therefore, came of a noble lineage; and his mother was a Seymour,
named Sarah-Frances, like the Puritan dames who have been re-animated
by the genius of Walter Scott. Robert Stewart, like the rest of the
youth of Great Britain, had pursued his studies at the University of
Cambridge; and, on leaving college, he had precipitated himself into
this romantic sort of life, some said from his love for the fisherman's
daughter, while others, on the contrary, declared such a passage was
merely incidental to his eccentric life, like a wreath of wild flowers
on the brow of a Scandinavian warrior. He, however, led a generous
life, for money appeared to be of no value to him; and he spent largely
in constructing little ports for the fishermen, and distributing among
them boats of a superior construction, like a beneficent deity. Such
is the great source of the power enjoyed by the English aristocracy.
While their public life is passed in the midst of cities, their private
life is in the country. All that was benevolent in the old feudal
system is still to be found in their castles: from their turrets flow
the alms still, as in ancient times, conferred upon the people; the
donjon is converted into a dispensary, where medicines and assistance
are afforded to the sick. And thus the aristocracy reign over the
peasantry, in virtue of the powerful aid they are ready to afford to
all who require it in their neighbourhood.
Nevertheless, the wish to distinguish himself in public life began to
animate the heart of young Stewart. Parliament appears necessary to
the youth of Great Britain, and it is there they prepare themselves
for political life, taking their place among the Whigs or Tories
according to a certain order of political principles. It was necessary
the Stewarts should have seats in the Irish parliament, for they had a
great stake in the country; but, owing to the family being Protestants,
the election was violently contested, and cost the successful candidate
thirty thousand pounds. These corruptions are a general rule in
England, and they even add to the strength of the country; for there
is no danger a bad choice should result from them, every thing being
fixed according to settled rules; every thing is so well foreseen and
organised by the mechanical arrangements made, that the elections that
take place are always of men of safe principles. Pecuniary corruption
in the existence of states often acts as a corrective of another, and
far more injurious, corruption for a people--I mean ideas tending to
revolutionary principles.
The Irish parliament, then still existing, was a great cause of
disorder in the unity of the British government, until the illustrious
Pitt placed every thing under the common law of the triple crown. There
is something strange and perfectly inconsistent in the pretensions of
Ireland. The people profess to respect the Union without ever wishing
to depart from it; and then they claim a parliament for themselves,
and desire something resembling a republic independent of England. Let
them exult in their Catholic emancipation; they have a right to do so,
and cannot value it too highly. But do they wish still to make part of
the British empire?--do they wish the harp of Erin still to hold her
place on the escutcheon of England? Alone, Ireland cannot subsist. Her
commerce is supported by the vast trade of England: she only exists by
means of the colonies, and the day she ceases to be English she will be
ruined. What, then, is the meaning of all those revolts, those protests
on all occasions, which serve no purpose except that of conferring a
certain sort of renown upon street orators and demagogues?
The election of Robert Stewart, however, though anti-Catholic, was not
ministerial; for he promised on the hustings to support parliamentary
reform, and on taking his seat in the House of Commons he placed
himself on the opposition benches. This was a sort of sacrifice to
popularity necessary from all statesmen at the beginning of their
career, and the most powerful have not been exempt from paying this
tribute to rhetoric. However, even at that time, young Stewart
appeared to keep within certain limits of order and principles; and,
avoiding declamation, he spoke seriously, and restrained himself while
speaking. He was not an orator with a sonorous, reverberating voice,
who, by means of biting epigrams, drew peals of laughter from his
auditors. His speeches bore the impress of the Toryism of his family,
and all his inclinations were those of an eminently Conservative mind.
England and Ireland were at this time agitated more especially by two
questions; the first was parliamentary reform, and the other the free
commerce of Ireland with the colonies. On the first of these points,
the Castlereagh family, like the Wellesleys, considered it absurd to
impose upon the Catholics a conscientious oath, which would exclude
them from participating in the benefit of the elections; but, at the
same time, was it not very unwise to prepare an indefinite reform,
which would overturn the whole of the social condition of Great
Britain? It was with a view to the admission of the Catholics into
parliament that the Irish Tories became friends with the opposition;
they shewed themselves favourably inclined to the emancipation of those
who differed with them in belief, and at the same time opposed to
radical reform: and this last subject was the cause of Castlereagh's
withdrawal from the Irish agitators, who now began to aim murderous
blows at the Union.
Robert Stewart, also, considered that Ireland could not with justice be
deprived of an extensive commerce with the colonies. What was the use
of a system which made all the advantages fall to the share of England
and Scotland, without allowing the essentially agricultural population
of Ireland, to participate in them? Young Stewart defended the
interests of Ireland with energy and great ability, and he immediately
attracted the attention of those in power, more especially the Marquis
of Buckingham and Lord Westmoreland.
The rebellion in Ireland took place at this juncture; the people
were determined to separate themselves from the English crown; the
time was past when the questions raised by the opposition were those
of religious liberty or political independence; they now wanted to
establish a sort of Irish republic, under the protection of the
democracy that was then setting Europe in a blaze. Treasonable
correspondence with the French republic could not fail to place the
society of United Irishmen without the pale of the constitution and
of all patriotic feelings. Ireland called for the assistance of
foreigners, and a strong party was naturally formed to oppose these
evil designs. The Orangemen, who sided with the government, organised
the yeomanry--a sort of feudal system against the insurgents, and
a civil war broke out in Ireland at the time of the expeditions to
their coasts, commanded by Generals Hoche and Humbert. The members
of parliament could not venture on further hesitation; for it was
necessary either to take part with the United Irishmen supported by
foreigners, or to declare for the government of Mr. Pitt. Robert
Stewart, who had just acquired the title of Castlereagh, upon his
father being created Earl of Londonderry, exhibited no indecision as
to the course he was to pursue, and from this time forth he was always
firmly convinced that the only real statesmen are those who know how to
repress the tumultuous movements of popular excitement.
He now devoted himself to repressive measures, with the energy that
formed the basis of his character. He had been appointed secretary for
Ireland under Lord Camden, and by this means became identified with
the Orange party. It was principally owing to his vigorous measures
that the insurrection was brought to a termination, for he never was
arrested by any of the trifling obstacles which often form the ruin
of causes; he considered it necessary the government should display
perfect inflexibility, for the salvation of the country was at stake:
amnesties were granted, it is true, but not until the tumult was
over and the rebels had laid down their arms. During this struggle
Lord Castlereagh was particularly distinguished for the strength and
importance he conferred upon the Orange party, consisting of men of
property who were formed into a body for the defence of their land.
Lord Cornwallis was able, after a time, to succeed Lord Camden in the
government of Ireland, and the repressive system had then produced
such a state of security, that the government considered the season of
pardon and oblivion to have arrived.
The most violent hatred was now aroused against Lord Castlereagh:
it is, alas! the fate of all who by violent means restore order in
a country, for they occasion discontent, and all the spirits whose
turbulence had troubled the country are, of course, opposed to them;
because their proceedings have been severe, people insist that they
have been sanguinary. These invectives of the Irish did not permit
Lord Cornwallis to retain Lord Castlereagh as secretary, he therefore
gave in his resignation; for, in peaceful times, the men who commanded
during the storm are no longer required, and when the tempest is over
the services of the hardy pilot are scarcely remembered: thus Marquis
Cornwallis, whose government was distinguished for its indulgence,
no longer required the inflexible hand of the former secretary. No
part of his conduct, however, had escaped the vast intellect of the
statesman then at the head of the English government. Mr. Pitt had
discovered the secretary for Ireland to possess an inflexible mind,
which, when once convinced of the expediency of any measure, was
capable of making every exertion, and encountering every risk, in order
to carry out an idea he had formed; and this kind of disposition must
have been particularly satisfactory to Mr. Pitt at a time when England
was threatened with so many dangers. In unsettled times, the presence
of men of firm and determined characters, who will prevent society
from falling to pieces, is of the greatest importance to a government.
From this moment, a communication took place between Pitt and Lord
Castlereagh. The great minister required a powerful supporter in the
definitive question of the parliamentary union of Ireland and England;
for the late disturbances, and more especially the unfortunate appeal
to a foreign power, and to the leaders of the French revolution, had
inspired Mr. Pitt with a firm conviction, that neither strength nor
order were to be hoped for, except through the means of the Union, and
that the existence of the Irish parliament was in direct opposition to
the spirit of centralisation, which can alone secure the prosperity
and glory of a country. After every insurrection Ireland was losing
some portion of her freedom,--a fate always prepared by agitators for
those who trust too much to their words! A nation obtains concessions
only when it remains in a quiescent position, and when its well-founded
complaints are uttered with calm sobriety of manner; silent suffering
produces a great effect on the minds of the beholders, and the feeling
of justice exercises an unspeakable influence. Lord Castlereagh in the
Irish parliament made himself the zealous champion of Mr. Pitt, in his
plan for uniting the two parliaments; the country comprehended the
advantages to be derived from this measure, and it was decided that
the three crowns of England, Scotland, and Ireland, ought to form one
great whole, which would hereafter be the support of the Continent
when threatened with danger. Pitt was highly satisfied with Lord
Castlereagh's speech for the Union; he was summoned by the ministerial
party to the united House of Commons, and appointed president of
the Board of Control for the affairs of India. This is one of the
appointments conferred in England by the ministers upon the talented
men with whom they surround themselves, for the sake of their support
in parliament.
No man could be better acquainted with the situation of Ireland than
Lord Castlereagh, or more perfectly aware of all the resources of the
Orange party which could be employed for the purpose of repression.
This knowledge rendered him a person of great importance, for the prime
minister was then anxious to put into execution the union between
England and Ireland, which had been decided upon in parliament, and
Lord Castlereagh, who by his profound acquaintance with the moral
topography of Ireland was the man most calculated to realise this
design, was consulted upon all the measures to be pursued. Mr. Pitt
especially possessed the practical genius which enabled him to discover
men of particular capacity, and around him were a multitude of young
and clever men, each with his appointed station and employment. The
system of under-secretaries of state in England produces wonderful
results; it gives to affairs their full developement, enabling the
statesman to confine himself to generalities, both of ideas and
systems, while the young under-secretaries devote all their energies to
the statistics of detail and the internal administration. Thus was Lord
Castlereagh situated; a man of an inflexible and laborious disposition,
who never arrived at a general idea except by means of the most careful
and minute study of all the circumstances.
This special knowledge of affairs caused Lord Castlereagh to be
retained even during Mr. Addington's ministry, which lasted but a very
short time, and was succeeded by Mr. Pitt's still more decided plans
against the French revolution. Addington signed the peace of Amiens,
and Castlereagh, as president of the Board of Trade, had to deliberate
upon all the measures which augmented the commercial relations of
England with India and the colonies. He assumed no position as a
political character, for he did not agree with the ideas entertained
by Addington, and he, therefore, completely gave himself up to his
duties at the Board of Control and to the affairs of Ireland. His heart
was full of detestation for France, and, in imitation of his master,
he allowed this administration to pass without taking any part in it.
As a reward for his conduct on this occasion, Pitt, on resuming his
situation at the head of affairs, gave him the portfolio of the War
department.
It is necessary to observe that Pitt's great ambition was that all
the various departments should be entirely dependent upon him; he did
not like to have any men about him except those of his school, or
immediately attached to his system,--his _fides Achates_, as they were
classically termed by Dundas; and among these young men the names of
Castlereagh and Canning are especially resplendent: both were subject
to his power, but of essentially opposite characters, and jealous of
each other. Castlereagh was so firm and decided, that he never gave up
an idea he had once formed; his manner of speaking was slow, and rather
heavy, but serious, and never thoughtless. Canning, on the contrary,
was sarcastic, and rather inclined to classic declamation; an orator,
rather spoiled from a constant striving after effect. Castlereagh was
often listened to with impatience, nevertheless, he generally attained
his object; while Canning, by the generality of people, was only viewed
in the light of an eloquent speaker. Castlereagh was a statesman;
Canning, a man of words, rather theatrical, not to be relied on, and
with an indescribable levity of language and purpose. Castlereagh
would have laid down his life for his party, or for an idea; Canning
was a renegade to his party, he supported every thing with ability,
and gloried in his oratorical triumphs, at the very time he was
compromising his cabinet.
When Pitt, their illustrious chief, died broken-hearted by the victory
of Austerlitz, the king considered it indispensable, in order to
conclude a peace with France, that Fox and Grenville, the leaders of
the Whigs, should assume the ministry; it was an unfortunate attempt,
often repeated in England. Fox, and all his friends, shewed themselves
perfectly devoid of political knowledge, and they also evinced extreme
incapacity, which gave occasion to the remark that a Whig ministry was
a misfortune both for the country and for the party itself; for the
country, because it compromises it, and for the party, because the
Whigs always forfeit their reputation, throwing away, in a ministry
which lasted fifteen months, the fruit of fifteen years of popularity.
As might be expected, Canning and Castlereagh were the most violent
opponents of Fox's cabinet. The debates in parliament during this
ministry form a curious study; Canning and Castlereagh did not like
each other, though they were on the same side of the question, and
this was mainly owing to the difference in their talents, as well as
in the character of their minds and intellects. Castlereagh attacked
the administration by means of reasoning, an appeal to figures, and a
sort of traditional influence, which produced a great effect upon the
Tories; while Canning, on the contrary, trusted to poetical sallies, or
ridicule. Above all, Fox was out of place at the head of affairs.
Men whose whole life is passed in attacking others, are essentially
in a bad position when they assume the direction of affairs; they are
unable to breathe, they are neither free nor happy in this sphere, for
it is not congenial to them. The men of business, on the contrary,
who are for a short time in the opposition, become very dangerous
opponents, especially if they possess a flow of language and a quick
and earnest manner; as they have seen a great deal, they preserve an
incontestable degree of authority while reproaching the opposition with
succeeding no better than _they_ did when in power, and with imitating
awkwardly the very conduct they had formerly attacked with great
violence. The men who declaim are not to be feared; the only really
formidable adversaries are those who have had much experience in the
course of events.
The wretched administration of Lord Grey, after the death of Fox, was
a continuation of the Whig politics. His lordship had at all times
been rather the bulwark than leader of his party, and the tool of the
able men who availed themselves of his high reputation: there are
generally in politics some characters who serve as a stalking-horse for
certain opinions; they have a great name, which is taken hold of, to be
employed or absorbed according to circumstances.
The ministry of Lord Grey, and Grenville, only lasted for a few
months after the death of Fox, for the continental questions began to
assume so serious an aspect that it was not possible for the Whigs
to direct them. Fox had been desirous of a peace with France--one of
those bastard truces attempted by Addington at the peace of Amiens;
but how was it possible there should be peace between two such proud
and powerful authorities as Napoleon and the English aristocracy?
the irrevocable fall of one or other of the parties was inevitable.
Austerlitz had given birth to Fox's ministry, and the awaking of
Prussia from the torpor in which she had been plunged brought about
the fall of the Whigs. The Duke of Portland, belonging to the moderate
Tory party, undertook the difficult and painful task of directing the
affairs of Great Britain, and the two most determined and unvarying
opponents of the former administration were naturally included in the
present ministry: as I have before observed, they were men of perfectly
different characters. Castlereagh returned to the War Office, with
the detail of which he was perfectly well acquainted; and Canning was
appointed minister for foreign affairs, as being the favourite pupil of
Pitt and the inheritor of his doctrines.
From this time a peace with France was no longer thought of; that idea
gave place to the determination to engage in a fierce and implacable
war against Napoleon, who had now reached the _apogée_ of his glory,
and on this point the opinion of Lord Castlereagh was firm and
unvarying. His great object was to find the leaven of war, on that
continent now humbled under the sword of the Emperor; and, by means of
secret springs, to arouse the governments and people, crushed beneath
his gigantic power. The influence of France extended from Cadiz to
Hamburg, from Antwerp to Trieste; Austria had made peace with her
after the sad defeat at Austerlitz; and Prussia, after appearing for a
moment as if roused to resistance, had again bowed beneath the yoke.
Germany was subject to the Confederation of the Rhine; Switzerland to
the predominant mediation of the French empire; Italy was in a state of
vassalage under the Iron crown; at Tilsit a friendship had been formed
between Russia and France, and the two emperors were about to meet
again at Erfurt, to cement the alliance projected at Tilsit, and divide
the world between them.
England, therefore, stood _alone_ in the struggle now fiercely
undertaken against Napoleon. Castlereagh, who held the same opinions
that Mr. Pitt had done, resolutely rejected every attempt at peace with
a power whose principle had hitherto been to grasp at every thing,
and which appeared resolved it should continue so to be. The Duke of
Portland had a degree of rashness, and something chivalrous, in his
disposition, which led him to engage boldly in the struggle; and the
new connexion between Lord Castlereagh and the Duke of Wellington gave
him a sort of pre-eminence in the cabinet, which offended the vanity
of Canning. Like all political speakers, the minister for foreign
affairs aimed at power, and, because he possessed a happy facility in
quoting some classical verses acquired at the University, he considered
himself fitted to occupy a higher situation than Castlereagh, whose
speech was slow and embarrassed. This jealousy increased after the
brilliant expedition to Copenhagen, in which the minister of war had
displayed very great ability, and the arrangements of which were so
perfectly successful that the Danish fleet remained in the power of the
English. The opposition in vain declared it was an iniquitous action,
contrary to all the principles of the law of nations: but necessity has
no law; and was it not absolutely necessary that Great Britain should
prevent the coalition of the Danish squadron and the fleet of Antwerp?
The lukewarm neutrality of Denmark was not a sufficient guarantee to
England, and it was indispensable either to force that government to
declare itself, or to destroy a fleet which lay too near the formidable
arsenal of Napoleon. Mr. Canning was very jealous of his ministerial
colleague; he had always considered himself to hold the first place
since the death of Mr. Pitt, and he could not bear that another should
share in this renown: this enmity soon burst forth in a striking
manner.
The active diplomatic proceedings of England on the Continent had
excited the fears of Austria, as to the probable results of a war;
the interview at Erfurt determined the cabinet of Vienna to take arms
against Napoleon, and England immediately contracted a league of
offence and defence with Austria, based upon subsidies which she agreed
to furnish.