so rapidly, that they were soon

enabled to pay off the 30,000_l._ which they had been previously obliged

to borrow to contribute to the cost of the outfall.

The outfall by the scour had now attained its proper dimensions, and

we recommended that the banks should be paved with stone, in order

to prevent them from being enlarged, which was accordingly done. The

outfall went on improving until the year 1837, when I examined it, and

found that the low-water mark had fallen 10 feet 3 inches at Cross Keys

Bridge, that there was a rise of tide of 20 feet at springs, and depth

of 9 feet at low water, and a rise proportionate at Wisbeach at both

springs and neaps; so that vessels drawing 16 feet could go up to the

town at springs, and 12 feet at neaps, and the whole of the surrounding

lowland country was completely drained and the property nearly doubled in

value. Mr. John Young was appointed engineer under me for paving the new

outfall with stone, and afterwards entered business upon his own account

as merchant and shipowner at Wisbeach; and by his talents, energy, and

industry has since realized an ample fortune, has been elected mayor

several times, and has become member for the county of Cambridge.

It had long been a favourite idea with the late Lord William Bentinck and

his friend Mr. Thomas Hoseason, of Banklands, to make a bridge across the

Nene estuary, at Cross Keys, in order to shorten the distance between the

south of Lincolnshire and Norfolk. The bridge over the lower end of the

Eau Brink had been completed, and another had been made at the Fossdyke

Wash by my father, for the Welland; so that it was only necessary to

make another across the Nene estuary, at Cross Keys, to complete this

desirable line of communication. A company was accordingly formed for

this purpose, of which Lord William Bentinck was the head. An Act was

obtained at the same time as the Nene Outfall Act, and I was appointed

the engineer. The Nene Outfall Commissioners obtained a clause in the

Bridge Act compelling the Company to build the bridge over the Nene

Outfall Cut at the same time; this I told them was very unwise, for as

the bridge was to be built of wood, with a drawbridge opening in the

centre to allow vessels to pass, it would be impossible to drive the

great piles forming the piers of the bridge sufficiently deep to be below

the scour in the outfall; the better plan would be to wait until the

outfall had been scoured to its full depth, and then build the bridge.

My opinion was overruled; the bridge was built; and it was impossible,

as I expected, to drive the piles to the requisite depth. Where the full

effect of the scour had taken place it was found necessary to secure the

piles of the bridge by throwing a great mass of stone round them. This

materially obstructed the current through the bridge, until at length

there was a fall through it of from two to three feet, which greatly

injured the drainage, so that the Nene Outfall Commissioners ultimately

got an Act to make a new bridge for the Company at the Commissioners’

expense. All this might have been avoided if the bridge had been built

as I originally recommended. The spot where this bridge and line of

embankment is made is the same place where King John’s army was lost, and

where my father was nearly drowned some years before, crossing in his

carriage, being overtaken by the tide. Six thousand acres of this Wash

have been reclaimed from the sea by myself; and where once the tides used

to ebb and flow, are now fields under culture producing the finest crops.

Notwithstanding all the attempts to improve the river Nene above

Wisbeach, nothing had been done, and I was again requested by the Duke

of Bedford’s advisers to examine the subject and make a comprehensive

plan by means of which Whittlesea Mere and all the low fenny country

around it might be drained, to the extent of 55,000 acres, it being then

little better than a marsh. I accordingly surveyed and levelled the whole

country, and made my report in 1837. I showed that by improving the Nene

from Peterborough to the outfall, and making a main drain to Whittlesea

Mere to connect it with the Nene, and by making a catchwater drain round

the base of the surrounding hills, so as to discharge the highland water

into the Nene at Peterborough and the Ouse at Hermitage Sluice, the whole

country would be thoroughly well drained, the navigation would be greatly

improved, and there would be an ample supply of fresh water at moderate

cost. This plan was approved of by the late Mr. Robert Stephenson, but

was not adopted. The Middle Level Corporation, in whose district was the

greatest part of the lowlands to be drained, would not listen to it,

but insisted on draining them by the Ouse, 10 miles farther distant.

This measure was carried out at double the cost of my plan, and a minor

plan substituted for the improvement of the Nene, which is said to have

cost a great deal more than any benefits derived from it, although the

Eau Brink Cut had lowered the low-water mark on the Ouse nearly 6 feet.

Still the sands below Lynn, at the mouth of the Ouse, accumulated to

such an extent, that the navigation up to that town was so seriously

obstructed that moderate-sized vessels could only come up to the town at

spring tides, and they frequently got ashore upon the numerous shoals,

lost their tide, and were detained for days together, besides suffering

considerable injury. The drainage interests, moreover, complained that

the water in the Ouse did not fall low enough to enable the middle and

south level lands to be properly drained. In fact, the good effects

produced by the Eau Brink Cut were decreasing, in consequence of the

waters not being able to get off below Lynn, so that they were held up

to the extent of 2 feet at the lower end of the Eau Brink Cut, thus

reducing the original fall gained by that cut from 7 feet to 5, whilst

the fall gained by the Nene Outfall had been fully 10 feet 6 inches to 11

feet, being a difference of 6 feet in favour of the Nene. A committee,

consisting of Lord W. Bentinck, Sir William Foulkes, and others, leading

proprietors and parties interested, requested me to examine into the

whole subject and report as to what was best to be done. I accordingly

employed nearly twelve months in surveying and levelling the Great

Wash and the mouths of the Ouse, Nene, Welland, and Witham, which are

the principal rivers discharging their waters into the Great Wash, and

which drain all the adjacent fen lands, amounting to nearly a million of

acres, besides the high lands. I found that by improving all the mouths

of these rivers an additional fall of 7 feet might be gained for the

Ouse, 2 feet for the Nene, and a similar amount for the Welland and the

Witham, and recommended that all these rivers should be united and made

to discharge their waters into one great main channel in the centre of

the Great Wash, and that the main and minor channels should be properly

embanked. By this means not only would all these rivers be much improved,

and the drainage and navigation rendered as perfect as they could be

made, but, in addition to this, from 150,000 to 200,000 acres of land

would be gained from the Wash, or, in other words, a new county, of most

valuable land, would be added to the kingdom. This project was so vast

and important that it took the world by surprise. It was impossible to

deny the soundness of the principles or data upon which it was founded,

or the vast importance of it in a national point of view, if means

could be found to carry it into effect; but here was one of the great

difficulties, and another still greater presented itself, namely that of

uniting together the vast number of conflicting interests concerned, so

that they might combine together as one whole body for the completion of

the undertaking.

After the plan had been published and promulgated for some time, all

sorts of objections were raised and attacks made upon it. I replied

coolly and steadily to them all, and the more it was investigated, the

more the world became convinced of its practicability. Still it was

impossible to combine the various conflicting interests, and equally

difficult to form a company for such a vast and novel undertaking. The

public naturally said, if the drainage and navigation interests and

the landed proprietors, who were so much interested, did not see their

way, how could it be expected that a company should? Thus the affair,

although frequently agitated, lay in abeyance for several years. Its

chief supporters, Lord William Bentinck and Mr. Hoseason, having gone

to India, there remained none of sufficient energy and influence to

push it forward. At length the late talented and indefatigable Lord

George Bentinck became member for Lynn, in succession to his uncle,

Lord William, when he became Governor-General of India. Lord George was

unanimously chosen chairman, and examined most minutely, with his usual

sagacity, every detail of the measure, and was perfectly satisfied of

its practicability and value, but thought that it was too great to be

undertaken as a whole, and that it would be better to divide it into

two parts, one comprising the Ouse and Nene, the other the Welland and

Witham. I must not omit to mention that the late Prince Consort was much

pleased with the plan, and expressed his approbation to me of it. It was

accordingly decided to form a company for the Norfolk half, including the

Ouse and Nene, and to reclaim 35,000 acres of land from the Great Wash;

and at the end of 1845 the requisite plans were prepared and notices

given for a Bill to be applied for in the ensuing session, under the

title of the Norfolk Estuary Act. The Company originally calculated that

the land gained from the estuary would have indemnified them for making

the new cut for the Ouse; and so it would, if they had been allowed all

the land below high-water mark, without having any other burdens entailed

upon them. But unfortunately this was not the case; they were saddled

with the maintenance of the Great Cut, although, strictly speaking,

it ought to have been maintained by the navigation and the drainage

interests, which alone derived the benefit from it. The land frontagers

claimed all the land, or green marsh, to be embanked at the expense of

the Company, who were only to receive a certain portion of its improved

value; the Ouse bank owners were to be indemnified to some extent

also. The Crown was to have a commission of five per cent. upon the

expenditure; and the Church was to have a certain portion, or tithe, upon

the land gained: indeed, so many restrictions were placed on the Company

that their calculated profits were materially reduced; nevertheless, as

a number of the shareholders were otherwise greatly interested in the

improvement of the drainage, frontage, &c., they calculated that if the

shares were worth nothing, they would still be the gainers. I protested

as much as I could, without avail, against all these restrictions, and

I doubted much whether the Act could or would be carried into effect

with any benefit to those shareholders who simply looked to their profit

from the shares. It turned out as I expected. The Act passed during the

session of 1846. Still there was no prospect of the Norfolk Estuary

Act being carried into effect, on account of the restrictions above

mentioned; and the Company wisely determined not to proceed unless the

drainage and navigation interests, which were so materially concerned,

came forward with a handsome contribution towards it. The Middle Level

proprietors had obtained a Bill, in the year 1846, for the improvement

of their drainage, which was much opposed, and in which I took a leading

part. However, they carried their Bill, and the works were designed and

commenced under Mr. James Walker; but they soon found that the work would

be comparatively valueless. The Norfolk Estuary Act had now been carried,

and they therefore entered into negotiations with the Norfolk Estuary

Company, and these negotiations finally ended in the Middle Level

Commissioners and the Lynn Corporation, who represented the drainage and

navigation interests, agreeing to contribute each the sum of 60,000_l._

towards the completion of the new channel for the Ouse, contemplated by

the Norfolk Estuary Company, upon condition that the late Mr. Robert

Stephenson should be joint engineer to the Norfolk Estuary Company with

myself, to which, of course, I had no objection; and it was agreed

that an Act of Parliament should be obtained in order to ratify this

agreement, which passed in the year 1850.

At that time a former Act rendered it necessary that before any

improvement was made in any port or harbour, a Commission should be

appointed by the Admiralty to investigate the plan, the Commission to

hold its inquiry in public; Captain Washington and Captain Veitch were

appointed by the Admiralty for this purpose. They held their court at

the townhall, Lynn, and, singular to relate, the gallant gentlemen

advocated a curved instead of a straight channel, which, under the

circumstances, was so contrary to the practice of every good hydraulic

engineer, that their report was simply ridiculous, and when produced

by the Admiralty before the Committee of the House of Commons on the

Bill, was proved by the best engineers to be wrong, and was therefore

ignored by the Committee, and the plan proposed by Mr. Stephenson and

myself was unanimously adopted. The Bill accordingly passed, and the

agreement between the Middle Level Commissioners, the Corporation of

Lynn, and the Company, the two former contributing 60,000_l._ each, was

ratified; still there were several restrictive clauses, such as entailing

the maintenance of the works upon the Company, giving up the whole of

the green marsh to the several frontages, which materially abridged

the profits of the Company, and increased their risks, and which I in

vain protested against. The main cut commenced on the lower side of

Lynn, and was continued in a straight line 2½ miles. We calculated that

certain dimensions were ample in the first instance, because it was not

necessary to excavate the cut artificially to the full depth, as we knew

that as soon as the current began to act upon it, it would in a short

time be adjusted to its proper capacity for the admission and discharge

of the tidal waters, in the same manner as had taken place in the Nene

estuary outfall already mentioned. From the lower end of the above cut

the channel for a distance of two miles farther to deep water was to be

trained through the sands, formed by guide walls of rough stone raised to

about the level of half tide, with beacons upon it at certain distances

to indicate the channel; and when once the channel had been thus trained,

the remainder of the banks to their full height above high water would

be raised naturally by the silting up on each side, combined with the

gradual process of embanking the land from each of the shores of the

estuary, if properly managed.

Messrs. Peto undertook the contract of the main cut. The land having

been bought, and everything arranged, a day was fixed for turning the

first sod, at the upper end near Lynn. The ceremony was performed by the

late worthy Sir William Foulkes, the chairman of the Company, on the 1st

of November, 1850. On that day a grand procession, consisting of the

Company, the Corporation and trades of Lynn, the Earl of Leicester, Lord

Lieutenant, together with numerous gentry, and other spectators, attended

the ceremony, which went off with great _éclat_, and the whole, as usual,

terminated with a grand dinner to about two hundred persons at the

townhall. Unfortunately my friend Mr. Stephenson was abroad and could not

attend. The excavation of the great cut proceeded rapidly for some time,

until Mr. Stephenson and myself, judging that enough had been done, and

that the current would do the rest more effectually, ordered the dams

to be removed at both ends and the water admitted, which was accordingly

done. As soon as the fen proprietors heard of this, they were greatly

alarmed; they said that the Company had violated their agreement with

them, and had gone contrary to the Act of Parliament, in not excavating

the cut to the full depth required before letting the water in. We

endeavoured in vain to persuade them to the contrary. They immediately

applied for a mandamus to stop the works and restore the dams until the

cut had been excavated to the full dimensions required by the Act, and

obtained an injunction, so that we were compelled to restore the dams and

stop out the water. We determined, however, not to give up the point,

and argued the question before Vice-Chancellor Turner, and were beaten.

We then applied to the Admiralty, who would not assist. We appealed from

the Vice-Chancellor’s decision to the Lords Justices of Appeal, and were

again beaten; still we would not give up, and at last we found that there

was no alternative but to get a new Act of Parliament allowing us to

make the cut in any manner we pleased, provided that we made it of the

dimensions originally agreed upon. The Eau Brink Commissioners opposed us

by every means in their power, but our evidence, which was given by the

first engineers of the day, so completely satisfied Parliament that we

carried our new Bill as we wished it.

Thus, after a severe struggle for two years, we carried our point; but

this was so much valuable time lost, besides a great deal of money spent

in litigation. Having obtained our new Act, we set to work immediately

to remove the dams of the cut, and to let the water in, and at the same

time to commence the dam for stopping up the old channel of the Ouse at

the lower end of the town of Lynn, near the upper end of the new cut.

As the dams and bottom of the river near them were composed of strong

clay, it took some time to remove them so as to admit the waters freely

into the cut; but as soon as this was done, the scour began to have a

sensible effect; this was increased by the closing of the dam across the

old channel, so that within a few months afterwards not only had the

new cut been scoured out to the full depth required by the old Act, but

considerably beyond it. Thus Stephenson and myself were proved in the

right, and the opposition entirely in the wrong.

The effect on the port of Lynn was very remarkable. The depth of water

at spring tides was 18 to 20 feet, and neaps 14 to 16 feet; and there

was a regular depth at low water of spring tides of 9 to 12 feet in

the cut, so that the largest vessels could always come up and depart

with their full cargoes either at spring or neap tides, and the channel

was so direct and easy of navigation, that pilots, of whom there was a

large establishment, became in a great measure unnecessary, and their

numbers were considerably reduced as well as their charges, and the

increase of trade soon enabled the town of Lynn to pay off the 60,000_l._

contribution to the estuary works.

The drainage interests also derived a similar benefit by the lowering of

the low-water mark 6 feet, which, together with that obtained by the Eau

Brink Cut, was altogether 11 feet. The Middle Level Drainage, upon which

a large sum had been expended, obtained an increased fall of between 3

and 4 feet, which enabled the Commissioners to drain the greatest portion

of their lands naturally instead of artificially. In fact, the Port of

Lynn by means of these works has become one of the best on the east

coast of England, at the least expense, and with the most moderate dues;

indeed, if the Drainage and Navigation had paid double the money which

they did to this great work, and which in justice they ought to have done

for the benefits it has conferred upon them, they would have been more

than amply indemnified.

The Estuary Company having now completed the cut, turned their attention

to the best means of reclaiming from the Wash the 35,000 acres which had

been allotted to them by the Crown, or at least as much of it as they

could; but unfortunately there were so many different opinions among them

and their advisers, that they lost a great deal of time and money in

pursuing improper measures. I, who originally designed the undertaking,

and had acquired great experience in this department from having carried

on successfully similar works in the Great Wash and elsewhere, always

adhered to one system, namely, to work with nature, and never to go

against her; if we did, I invariably found that we were beaten.

We knew, from a variety of experiments that had been made, that the

alluvial matter held in suspension by the waters in the Great Wash was an

ascertainable quantity; that this alluvial matter was transferred from

one place to another, according to the prevailing winds and currents;

and that it was only deposited where circumstances were favourable, such

as eddies and sheltered stagnant places. Now my great object (after

having confined the fresh and tidal waters of the river Ouse to one

adequate channel, so as to preserve the drainage and navigation in an

efficient state) was to cause to be deposited the alluvial matter that

was held in suspension in the waters spreading over the other parts

of the estuary. This could only be done effectually by arresting the

progress of the flowing and ebbing waters in such a manner, that as much

of the alluvial matter as possible might be deposited in the places most

convenient, that is, in those places where it was desired to raise the

soil above the level of high water of neap tides. When this level is

reached grass may be expected to grow, and in a very short time the

whole is converted into a green marsh. The process simply this: when the

deposit has reached a certain number of feet above low water of spring

tides, a species of light green vegetation first covers the surface in

patches, then by degrees extends over the whole; the reclaimed land

still continues rising, and at a higher level above low water samphire

makes its appearance; the accumulation of soil still goes on increasing,

when the samphire disappears, and grass succeeds it, and in a short time

afterwards the place assumes the appearance of a level green marsh well

adapted for grazing cattle. After it has arrived at this stage, which it

does at about the level of high water of neap tides, the accumulation

is very slow; on our coasts it seldom attains a much higher elevation,

except where the sand is blown up by strong winds from the sea, which

forms dunes or banks, that, as in the case of Holland and other places,

sometimes attain an elevation of 30 feet and upwards above the level of

the highest tides. This, however, is not the case around the shores of

the Great Wash; there the marshes are simply produced by the gradual

deposit of alluvial matter in the manner above stated.

The great object, therefore, as I have said, is to facilitate this

deposit or accretion as much as possible by artificial means. Nature,

if left to herself, though sure, is very slow. We must therefore assist

nature, by following and working in unison with her laws. We must go

to work gradually, and not by great and expensive operations check the

currents violently and at once, which would only produce an equally

strong current elsewhere, so that while we gained in one place we should

lose in another. By a series of light works composed of bushy fagots or

other similar materials, raised about 12 or 15 inches above the level

of the sands, and disposed in a series of lines at certain distances

from each other, not continuous, but in lengths, so that the ends may

overlap each other, the currents will be gently checked without being

wholly obstructed, the water between them will be rendered stagnant, and

the alluvial matter with which it is charged will be deposited. When

the deposit has reached to the top of these works, the works themselves

should be raised higher in the same place, or in an intermediate

position, as circumstances shall render advisable. Where a certain space

is intended to be raised or warped up, it is generally better to commence

at the upper end and work downwards; the works themselves are less

expensive, the height to be raised is less, and the water impelled by the

mass of the tide behind brings up a greater quantity of alluvial matter,

and in proportion as the space above is warped up it accumulates in a

greater degree below. In carrying on works of this kind, wherever we find

that there is a tendency to make a channel, and with it a strong current,

it must be checked gradually from the upper end, so that the quantity of

water passing through it may be decreased, and this channel will soon

fill up. When a certain space has been naturally or artificially raised

to the level of a fine green marsh, provided that there be a sufficient

quantity to pay the expense, it should be embanked entirely from the sea.

As to the expense incurred in embanking it, and the value of the land

when embanked, generally speaking, we shall seldom err if we take as a

rule that the land should be worth double the cost of embanking. When we

have an estuary to deal with from which we may expect to reclaim several

thousand acres of land, it resolves itself into a serious question both

of time and money as to the best mode of accomplishing it. One object

should be as far as practicable to reduce the extent of main or barrier

banks, and if the situation be well adapted for the purpose, a barrier

bank may be commenced at the lower end, and gradually pushed forward in

proportion as the space above it exhibits a tendency to silt up; in

combination with this the minor operations should be carried on, so that

the one may assist the other. When a sufficient quantity of marsh above

the barrier bank has been formed, it may be embanked from the sea, and

by keeping the barrier bank always sufficiently in advance the interior

banks will become less costly, as they will not be exposed to the main

force of the waves during storms; otherwise each separate bank must be

made a barrier bank, and the whole cost will be materially increased. The

propriety of adopting either the one system or the other will greatly

depend upon the peculiar local circumstances.

With regard to the quantity of land, when fit for the purpose, to be

embanked or enclosed at one time, this also will, like the other,

depend upon the local circumstances. Generally speaking it is safer to

confine the operation to about 400 or 500 acres; and the proper time for

closing the embankment is during neap tides, when the work will be much

facilitated.

It is true that much greater quantities may be taken in at one time,

according to the Dutch system, but then several closing spaces must be

left open, and these must all be specially prepared for the purpose by

lining the bottom and sides with wicker-work and fascines to prevent the

scour, and then filling them up with clay, stone, fascines, and earth,

as the case may require; and if by chance a breach should take place,

which occasionally occurs under the best of management, the internal

space to be filled with water is so great that the violence and strength

of the inpouring current is increased in the same proportion, so that it

carries all before it, scoops out great channels in the interior space,

and damages the land by the great quantity of sand brought in, and it

becomes difficult to clear the internal space of water. And although by

this plan a less quantity of embankment is required, nevertheless the

expense per lineal foot becomes greater; but where the length of the

embankment is small compared to the depth of the land to be enclosed,

this system, if properly managed, may be adopted with advantage. The most

advisable plan must be left a good deal to the judgment and skill of the

engineer-in-chief taking advantage of the local circumstances.

The above principles for warping and enclosing land I recommended in

several reports to the Norfolk Estuary Company, but they were not adopted

to the extent I recommended; the consequence has been that several

years’ time and a good deal of money have been unnecessarily expended.

But I believe that they have been finally convinced that my system was

the proper one, and it has since been adopted to some extent, with

considerable success, and about 1000 acres (in 1867) have been enclosed,

the property of the Company, at the cost of about 15_l._ per acre, the

land being worth 40_l._ They have, moreover, enclosed 600 acres more

for the Prince of Wales, upon which they will be paid one-third of its

improved value. As several thousand acres in the estuary belonging

to the Company are rapidly approaching that state when they may be

profitably embanked, I confidently believe, by proper management, that

the shareholders will ultimately recover a good deal if not the whole of

their capital, and perhaps a good portion of their interest also; but I

shall always contend that if my recommendations had been followed from

the beginning, a great deal of money would have been saved. The Company

ought not to have submitted to the restrictions imposed by the Acts. The

contribution from the drainage and navigation interests ought to have

been double, for which they would have been amply repaid, and the land

gained would have been far greater, so that even by this time it might

have been a very profitable concern.

Whilst the Nene Outfall was in progress, I was employed by the

Corporation of Boston to improve the outfall of the river between the

Grand Sluice at the upper end of the town, and Hobhole near the mouth

of the river, a distance of nearly four miles. This had previously

been proposed by my father, in the year 1845, to the Corporation of

Boston, previous to commencing the great drainage of the East, West,

and Wildmere fens bordering upon the Witham between Lincoln and Boston,

amounting to about 125,000 acres of lowland, which for the most part was

little better than a marsh. It was here he proposed his grand system for

the drainage of lowlands by means of catchwater drains for the waters

from the highlands, and main and minor drains for the waters from the

lowlands, both systems of drains being distinct and separate from each

other, and which he afterwards most successfully carried into effect. In

order to obtain the requisite fall, it was necessary that the outfalls

of the two main drains should be carried into the Witham below the

town of Boston; but in order that this might be effectual, it was also

necessary that the Witham should be greatly improved between Boston and

the mouth at Hobhole; and as the navigation between these two points

was very defective, he thought that the Corporation should bear the

expense, as they would derive the greatest benefit. For this purpose my

father proposed two plans: one was to improve the old channel, partly

by cutting off the bends and confining and straightening its course,

and from Hobhole making a new cut to Clayhole, where there was ample

depth of water at all times of tide; and the other plan was to make a

direct cut within land from the lower end of Boston to Clayhole. He

proposed also, for the drainage, to make an outfall for the highland

water at Maudfoster, just below the town of Boston, as he said that by

bringing the highland water there, it would effectually serve to keep

the river open between that point and its mouth at Hobhole, and to make

an outfall for the lowland waters at the latter place; and he recommended

the drainage interests to contribute a certain portion of the expense

towards the improvement. The Corporation of Boston declined doing

anything, and the drainage was left to take care of itself. Mr. Rennie,

however, foresaw that if the Witham was not improved by either one or

the other of the plans that he recommended, the highland water would not

be effectively discharged by the sluice at Maudfoster, and therefore he

made a communication between the Maudfoster drain and the Hobhole drain

at a place called Cowbridge, a few miles above Boston, where there was a

gauge, so that whenever the water in Maudfoster drain exceeded the gauge

it passed into the lowland main drain, and from thence into the Witham at

Hobhole. What Mr. Rennie foresaw came true; the Witham, not having been

improved, became worse, and the river in front of the Maudfoster Sluice

was silted up, so that it could not discharge its water, and therefore

the whole of the water, highland and lowland, was obliged to go by

Hobhole, which drain and sluice, foreseeing what would take place, he had

enlarged for the purpose.

In the year 1827, the outfall of the Witham between Boston and Hobhole

had become so much silted up that at high water of neap tides there was

scarcely water enough for fishing boats to come up to the town during

the summer months and dry seasons, and at spring tides only sloops

of very small draught could get up to the town; in fact, it might be

said that at that time Boston as a seaport was lost, and the trade and

navigation of the port ruined. At this the Corporation became greatly

alarmed, and sent for me. I directed the late Mr. Francis Giles to make a

complete survey of the river, which he did in his usual able and correct

manner, and no person could do it better. Being provided with this

survey, I made my report, and saw clearly that there was no remedy but

to carry into effect either the one or the other of my father’s plans

of 1805. As the Corporation funds were very limited, I recommended the

plan for improving the old channel, partly by cutting off the bends and

confining the river as far as Hobhole, and from thence making a new cut

to Clayhole, as recommended by my father. There were three parties who

were to contribute towards the improvement of the outfall of the Witham,

namely, the Corporation of Boston, and the Witham and the Black Sluice

Commissioners. The Black Sluice Commissioners demurred to the plan

proposed by me, which was my father’s, on the ground that the cut ought

to be made from the Black Sluice inland direct to Hobhole, otherwise

they would not derive the advantages they had a right to expect from

their contributions; so the whole matter was referred to Mr. Telford,

who said that no improvement in the river below Boston would be of any

use, unless the Grand Sluice above Boston was removed, so as to admit the

tide to flow farther up the river. Now, although Telford was to a certain

extent right, but by no means wholly so, because by carrying into effect

either of my father’s plans there could be no doubt that considerable

improvement would be made on the outfall of the Witham below Boston,

as the sequel will show, nevertheless, if the Grand Sluice had been

removed the tide would have flowed farther up the river and the increased

quantity of tidal water passing upwards and downwards would have improved

the outfall still further; but there were insuperable objections to

the removal of the Grand Sluice, which neither of those parties above

mentioned who were to make the improvement in the outfall could control,

for the river above the Grand Sluice was under a different body. The

banks must have been raised to admit the tide; compensation must have

been made for the loss of fresh water, and various other interests must

have been consulted that were hostile. The Black Sluice Commissioners

stuck to Telford’s report, and withdrew from the contribution, so that

the whole matter fell to the ground.

The outfall of the Witham became worse, and the Corporation of Boston,

being left single-handed, and having determined to do what they could to

improve the river, again requested my advice. I said that the best thing

they could do under the circumstances would be to carry into effect by

degrees, as far as their means would allow, the plan of my father already

referred to for improving the old channel of the river, and to begin by

cutting off the bend between Hobhole and the upper end of Burton’s Marsh

(this cut would be about half a mile long), and blocking up the old

channel immediately above it, which was about half a mile wide. These

two works would shorten the navigation quite half a mile, and admit and

discharge the tidal and fresh waters more readily, and thus produce a

corresponding scour and lowering of the low-water line and bed of the

river all the way up to the Grand Sluice above Boston.

The Corporation adopted my recommendation, and entered into a contract

with Jolliffe and Banks for that purpose. Although a small work, it

was attended with considerable difficulty, particularly in closing the

old channel, on account of its great width and the great body of tidal

water which passed through it. The effect of this work exceeded my most

sanguine expectations; in a short time it improved the channel upwards

to Boston to such an extent that spring tides rose at Boston Bridge 14

feet, and neaps 10 feet, and the bed of the river was deepened from 3

to 4 feet below low water of springs, so that vessels drawing 15 feet

and 16 feet could come up to the town at springs, and vessels drawing 12

to 13 feet could come up at neaps; moreover, all the silt was scoured

away from the front of the Maudfoster Sluice, so that it discharged the

highland water from the fens, which it had not done for years before,

and improved also the discharge of the waters from the Grand and Black

sluices. I must confess that I was not a little elated at this successful

result, as it most completely established the correctness of my father’s

opinion as well as my own, and demonstrated the fallacy of my friend

Telford’s judgment. The cost of the above works was 33,000_l._, which was

very small compared to the advantage obtained. The Corporation of Boston

were so much pleased with the success that they determined to carry into

effect the remainder of the improvement in the old channel to Boston,

which was afterwards done by confining the channel by degrees to a proper

width by means of fascines and loose stone and clay properly combined

together up to the level of half tide, so that the flood and ebb always

acted to the greatest advantage in one and the same channel without

materially diminishing the quantity of tidal water.

The effect of these additional works was to still further deepen the bed

of the river and increase the flow of the tide by lowering the low-water

mark, which improved the navigation and drainage still further, so that

the trade of Boston revived and increased in prosperity, and all this was

effected by the resources of Boston alone; and it is only to be regretted

that the drainage interests, who derived so much benefit, were not

compelled to contribute their just proportion.

In 1852 a Bill was obtained to carry into effect my plan for improving

the mouths of the Witham below Hobhole, and the Welland below Fosdike

Bridge, and reclaiming 35,000 acres of land from the Great Wash, as

formerly described, but the Bill was clogged with so many restrictions,

and neither the drainage or navigation interests would contribute

anything towards it, although they would have been greatly benefited,

that it was found impossible to carry it into effect so as to remunerate

the shareholders, and therefore it was abandoned.

I about this time finished some minor works which had been designed and

partly executed for the improvement of the Witham near Lincoln. This was

part of a great plan of my father for improving the river Witham, so as

to make it navigable for the Yorkshire coasting vessels, drawing 6 feet

and carrying about 70 tons. From Lincoln they proceeded to the Trent by

the Old Foss navigation, which entered the Trent at Torksey, and from

thence to the Humber and the adjacent coasts. This improved navigation

of the Witham answered very well as a commercial speculation, and in the

year 1847 was sold to the Great Northern Railway Company, who established

a railway on its banks, which now forms part of their loop line between

Peterborough and Lincoln, which has in a great measure superseded the

navigation.

During this period I was requested by the Commissioners of the Ancholme

Level, consisting of about 50,000 acres of low fen lands, bordering upon

the Ancholme in North Lincolnshire, to give them my advice as to the best

means of improving their drainage, and at the same time the navigation of

that river.

The Ancholme takes its rise near Market Rasen, in the highlands of the

north of Lincolnshire, and after a course of some miles it enters the

lowland district of the valley, and proceeds through it in a northerly

direction for a distance of about 18 miles, when it joins the Humber at

right angles to its course. The valley varies from one mile in width at

the upper end to three miles at the lower end, where it joins the Humber.

It is bounded on the south by a ridge of chalk hills of considerable

elevation, and on the north by a similar ridge of sandstone hills.

The Ancholme having very little fall where it enters the lowlands, and

being prevented from discharging its waters with facility into the Humber

on account of the great mass of water and high tides in the latter river,

was forced back upon the lowlands, and frequently inundated them, so

that they became little better than marshes, and the river itself was

necessarily extremely circuitous. In 1806 the Commissioners applied to my

father for advice, and he recommended, in the first place, that the river

should be straightened as far as practicable, in order to utilize the

fall of the current to the fullest extent; also that a sluice should be

constructed to exclude the tides at Terreby; and a catchwater drain made

on the south side, with separate sluice to discharge the highland waters

into the Humber. This advice was only partly followed: the river was

straightened; the catchwater drain only extended as far as Brigg; a lock

was made for the navigation at Hortestow Green, where the river entered

the lowlands; and a sluice with a lock was made at Terreby. In principle,

these works were correctly designed and well adapted for the purpose as

far as they went; but I am not exactly aware whether they were carried

out according to his plan, or under his immediate direction; and twenty

years had elapsed before I was invited to give my opinion.

When I visited them the level was very badly drained; the river was full

of shoals; the navigation, which was intended for the Yorkshire coasting

vessels up to Bishop’s Bridge, was only practicable a few miles beyond

Brigg, and that in a very imperfect manner; and the works generally were

in a very bad state.

After having inspected the works, I recommended, first, that the main

river should be deepened, widened, and enlarged throughout the entire

length of the level, so as to accommodate the full-sized Yorkshire

coasting vessels drawing 6 ft. 6 in.; and that the river should be of

ample capacity to contain the floods fully 2 to 3 feet below the level of

the lowlands, so that they could not be overflowed, and might always be

able to drain into it.

Secondly, that a lock should be made with a lift of 6 feet, so that

coasting vessels might be enabled to get up to Bishop’s Bridge; and that

as a great deal of sand was brought down by the upper part of the river,

which continually produced shoals and filled it up, I recommended that

at the upper end of the lock an overfall should be made, together with a

capacious reservoir, into which the sand might be discharged, in order to

prevent it from getting into the river; then it could be removed whenever

necessary.

Thirdly, that a new sluice and lock should be made at Terreby, where the

Ancholme joined the Humber; that all the new sluices should be laid 6

feet below the old one; and that new bridges should be made across the

main river to replace the old ones, which were not of sufficient capacity.

Fourthly, that the south catchwater drain should be drained out and

enlarged, and extended to the upper end of the level.

Fifthly, that a catchwater drain of the requisite dimensions should be

made on the north side of the level, from the new sluice to the farther

extremity of the level, and that the water should be discharged through a

separate opening in the new sluice.

Sixthly, that wherever a brook entered the catchwater drain on either

side, there should be corresponding weirs and reservoirs for receiving

the sand and other deposits, so as to prevent them from getting into the

drains.

These several works were executed, under my directions, by Messrs.

Jolliffe and Banks, as contractors; and Mr. Adam Smith, as resident

engineer, to whom the real credit is due for the very able, honest, and

zealous manner in which he discharged his duties, particularly for

the execution of the new sluice at Terreby, which was done without a

contractor, and is one of the cheapest and best works of the kind.

These works have answered their object completely; and the Ancholme

district is as well drained as any level in the kingdom, and the

navigation is complete of the kind.

Whilst carrying on these works I was the frequent guest of the Earl of

Yarborough, the Commodore of the Yacht Club, and received the greatest

kindness and attention from his lordship; without his support, ability,

and firmness, these works would never have been attempted, nor carried to

a successful conclusion.

[2] I have always heard this story in Cornwall; and a pamphlet

on the subject, now very scarce, was published at the time. Mr.

Fox, I have been told, was taken before a magistrate, and made

an affidavit concerning it the morning after the occurrence,

and before the mail came down.--C. G. C. R.

[3] I may mention here that before Telford built the suspension

bridge near Bangor, Mr. Rennie proposed a cast-iron bridge of

several arches, on the site of the present Britannia Bridge,

which would ultimately have carried the railway, but the scheme

was considered too bold at the time. The possibility of the

construction of the present magnificent bridge, which marks an

era in engineering, is of course due to the great improvements

in the manufacture of iron since Mr. Rennie’s time. Thus every

age has its specialty, and what cannot be done at one time

becomes practicable at another.

Autobiography of Sir John Rennie, F.R.S., Past President of the Institute of Civil Engineers Comprising the history of his professional life, together with reminiscences dating from the commencement of the century to the present time. · 第 5 / 13 章