Sketch of the Risk and Progress of the Railway System--The
Manchester and Liverpool, London and Birmingham, and other
early Lines.
I will now proceed to a very important epoch in my life, namely, my
first introduction to railways upon the locomotive system. Railways of
wood were first introduced on the Tyne, for the purpose of bringing down
coal from the adjacent collieries, to be shipped from Newcastle and the
vicinity for exportation to London and other places. These were 4 feet 6½
inches wide from centre to centre, and the coal waggons were specially
adapted to them. The wooden rails wore out rapidly, and were subsequently
improved by having cast iron edge rails fixed upon the wooden ones, and
the wheels of the waggons were made of cast iron also, having a flange
on the inside to keep them in their places. It reduced materially the
friction of the road, enabled the horses by which the waggons were drawn
to take a greater load, and the expense of maintaining the ways was
greatly reduced. Matters proceeded in this manner until towards the end
of the last century. At that time, the celebrated James Watt began his
experiments upon steam, and then turned his attention to the improvement
of the steam engine, which had previously been so far perfected by
Savery, Newcomen, and Smeaton, as to be used for pumping water from mines
with considerable effect, by employing steam and atmospheric pressure
alternately, for raising and lowering the piston in the cylinder to which
the pumping apparatus was attached. The waste of fuel and the expense of
working these engines were very considerable, and they were inapplicable
to any other purpose but pumping. Watt saw these defects, and immediately
set about devising means for remedying them. He first enclosed the steam
cylinder at top and bottom, and elevated and depressed the piston by
means of steam only; and instead of allowing the spent steam to escape
into the atmosphere, it was discharged into a separate vessel, into
which a jet of cold water was constantly playing, so that the steam was
condensed there, and hence this vessel was called a “condenser.” In this
condenser there was an air pump constantly working, so that to some
extent a vacuum was produced, which facilitated the discharge of the
steam from above and below the piston, relieved the pressure upon it both
ways, and added considerably to the effect of the whole machine, as well
as economizing the fuel required to work it. He also added a crank to a
connecting rod at the opposite end of the beam to which the piston was
attached, and by means of this crank communicated rotary motion to any
machinery connected with it, adding still further to the value of the
steam engine, and rendering it universally applicable. The boiler also
he greatly improved, so as to produce a larger quantity of steam with
less fuel. The ingenious idea of the crank was pirated from him before he
could patent it, and he resorted to another invention to produce rotary
motion, which he called the sun and planet wheel; this consisted of a
toothed wheel attached to the lower end of the connecting rod fixed to
the end of the beam, which wheel worked into another attached to the
end of a horizontal shaft, upon which were fixed other wheels to give
motion to any system of machinery which might be required. It should be
observed that in this improved engine the connecting rod of the piston
was attached to one end of the beam, the connecting rod attached to the
crank, or sun and planet, was fixed to the other, and the air and cold
water pumps were attached to rods connected with the intermediate part
of the main beam, so that they were all worked together by the rising
and falling of the piston, and thus formed one whole compact machine.
He also added several minor contrivances, which it is unnecessary to
mention, and which rendered the steam engine still more complete. His
improvements did not end here, for he made numerous experiments upon the
expansibility or elasticity and effects of steam at various temperatures,
constructed a high pressure engine, and subsequently one with a condenser
mounted upon a carriage supported by wheels, which was nothing more than
the locomotive engine, a model of which still exists. Watt, however, as
I have already observed, did not like high-pressure steam: he was fully
aware of its importance; but at that time, from the backward state of
the iron manufacture, he did not see his way to controlling it with
safety, and he considered that his low-pressure condensing system was the
best and most economical, and he therefore gave up all idea of pursuing
the investigation of the locomotive engine and its applicability.
Fortunately, however, everybody was not of the same opinion. Watt had
clearly invented the locomotive engine, and his able and faithful
assistant, William Murdock, afterwards made another working model of
it on the same plan, with which he used to amuse himself by setting it
in motion to run about his room. But the idea and its practicability
once established, the locomotive was not to be thus abandoned. Amongst
those who heard of it, and who appreciated its value, were two Cornish
engineers, Trevithick and Vivian, who had been accustomed to work
high-pressure steam, which was largely used in the Cornish mining engines
about this time. Trevithick and Vivian soon saw that Watt’s waggon boiler
was too cumbrous, and not capable of producing steam fast enough or in
sufficient quantity for a locomotive engine. They therefore invented a
new kind of boiler with a tube in the centre, around which the heat from
the furnace circulated, so that a greater surface was exposed to its
action, and, consequently, steam was generated much more quickly and in
greater volume and elasticity. This boiler was, moreover, more compact,
lighter, and more portable than Watt’s; the engine also was more simple;
and the cylinder and piston being vertical, the latter was attached to
a crank, which again was applied to the axles of the wheels, which made
them revolve at every double stroke of the piston. The whole of this
engine was mounted on a carriage; and this may be termed an improvement
upon Watt’s engine, and the second stage of this great invention.
Trevithick and Vivian being convinced of success, took out a patent for
the tubular boiler and the engine, for its application to common roads
and railways; and foreseeing that if the wheels were applied to the
smooth surface of a railway, the adhesion of their surface, combined with
the weight of the whole machine, would be sufficient to impel it forward
when worked by the engine, proposed that the peripheries of the wheels
should be smooth; but in other cases, where more grip or action might be
necessary, they proposed to add bosses or cogs to the peripheries of the
wheels. What they now required was to apply the invention to practice.
They accordingly were either invited or went to the Merthyr Tydvil Iron
Works, where iron tramways were in extensive use, and there proposed
an engine for drawing the waggons, instead of manual and horse labour.
The invention was greatly approved of, and the proprietors of the mines
determined to give it a fair trial. A locomotive engine was then made by
Trevithick and Vivian and placed on the railway. Waggons laden with ten
tons of iron and coal were attached to the engine, and, to the surprise
of all, it drew them at the rate of six miles an hour. This was in the
year 1802.
One would have thought that the principle, practice, and value of
the invention having been thus fairly demonstrated, the wealthy and
enterprising ironmasters would at once have adopted it and have brought
it into general use. Indeed, it is difficult to conceive why this was
not so. It is true that the machine was still cumbrous and difficult
to manage, and the cast-iron tramways were probably too light and
badly laid, so that they were frequently broken; still sufficient must
have been proved to show that these were defects that might easily be
remedied, and that continued practice would enable the inventors to
render both the locomotive and the railway more perfect. In almost
all new inventions, nothing is made perfect at first, and it requires
constant trials and much perseverance to remove obstacles which cannot be
foreseen, and the existence of which can only be proved by experience,
when the proper remedy can be applied. The attempt to introduce
locomotives on railways was not, however, for the time prosecuted further
at Merthyr Tydvil.
It may be asked, why did not Trevithick and Vivian pursue the matter
further elsewhere? I believe the answer to this is simply that they had
not the means; they had already expended so much in prosecuting the
invention that their resources were exhausted, and unless fresh pecuniary
aid came in they must necessarily abandon it, at least for the time.
Nothing is more difficult than to introduce a new invention, however
plausible it may appear at first sight. We become by habit so wedded to
our old ways that we are apt to regard anything new with indifference.
When it has succeeded, the more simple it is the more we are astonished
that we should not have perceived its value before; hence, unfortunately,
we so frequently find that many able men, who have made brilliant
discoveries and inventions which have conferred so much benefit upon
mankind, have exhausted their all, and have died of starvation, just at
the very moment when they have succeeded. Then some lucky one steps in
and derives all the advantage. Such was the fate of poor Trevithick, who
may be said to have been the inventor of the modern railway system. Even
Watt himself would have probably shared the same fate, if he had not
met with the great Matthew Boulton, who appreciated his inventions, and
furnished the means for carrying them into effect. The same may be said
of Cort, who introduced puddling, the simplest mode of converting cast
into wrought iron. Bessemer himself told me that he was nearly ruined
before his great discovery succeeded. In fact, numberless examples might
be adduced of this melancholy truth; but to my story.
The next example we find of the employment of the locomotive engine was
that of Blenkinsop, of Leeds, which was similar to, but more compact and
lighter than that of Trevithick and Vivian, and was applied to draw the
waggons laden with coal from Middleton Colliery, near Leeds, to that
town; I saw it at work in the year 1814. It then drew 20 tons at the
rate of seven miles an hour, at which I was much astonished. Although
quite a lad, I thought to myself, “Something more will come out of this
hereafter.” But the most singular thing connected with this was, that the
principle of adhesion to the rails by the smooth tired wheels, and the
fact of the power of a locomotive being in its weight, as laid down by
Trevithick, was completely forgotten, and the locomotive was propelled
forward by means of a toothed wheel driven by the engine, acting on a
corresponding toothed rack laid alongside the rails; this was nothing
more than Trevithick’s idea of bosses or teeth attached to the wheels,
but intended to be applied in a different way. Still the invention was
making its way. Blenkinsop’s engine excited great interest in the north,
especially in the neighbourhood of the Tyne and Wear, and numbers of
engineers, scientific men, and others went to see it, and being convinced
of its value, determined to introduce it into that district. Amongst
others, Mr. Blackett, of Wylam Colliery, who had seen Blenkinsop’s engine
and railway, perceived the error of attempting to propel the locomotive
by means of the toothed wheel and ratchet, and determined to revert to
Trevithick’s original design of the smooth tired wheels. Whether he had
heard of Trevithick’s invention or not, does not appear, although, as
the subject had become generally known, and numerous intelligent minds
had been directed towards it, it is very probable that he had. However,
be that as it may, he has the credit of reintroducing Trevithick’s
invention, and a locomotive, with improvements, leaving out the toothed
wheel and ratchet, was applied to a railway at Wylam with complete
success.
Amongst others who visited Blenkinsop’s railway and locomotive engine was
Mr. James, a general land agent and surveyor, at Newcastle, who was in
large practice, and had a respectable fortune. He was a man of enlarged
mind and great intelligence, and although not a practical mechanician, he
was so much struck with the effect of Blenkinsop’s engine and railway,
that he at once said it was a new mode of conveying passengers and goods
which must supersede all others, and become universal. In his enthusiasm
he wrote a long letter, addressed to the Prince Regent, on the subject,
in 1815, pointing out the value of this new mode of transport, the saving
which it would effect in manual and horse labour, the ease and expedition
with which goods and passengers would be conveyed, and the vast benefits
which would be conferred upon the country by the general introduction of
the railway system.
Immediately he set to work and devoted his whole energies and time,
regardless of his own business, to the promotion of this new mode of
transit. The celebrated George Stephenson, who up to this time had
been a working collier, began to emerge from his obscurity and exhibit
his genius to the world. James got acquainted with him, and being
greatly taken by his talent, imparted his views about the introduction
of railways, and, it is said, supplied money towards aiding him in
prosecuting the work. Be this as it may, Stephenson, who had seen
Blackett’s engine, was fully convinced of the soundness of the system,
and that it must become universal; and therefore, with his usual
indomitable energy and talent, he applied himself to promote and develop
the new scheme by every means in his power. He became acquainted, and
ultimately entered into partnership, with Mr. Lord, and established a
manufactory for locomotive engines at Newcastle, which maintains its
celebrity at the present day. He first made a locomotive of a new and
improved construction, which worked with considerable success upon the
Hetton Colliery railways. Next he was employed on the Stockton and
Darlington, for which he made several locomotives, all of which, be it
observed, were employed solely for carrying goods at the rate of about
eight miles an hour; and it was by no means anticipated that they would
be able to exceed that, or that they could calculate much upon general
passenger traffic. However, the success that had already attended their
efforts, made Stephenson confident that the railway system could be
equally well applied wherever there was a large traffic. James and
Stephenson then entered into a kind of partnership, and first proposed
to make a railway, in 1817, from Manchester to Liverpool, for between
those towns the traffic was so enormous that the Duke of Bridgewater’s
Canal and the Mersey could not accommodate it properly, and great
dissatisfaction was expressed at the delays and high charges. Nothing,
however, was done at the time, and it was not until the year 1825 that
the project was so far matured as to enable a company to be formed to
carry it into effect. This company was principally composed of gentlemen
from Manchester, Liverpool, and Newcastle; and George Stephenson was
their chief engineer. They went to Parliament in the year 1825, but were
so ill prepared to encounter the violent and powerful interests by which
they were opposed, particularly that of the Bridgewater Canal, which
enjoyed a very large portion of the traffic, that they lost their Bill.
The late Earl of Lonsdale, then Lord Lowther, one of the Lords of the
Treasury, a very able and intelligent young man, knowing me from my
connection with London Bridge, and with the Whitehaven Harbour, of which
I was the engineer (where his father was the chief owner of all the
great collieries round the town), asked my opinion about the proposed
new system, and whether I thought that it was likely to succeed. I told
him frankly that I thought it would. His lordship replied, “I think
so, too;” and he offered me the post of engineer to the Manchester and
Liverpool Railway, adding, “Although it will be greatly opposed, I think
we shall carry it.” I replied that my brother and myself would be happy
to undertake it, provided that we did not interfere with Mr. Stephenson
or any other engineer who had been previously employed. Lord Lonsdale
said that he would arrange all that with the Company, and my brother and
myself were accordingly appointed engineers-in-chief.
As we were left entirely to our own discretion to adopt the old or to
choose an entirely new line, we selected the present energetic and
talented engineer, Mr. Charles Vignolles, to make the necessary surveys
for Parliament. After examining the old line and the surrounding
country, we finally decided upon adopting the present one, which
passes over Chatmoss. Whilst we were proceeding with the survey, my
brother George and Mr. Vignolles met Mr. Bradshaw, who was the sole and
independent manager of the Duke of Bridgewater’s Canal, on Chatmoss,
not far from the line, and near his own residence. He went up to my
brother and introduced himself as the manager of the Duke’s Canal, and
my brother at once mentioned his name. Mr. Bradshaw shook him by the
hand very cordially, and said that he was glad to make the acquaintance
of the son of his old friend, Mr. Rennie, for whom he had the greatest
respect and friendship; and knowing what we were about, said that he, on
the part of the Duke’s Canal and the other water carriers, would oppose
the railway by every means in their power, and he felt pretty confident
that they could throw out the Bill a second and even a third time, if it
were attempted. At the same time he expressed the most friendly feeling
towards my brother, and invited him and Mr. Vignolles to his house, where
he received them most hospitably, and conversed, amongst other subjects,
about the Bridgewater Canal, and the great difficulties they had to
overcome in completing it. Pointing to a little whitewashed house, near
the Moss, about half a mile distant, he said to my brother: “Do you see
that house? Many a time did the late Duke of Bridgewater, Brindley, and
myself spend our evenings there during the construction of the canal,
after the day’s labours were over; and one evening in particular we had
a very doleful meeting. The Duke had spent all his money, had exhausted
his credit, and did not know where to get more, and the canal was not
finished. We were all three in a very melancholy mood, smoking our pipes
and drinking ale, for we had not the means to do more, and were very
silent. At last the Duke said: ‘Well, Mr. Brindley, what is to be done
now?’ Brindley said: ‘Well, Duke, I don’t know; but of this I feel as
confident as ever: if we could only finish the canal, it would pay well,
and soon bring back all your Grace’s money.’” After remaining a little
longer, the party broke up in melancholy silence, and each went his way.
It happened shortly afterwards that the Duke managed to get money enough
to complete the canal, and Brindley was a true prophet, for the canal
has paid well, and has been mainly the making of the great houses of
Sutherland and Ellesmere.
The surveys for the line over Chatmoss were completed and deposited in
due time, and the usual notices were given. The Bill was read a first
time in the Commons, and after the second reading was referred to a
committee. Certainly Bradshaw had not exaggerated the opposition, for the
Bill was most energetically contested, the leading counsel against the
Bill being the late able and amiable Baron Alderson. The Bill, however,
passed the Commons, and ultimately the Lords, after an equally strong
contest; but Lord Lowther and his friends were indefatigable, and to his
lordship’s great exertions the success may be mainly attributed. At the
time I was so completely prostrated by the effects of the fall which I
had met with at London Bridge, as previously mentioned, that I was unable
to take any very active part, which therefore chiefly devolved upon my
brother and Mr. Vignolles. After the passing of the Bill, my brother and
myself prepared working drawings and estimates for carrying the work
into effect, and we naturally expected to be appointed the executive
engineers, after having with so much labour and anxiety carried the
Bill through Parliament. The Executive Committee of the Company behaved
extremely ill to us. Stephenson, although he had failed in carrying the
first Bill, still possessed considerable influence with the Executive
Committee, who proposed that Mr. Stephenson should be united with us. We
said that we had no objection to Mr. Stephenson taking the locomotive
department, which should be distinct from the other works. This, however,
the Committee declined, and at once appointed Mr. Stephenson the chief
engineer, and Mr. Vignolles the resident.
My brother and myself designed that the width of gauge should be 5 feet
6 inches from centre to centre of the rail, and if this had been adopted
we should never have heard of any other. This was the proper gauge for
which an engine could have been made of the most powerful description,
without being too long. Moreover, the centre of gravity being lower, it
would have been more steady, being better adapted to going round sharp
curves. The same advantages would have been gained by the passenger
and goods carriages. Unfortunately, Mr. Stephenson was of a different
opinion: he thought that the old colliery waggon gauge of 4 feet 8½
inches from centre to centre of the rail was ample, and it was adopted.
Hence all the enormous litigation and expense which afterwards ensued.
Brunel subsequently, on the Great Western Railway, feeling confident that
Stephenson’s gauge was too narrow, proposed and ultimately adopted 7 feet
as the proper gauge. Now this was as much too wide as Stephenson’s was
too narrow. Stephenson’s party have ultimately prevailed, and the narrow
gauge has been generally adopted, much to the efficiency and economy of
railways.
Before leaving this part of the subject, it may be right to remark
that the opposition endeavoured to make a strong case against our line
crossing Chatmoss, which they said was utterly impracticable at any
reasonable expense. This we knew from our own experience to be simply
ridiculous, and so it was found to be during the execution; it has now
proved to be the best part of the line, and the easiest to keep in
repair. All that was required was to drain the surface by moderate-sized
drains, so as to get rid of the superfluous water, then the foundation
for the rails would be sufficiently solid to bear anything; moreover, it
possesses a certain degree of elasticity which prevents the concussion
or jolting that is usually found on a hard unyielding road. In 1828 the
line was so far advanced that the Company determined to advertise for
locomotives, and to give a premium of 1000_l._ for the best one that
was produced. Amongst the competitors were Messrs. Stephenson and Lord,
Messrs. Braithwaite and Ericsson, and Mr. T. Hackworth.
The competition took place at Rainhill. The Company restricted the
weight of the engines to seven tons, which shows how little the subject
was at that time understood, for the power of a locomotive engine is
in proportion to its weight and the steam generated to work it; hence
it was quite clear that in restricting the weight they restricted its
power. Notwithstanding this, the engines performed wonders, and attained
the speed of 28 to 29 miles an hour. This was so contrary to the general
expectation, for even the makers did not expect above 8 or 10 miles an
hour, that everybody was astonished, and from that time forward the
glorious career of railways was established, and the old road system for
goods and passengers was condemned as a thing of the past. The shares,
which had been at a discount, now rose to a premium, and numerous new
lines were in contemplation. Stephenson’s engine, the ‘Rocket,’ gained
the premium, as it complied with all the required conditions, although
that of Messrs. Braithwaite and Ericsson was in other respects considered
the best.
The rails used upon this line were what is technically called the edge
rail. These were of cast iron, weighing 30 lb. per yard, and they were
cast on lengths 3 feet long, resting upon blocks of stone about 12 inches
thick and 2 feet square, like the old tramways. Here is another example
of the little that was known upon the subject; for it was forgotten that
the old tramways were worked by horses, which seldom exceeded the speed
of 2½ miles, and, consequently, the vibration upon a tolerably well made
road was scarcely sensible, although it prevailed to a certain extent;
but when the velocity was increased to above 20 miles an hour, the case
was totally different, as should have been anticipated; yet the line was
opened for traffic on the old principle, until it was found that the
concussion and vibration produced by the rigidity of the road were so
serious as to cause considerable trouble. On account of its elasticity,
the Chatmoss section was found to be the easiest and best part of the
road, yet it is singular that this did not occur to the Company. They
continued to use stone blocks more or less up to the year 1837, when they
discovered their error, and replaced the blocks with wooden sleepers, and
large hillocks of these stone blocks may still be seen lying along the
Manchester and Liverpool, and Birmingham lines.
But to return to the edge rail, which was certainly a great improvement
upon the old flange rail. This edge rail was, I believe, first invented
by William Jessop, a celebrated man of his time, and tried under Smeaton,
who proposed it for the Leicester and Loughborough Tram Railway. The
flange was transferred from the rail to the inner edge of the waggon
wheel; and the edge rail having no flange occasioned less friction to
the shaft. As the rails were manufactured of cast iron, they could not
be made longer than 3 feet without materially increasing their liability
to break; but there were so many joints that it was very difficult to
make a smooth road and keep it in order, particularly when the speed
of travelling increased. Hence the use of stone blocks had not been
abandoned. This difficulty was at length overcome by the substitution of
wrought-iron rails, which were first proposed by Buckenshaw. These were
laid on wooden sleepers, and this was another great improvement; but
the numerous joints were still a great difficulty in the way of making a
smooth road and keeping it in order. This was at last overcome by making
the rails in one single piece on rollers patented for the purpose.
Rails have now been increased from 30 to 80 lb. per foot, and have been
fished at every joint; that is, a plate has been fixed on each side with
sufficient room in the connecting bolt-holes to allow for expansion and
contraction.
With regard to locomotives, numerous improvements have been made. We have
first Watt’s idea of making a steam engine, with its boiler complete,
upon an independent carriage, mounted upon wheels, so that it could
move in any direction and propel itself; as well as a weight attached
to it, mounted upon wheels also. As the tramways of cast iron were then
established, this locomotive machine could have readily been applied to
it, so that, in fact, to Watt may be attributed the first practical idea
of the locomotive engine, although there are some doubts about this, for
a M. Cugnot is said to have made a working model of a locomotive engine
upon a considerable scale, at Paris, in the year 1783. Be this as it may,
they were both made so nearly about the same time that it is difficult to
decide which had the priority. At all events, Watt is justly entitled to
the merit of having been the first to invent it in England.
Hackworth’s (of Darlington) engine was made about the same time, and was
similar to Stephenson’s.
The next improvement consisted in placing the cylinders of the engine
horizontally instead of vertically, so that the piston acted directly
upon the axle upon which the driving wheels were placed, instead of by
the intervention of a double crank; this made the engine more compact.
The next was the multitubular boiler, by means of which the generation
of steam was greatly accelerated, in consequence of the increased surface
exposed to the action of the heat.[4]
I will now revert to 1826, the time when I was asked my opinion as to
the value of railways, and I said, in the most decided terms, to Lord
Lowther, that I thought very highly of them, that they must succeed and
eventually supersede every other mode of transport for passengers and
goods. Being quite convinced of this, with which opinion my brother
George cordially agreed, I set about projecting lines to those places
where I thought they were most applicable; that is, where there was
actually a large and constant traffic, and where a more facile means
of locomotion would be attended with an increased trade. Next to the
Liverpool and Manchester, I selected the London and Birmingham line,
whilst my brother, in company with the late Jonas Jessop and William
Chapman, chose a direct line, from the termination of mine at Birmingham,
to Liverpool, so that the two lines together would have considerably
reduced the distance between London, Birmingham, and Liverpool. My line
proceeded by Aylesbury, Banbury, Bicester, Kenilworth, and Warwick, to
the higher part of Birmingham; and my brother’s from thence by Stafford
and Runcorn--with a bridge across the Mersey at that place--to Liverpool.
Thus London, Birmingham, and Liverpool, the three largest and most
important commercial towns in the kingdom, would have been connected
together in the shortest possible distance and with the least expensive
works practicable. The project, upon the whole, was well received, but
the public were not quite prepared for such an undertaking; in fact, it
was in advance of the time, and for a while fell to the ground. Canals
had not fallen into disrepute, and Mr. Telford, who succeeded my father
in carrying into effect the great improvements proposed by him for the
Birmingham Canal, suggested a continuation of this (through the very
district which my brother, Jessop, and Chapman had proposed to carry
their railway), to connect it with the Bridgewater and Mersey canal to
Liverpool; this was accordingly executed, and, as regards a commercial
speculation, failed entirely, as it was soon superseded by railways.
The fact was, that Telford, having been bred in the old school, and
having seen the triumph of canals, could not, or would not, believe in
the efficacy of railways, or that they would ever succeed; and, indeed,
he laughed heartily when he had succeeded in supplanting my brother’s
line of railway from Birmingham to Liverpool by a canal. He had a strong
prejudice against railways, which he maintained until his death, in 1835.
He had just finished his great work the Holyhead Road, with the great
connecting suspension bridges of Conway and Bangor, and of which, with
good reason, he was justly proud, and could not bear the idea of their
being superseded by any other system of locomotion. Although an able
engineer in many respects, he was not much of a practical mechanic, and
very likely conscientiously thought that railways would not succeed. He
had done his work well in his own department, and was too old to learn
anything new. He died at a good old age, much respected and beloved by
those who knew him, and leaving numerous monuments behind him of his
engineering talents.
Another important line of railway which I proposed at this time was one
between London and Brighton, and I employed two very experienced and
competent surveyors, Messrs. Edward Grantham and Jago, who had frequently
been employed by my father to make surveys in various parts of England,
particularly in the region between London and Portsmouth, and the Weald
of Kent, so that they had a thorough knowledge of the district. After
examining the country myself, I directed that the line should commence
at Kennington Common, and proceed from thence by Clapham and Streatham
to the lower end of Croydon; from thence up Smitham Bottom valley to
the hill at Merstham, which was to be pierced by a tunnel; from thence
to Redhill, Horley, and the valley to the Cinder Banks at the base of
the ridge of hills called Tilgate Forest, where there was to be another
tunnel; from thence, skirting the left side of the valley near Balcombe,
to the valley of the Ouse, which was to be crossed by a viaduct, and
thence to Hayward’s Heath, between Lindfield and Cuckfield, where
it passed through another ridge of hills by a deep cutting; it then
proceeded direct to the Southdown hills, near Clayton Hill, which was
to be pierced by a tunnel; thence down the valley to Brighton, where it
terminated at the upper end of the town on the right side of the valley.
This line extended from Kennington Common to Brighton. The country is
very rugged, having three lofty ridges of hills running east and west,
which it was necessary to pass through, as there are no leading valleys
or gaps to facilitate the passage without going a long way round, which
would have defeated my object. This line might have been shortened
nearly a mile by going direct from Tilgate Forest to Cuckfield, but
the works would have been much heavier, and could scarcely have been
justified at the time, as the public were not prepared for such expensive
operations. I also employed Mr. Vignolles to survey another line from
Nine Elms, Vauxhall, by Dorking, Horsham, and Shoreham; from thence along
the coast to the west end of Brighton. This line, upon the whole, was
easier of execution than the other, but it was five miles longer, which
I considered objectionable, as my object was to lay down the shortest
possible line between the two termini, so as to render all future
competition out of the question. By this time I was so fully convinced
of the ultimate success of railways, both for speed and economy, that
I announced in the prospectus, that when the railway system had been
introduced into France, the journey from London to Paris might be made by
this route in twelve hours; however, at this period no passenger railway
had been completed, and therefore my statement was considered only as
a rough guess, which might never come to pass, and therefore a company
could not be formed. At the same time I employed competent persons to
make the survey for a coast line from Brighton to Worthing, Arundel,
Chichester, Havant, Portsmouth, Southampton, Salisbury, and thence to
Warminster, with the intention of extending it hereafter to Bristol.
The Manchester and Liverpool Railway was opened with great ceremony, when
the Duke of Wellington, then Premier, and Mr. Huskisson, the President
of the Board of Trade, attended. Unfortunately, the latter most able
Minister was killed, by being run over by one of the locomotives. Poor
Huskisson was standing between the two lines of rails, with the Duke
and several others, when the engine came up unexpectedly; he lost
his presence of mind, and took a wrong step, which ended in a death
universally deplored by the nation, as well as by his numerous friends.
The success of the Manchester and Liverpool railway having been
established, the next thing was to extend the line to Birmingham, and
a company was immediately formed for the purpose, with Mr. George
Stephenson as engineer. About the same time another line was projected
by his son Robert, from London to Birmingham, pursuing pretty nearly
the line of the old Grand Junction or Paddington Canal; this line was
longer than mine, led over much more difficult country, and did not pass
through the same number of towns and population, although it touched the
important city of Coventry.
My line commenced at Blackwall, and pursued the route of the Regent’s
Canal, nearly similar to the line of railway which my father had formerly
laid down.
There were two strong parties, one of which supported Stephenson’s line,
and the other mine; but ultimately Stephenson’s party was the strongest,
he carried his line by one or two votes, and the present London and
Birmingham railway was executed.
The route to Liverpool was unnecessarily long, and therefore a new line
was started to shorten the distance, called the Trent Valley Line, which
commenced at Rugby, and joined the Birmingham line at Stafford, thus
cutting off the angle at Birmingham, and saving a considerable distance.
This line was strongly opposed, but was carried, it is said, by the
influence of the late Sir R. Peel, and was executed, I believe, at the
cost of three millions. If my own and my brother’s line had been carried
out, this would have been unnecessary, as a branch to Stafford would
have sufficed for that and other towns, and Birmingham would have been
upon the main line. It is singular, also, that Telford’s canal, which
supplanted our line, has been absorbed by the adjacent railways.
Having now, in a rather rambling manner, brought my professional diary
so far, I must revert again to some incidents connected with my private
life. On the death of Sir Joseph Banks, Sir Humphry Davy was unanimously
elected President of the Royal Society in the year 1820, and I had the
honour of being elected Fellow, 1823.
I was elected member of the Travellers’ Club, 1822. This club was formed
in the year 1818, for the express purpose of associating travellers
together, and for promoting travelling. It was enacted that no person was
eligible to become a member unless he had travelled on the Continent, in
a direct line, 500 miles from London, and great things were expected from
it; but although it was the first travelling club established in London,
and contained amongst its members the most distinguished travellers, it
shortly degenerated into an ordinary club, and nothing has ever emanated
from it towards extending our knowledge of the globe, or in publishing
the travels of the numerous able men who belonged to it. Sir Arthur de
Capel Brooke, who was a member of it, and who travelled a good deal
himself, particularly in the north of Europe, going as far as the North
Cape, and who published an interesting account of his journey, spoke
to my brothers, myself, and numerous other travellers on the subject,
proposing to establish a new club, composed of none but distinguished
travellers; he suggested that this, in the first instance, should be
nothing more than a dining club, to meet once every month, saying that
travellers meeting together in this social manner would communicate
to each other their various voyages, and would stimulate each other
to further discoveries; that although a mere social club in the first
instance, in time some good would result, and that in the end a regular
scientific society might be established for the promotion of geography.
He accordingly collected together all the distinguished travellers of
the day, naval, military, and civil, and a most delightful society it
was; the result clearly proved Sir Arthur Brooke’s sagacity, for from
the Raleigh Club was originated the Royal Geographical Society. I am not
quite certain with whom the idea first originated, but I recollect that
at one meeting, when, amongst others, the late distinguished traveller
and Secretary to the Admiralty, Sir John Barrow, was present, an animated
conversation took place, to the effect that the Raleigh Club had been
in existence many years, and a very agreeable club it was; but, except
amusing each other with our adventures, we had done nothing towards
promoting our original intention, which was to stimulate discovery in
foreign lands, and to extend the knowledge of geography throughout the
world. I think Sir John Barrow then said, “Why cannot we establish a
real geographical society, and read papers, and publish transactions,
like other scientific societies?” The idea caught at once: the whole of
the members then present applauded it, and resolved to carry it into
effect. A committee was appointed, and every member, I think, of the club
joined. A general meeting was then called, members soon joined, and Sir
John Barrow was appointed first president; a council and vice-presidents
were chosen, a house was taken in Waterloo Place, Colonel Jackson was
chosen secretary, a royal charter was applied for and obtained, and the
society was duly instituted, under the name of the Royal Geographical
Society. This society, like all others in their infancy, had a good deal
to contend with; it went on well for a time, but at length it began to
languish. It required some man of weight and influence to devote his
time to it, to enlist the Government heartily in the cause, and to make
it understand that it was its interest, on the part of the public,
to promote the Society by every means in its power. Fortunately, at
that time the Society had in Sir Roderick Murchison the very man most
competent to undertake this arduous office. He worked hard; he convinced
the Government of the utility of the Society, and the many advantages
that would be afforded by its existence, as it could collect information
upon all geographical subjects, at far less expense than could be
obtained by any Government establishment; it would, moreover, stimulate
travellers to increased exertions, and accumulate a fund of geographical
information--knowledge that is so important to a commercial country like
our own.
The then head of the Government was so much struck by the representations
made to him of the value of the Society and of the advantage it would
be to the Government, that he resolved in the House of Commons to grant
500_l._ a year in aid of its funds. This at once revived the members’
spirits; they started, as it were afresh; the Society became exceedingly
popular, and there was no end of applications to be enrolled as members,
both from ladies and gentlemen, and ever since then it has been one of
the most, if not the most, popular societies of the day.
The old Raleigh Club, from which the Geographical Society originated,
having done its duty, and most of its original members having succumbed
to time, there was no longer any necessity for its existence; but as all
scientific societies have their dining clubs, which meet on the days of
the societies’ meetings, it was resolved to merge the Raleigh into the
Geographical Club.
In the year 1824, John Wilson Croker, Esq., originated the Athenæum
Club, for men distinguished in science, literature, and art, and asked
me to become a member. I was only too happy to be associated with such a
company as he collected together.
Sir Humphry Davy, in the year 1825, originated the Zoological Society,
and asked me to join, which I did most willingly, and perhaps it has been
the most popular and successful of any modern society of that kind. It
commenced operations by purchasing the well-known Cross collection of
Exeter ’Change, in which in my early days I took an especial delight;
for, considering all things, it was a very wonderful collection, and it
is difficult to understand how, in such a confined and unhealthy spot,
it could have been maintained in such good condition. The only other
exhibition of the kind in London was at the Tower; the collection of
animals there consisted of presents from the sovereigns of different
countries. These were afterwards lent to the Zoological Society, who
established their museum in the Regent’s Park, and, taking it altogether,
it is probably the finest and best maintained in the world.
[4] The blast-pipe, also, was one of the most important
improvements. Previous to this invention it was necessary to
employ bellows to keep up the fire in the boiler, and these
were worked by the engine, so that a good deal of power was
wasted in order to keep the furnace going, and the greater
the speed, the greater the power necessary to work the
bellows; moreover, the waste steam ejected from the cylinders
was constantly puffing out in the faces of the drivers, so
that they could not see clearly before them. This was a
great annoyance, which they were most anxious to get rid of,
but nobody seemed to know how. At last, either Stephenson,
Hackworth, or Booth, or somebody else, whilst driving an
engine, and being much annoyed by the blowing in their faces,
said, “Confound the steam; let us send it up the chimney.” A
pipe was accordingly made, connecting the cylinder with the
chimney, so that the discharged steam might be ejected through
it into the chimney. When this alteration was made, the engine
was again tried, and to their astonishment they not only got
rid of the annoyance of the steam, but the bellows were of no
use, and the faster the engine went the more vigorous became
the fire. Upon thinking over this coolly, the mystery was
soon explained, for the hot steam being discharged into the
comparatively cold chimney, a vacuum was produced, and the
air rushed through the furnace to fill up the vacuum; the
faster the engine went the greater the amount of steam sent
up the chimney, and the more active the draught through the
furnace. The bellows became wholly unnecessary, so much power
was saved, and the nuisance of the escaping steam was entirely
got rid of. This was really a great step towards in rendering
the locomotive more effective; and it is very difficult to
ascertain to whom the improvement is justly due.