Spain, great dissatisfaction had existed in the French empire against
the insatiable ambition of Buonaparte; and several ministers, as for
instance Talleyrand and Fouché, had begun to look forward to the
possibility of the death or downfall of the Emperor. When generals
like Bernadotte were out of favour, one might easily imagine that,
in case of the death of Napoleon, or of a military insurrection, the
vast empire raised by one man would fall into complete decay and
dissolution. This was, from henceforward, the groundwork of the plans
of England. It was intended an English army should land in Holland,
at the same time that Austria should open the war by an immense
military demonstration, and thus effect a rapid popular insurrection.
The thing Lord Castlereagh considered of the most importance was the
destruction of the fleet and arsenal of Antwerp, in the same manner
as the capture of the Danish fleet had formerly been effected; he
therefore, as minister of war, made immense preparations for the
Walcheren expedition; but,--must it be said?--here commenced the
treachery of Mr. Canning towards his country and his colleague. It is
incontestable that Mr. Canning furnished information to Fouché, to let
him know the intentions of Lord Castlereagh;[51] for when jealousy
has taken possession of the heart it listens to nothing. As to his
conduct towards his colleague, Canning persuaded the Duke of Portland
to get rid of Lord Castlereagh, as a man of a harsh and inflexible
disposition, incapable of conducting the war department, or of
directing or supporting a debate. In parliament, Mr. Canning wanted to
rule over the Tory party, and Lord Castlereagh was an obstacle to his
ambitious designs.
[51] This assertion is untrue, and not borne out by any
evidence.--_Editor._
The Walcheren expedition failed, and explanations naturally took place
between the colleagues. Unfortunate catastrophes are always followed
by harsh and bitter words, because no one is willing to stand by the
consequences. A feeling was raised against Lord Castlereagh, who
was denounced by the Whigs as unfit for his situation. "How had it
happened," said they, "that a fine English army had been thus plunged
into sickness and misery?" Lord Castlereagh was obliged to defend
himself, and the storm which was growling around him rendered it
impossible for him to retain his situation; but he wrote a sharp and
angry letter, openly accusing Canning, if not of actual treason, at
least of underhand practices, which had occasioned all these disasters.
Canning replied in a confused manner, by details on the delays that
had taken place in the departure of troops, and the wrong address
of the despatches; he was only ardent and cutting when he came to
personal recriminations against Castlereagh, who, deeply offended, sent
a challenge to his adversary. He was thus returning to the early and
poetic part of his existence, to the reminiscences of the eccentric
youth on the shores of Lough Foyle, where he had fought a duel in the
Scandinavian fashion; and now, when he was a serious and reflecting
statesman, he considered that in personal questions the only means
of terminating a quarrel was by a personal encounter. Canning and
Castlereagh fought with pistols: in England people are ready to lay
down their lives for an idea or a system; both were brave men, and
would not draw back, but Castlereagh was the most fortunate, for
Canning was severely wounded. The resignation of the minister of war
was nevertheless accepted, while Canning continued in office, and the
Duke of Portland pursued the middle course which had occasioned the
rupture between his two colleagues.
The situation of parties and of affairs is sometimes such, that a
man is possessed of more influence when out of the cabinet than when
he actually forms one of the ministry; and the firm and inflexible
attitude of Lord Castlereagh, and his implacable hatred towards France,
secured him a degree of ascendancy among the Tories, which Canning
had striven for in vain. The Wellesleys, then rendered so powerful
by the successes of the Duke of Wellington, shared their credit
with the ex-minister; and he followed in parliament the energetic
political system which infallibly leads to the downfall of all feeble
or temporising measures. The ministry of the Duke of Portland and Mr.
Canning had already taken some steps towards peace with Buonaparte,
but Castlereagh was constantly opposed to it; he agreed with the
ministers whenever repressive measures, or any plan favourable to
Conservative ideas was in debate, but opposed them when they were
inclined to make any concessions to Whiggism, or the idea of peace. By
this skilful conduct he gradually rose in public estimation, and when
the unfortunate death of Mr. Perceval occasioned the dissolution of the
ministry, the Tories proposed Lord Castlereagh as minister for foreign
affairs in the room of Mr. Canning.
The situation of Europe at this time rendered it imperatively necessary
that the conduct of England should be decided and full of energy.
Though it can hardly be said that war was actually on the point of
breaking out on the Continent, there were every where the elements
of an universal conflagration: Spain had hoisted the signal of
independence, and the English armies extended in the Peninsula, from
Lisbon to Cadiz. Immediately after he had taken charge of the Foreign
Office, Lord Castlereagh was called upon to explain himself concerning
the question of peace or war with France. Buonaparte was then on
the eve of undertaking the Russian campaign, and in order to give
an undeniable proof of his pacific inclinations, and also as a lure
to public opinion, he caused M. Maret to write to Lord Castlereagh,
proposing peace upon what he termed easy and simple conditions, which
reduced themselves to the following points. At Naples and at Madrid,
the actual dynasty, and in Portugal and Sicily also the reigning
dynasty (without any further explanation). The English minister,
being closely connected with Russia, had little inclination to treat
with Napoleon; and it was no doubt sarcastically that he proposed the
following question to M. Maret,--"First of all, it is necessary to
understand what dynasty you are speaking of; in Spain, is it Ferdinand
VII. or Joseph Buonaparte? At Naples, is it the House of Bourbon or
Murat, that is considered as the actual dynasty?" And when M. Maret
replied that his majesty Don Joseph and his majesty Joachim were meant,
Lord Castlereagh, with proper spirit, declared any further proceedings
were out of the question, because he had nothing to do with these
usurpers,--it was only with the legitimate sovereigns of Spain and
Naples that England had any connexion. The accession of the leader of
the active Tory party, therefore, caused the politics of England to
assume a firmer attitude respecting all the affairs of Europe. When
Buonaparte undertook his adventurous expedition against Russia, the
English minister turned his closest and most careful attention upon
Turkey and Sweden, both of which possessed powerful means of action.
The negotiation feebly entered into by the agents of M. Maret, had been
rendered abortive by the abrupt and imperative character of Buonaparte;
and Lord Castlereagh, more fortunate and more adroit, went direct to
his object with regard to Bernadotte and the Porte. He knew the Crown
Prince was displeased with the haughtiness of Napoleon, and offered
him subsidies if he would maintain a strict neutrality, reserving to
himself the chance of future events. In his relations with Europe he
was still more fortunate in bringing about the peace of Bucharest,
which left the Czar master of all his forces. This plan of increasing
the strength of the enemies of Buonaparte, and thus depriving him of
the necessary alliances, was an admirable mode of attack. The peace of
Bucharest enabled the Czar to advance with the army, which attacked
Napoleon on the flank and encircled him in its vast coils; and the
neutrality observed by Sweden permitted to Russia the disposition of
her forces near Riga--a circumstance that did more towards causing the
defection of Prussia than people are aware.
The active mind of Lord Castlereagh, and the determined energy which
distinguished his character, were more especially manifested in the
European movement which led to the fall of Napoleon. In 1813, the whole
continent was full of English agents; they were everywhere--at Vienna,
at Berlin, and at Stockholm, and even among the secret societies of
Germany: for the Tories perceived that the time was come for them to
act with vigour, and put an end to the power by which they had so
long been threatened. Parliament never presented a more animated or
truly national spectacle, or evinced a more unanimous devotion to the
cause supported by the old English aristocracy; no sacrifice appeared
too great, and subsidies were granted almost without limitation. The
disasters of Moscow had inflamed all hearts, and with the assistance
of one magic word, _Liberation_, the plans most hostile to Napoleon
were realised. Treaties of alliance and subsidy were concluded by Lord
Castlereagh with almost all the powers of Europe; and in order more
completely to identify himself with his system, the minister appointed
his brother, Sir Charles Stewart, to a special mission to the courts
of Prussia and Sweden. This officer, now Marquis of Londonderry, was
sent as commissioner with the English armies, and has himself published
his despatches addressed to him whom he mentions as his illustrious
brother. The English commissioners, who all received appointments both
military and political, were at the same time soldiers, negotiating
agents, and commandants of troops. We see in these despatches the
painful efforts made by Sir Charles Stewart to produce some degree of
unity in the coalesced camp. As England was paying armies to the right
and left, with unheard-of liberality, she was desirous of retaining the
political direction of events in her own hands, and as this supremacy
encountered obstacles raised by the spirit of calculation and of
self-love, it was necessary to be perpetually engaged in discussions
with the generals-in-chief and the government. Sir Charles was at that
time a young man, with a warm temper and some pride of birth; and
Bernadotte, in spite of his doubtful position, preserved a certain
degree of personal dignity: this led to perpetual differences of
opinion, and even to quarrels, which required the skilful and moderate
interference of the Russian commissioner, Count Pozzo di Borgo. Sir
Charles having conceived a feeling of mistrust regarding Bernadotte,
no doubt with reason, watched him closely, and his elevated position
as brother to the Prime Minister of England invested him with an
undoubted superiority in all negotiations. The attitude of England at
that time was so proud! I am not acquainted with any period in the
history of empires more magnificent, from the energy displayed, than
that of England from the year 1792 to 1814; and this energy led to
the general rising of Europe against Napoleon. Castlereagh was the
soul of it, for the elements of which the English ministry were then
composed were subject to his power; indeed when a character of great
strength is anywhere met with, every thing gives way to his influence,
for a superior mind never fails to be acknowledged. Lord Liverpool was
no doubt a man of great consideration, and he held the first place
officially in the cabinet; but when Europe began to rouse herself from
her sleep, Castlereagh gave so powerful an impulse to the English
diplomacy that it very soon ruled the world: let us now see what an
immense task she had to perform.
Europe, with all her desire of acting vigorously against Buonaparte,
possessed neither money nor credit, and this to such a degree, that
Prussia, for instance, had not a million of florins at her disposal;
England not only provided subsidies, but also the means of negotiating
loans: she became security for Prussia, Austria, and Russia; thus
taking upon herself the credit of the world. The whole of the subsidies
were not paid in money--arms, clothing, and provisions were also sent;
and this extraordinary effort gave employment to her machinery, work
to the labouring classes, and immense occupation to her mercantile
navy. Her inexhaustible liberality demanded in return the abatement of
the tariffs and free entry for her manufactures; by which means she
regained a great portion of the advantages she afforded. In order
to be convinced of this, it is only necessary to consult the rate of
exchange for that period, which was almost always in favour of London;
that is to say, that while she appeared to be furnishing money, it was
merely changing the location of her funds. Hamburg, Frankfort, Vienna,
and Berlin, were in debt to London, and the loans thus compensated
themselves; shewing the prodigious strength of the commercial
principle, and the magnificent power of an aristocratic state, directed
by a superior mind.
The principal object Lord Castlereagh had in view was to bring about
a degree of persevering unity in the European coalition; it was the
ruling idea of Mr. Pitt and the labour of his life: but the statesman
had so often failed in his object. The weakness of Europe against
Buonaparte resulted from its divisions, from its conflicting interests,
and the separation of one cabinet from another; it was therefore
necessary to unite them all in one common cause, and this was not the
least difficult task he had to perform. If they might reckon upon the
willingness of Russia to proceed to extremities against Napoleon, if
the national spirit had been roused in Prussia to strive earnestly
for the fall of the Emperor, were they likely to meet with the same
concurrence, the same absolute devotion on the part of Austria, and of
Sweden under Bernadotte? What obstacles and opposition Lord Castlereagh
had to encounter in the course of the year 1813, at the time of the
armistice of Plesswitz and the congress of Prague! Fresh discussions
were incessantly started, and the coalition was repeatedly ready to
fall to pieces, from the selfish tendencies of private interests. As
for him he had but one object, one desire--the fall of Napoleon and
the dissolution of the French Empire, and no words can express the
power possessed by a man who has one idea constantly present to his
mind, and follows it up with undeviating energy. The dissolution of the
congress of Prague was occasioned by this absorbing passion in the mind
of Lord Castlereagh, who induced Metternich to engage more decidedly in
the coalition; he was like the intrepid hunter who sounds the halloo in
pursuit of the stag at bay.
The vast plan he had conceived rested upon two points--exertion on the
part of the various governments to promote the march of troops, and a
general rising among the people to second the efforts of the cabinets.
The material impulse was given by Russia, and he allowed it to proceed
and develope itself, well knowing the example of that great power would
be followed by Prussia and Austria, and that their efforts would be
sufficient for the liberation of Germany. It then became necessary in
the north to urge Sweden to take the field, and with her Denmark and
Holland; all his efforts were therefore directed to this point, and
gave rise to the mission of Sir Charles Stewart and General Graham. He
considered there would be no difficulty in inducing a revolt among the
oppressed Dutch and Belgian population, and a popular movement would
bring about the restoration of the House of Orange; while in the south
the armies of England overspread Spain and Portugal, and France was
thus attacked at both extremities at the same time. This has always
been the favourite political system of England; by acquiring influence
in Spain and Portugal, and also in Belgium, she prevents France from
affecting her either commercially or diplomatically; and as English
statesmen, in what situation soever they may be placed, never lose
sight of the hereditary diplomatic traditions, one plan is transmitted
through many generations, in the same manner that it formerly descended
in our monarchy, when under the dominion of kings, and of able and
distinguished ministers. Nothing is done in that country from a sudden
impulse; every plan is maturely weighed, and England in the nineteenth
century is swayed by the same principles as in the sixteenth.
Lord Castlereagh's task, however, increased in difficulty as the allied
armies drew near France, and their interests became more personal
and more divided. It then became a question whether Austria would be
willing to overturn France, and whether the Emperor Francis would
sacrifice his son-in-law; there was also a doubt whether Russia would
consent to the proposed augmentation of Austria and Prussia, which
would add so considerably to their importance; and in addition to all
the other questions, what compensation was likely to be awarded to
England? Such were the difficulties that arose at every step after
the Allies had reached the Rhine, until at last Pozzo di Borgo was
despatched to England, with the firm determination to induce Lord
Castlereagh, if possible, to visit the Continent; his presence now
seemed really indispensable amidst the clashing of ideas and interests,
which threatened to lead to the dissolution of the coalition. England
alone was capable of reconciling all their wishes, and restoring to the
various forces the unity which, like the bundle of sticks in the fable,
rendered them invincible when united, though each separately would be
easily overcome.
Lord Castlereagh arrived on the Continent to confer with Lord Aberdeen,
Lord Cathcart, and his own brother Sir Charles Stewart; and from this
time the influence of the British legation was complete and paramount.
The intervention of the English minister was indispensable, as I
have before observed, to fortify the bonds of cohesion between the
various cabinets, and more especially for the purpose of enforcing
the principle, that no treaty was possible with Napoleon. In the
conferences that took place between Metternich and M. de St. Aignan
at Frankfort, the English legation observed that the Allies appeared
rather inclined to a pacific arrangement, which would leave the Rhine
as the boundary of the French empire, and would consequently include
Belgium; but never would England have consented to a proceeding which
would abandon Antwerp to France: she had too long coveted her fleet and
great arsenal, and many had been the expeditions she had undertaken
with that object!
The opinion of Castlereagh was therefore inflexible; France, he
declared, must be reduced within her ancient limits, and this
resolution led to the conviction that with the ancient frontiers
the ancient dynasty would be necessary. It was not that the English
minister had entered into any engagements with the house of Bourbon;
the Tories might consider the restoration of Louis XVIII. as a
desirable circumstance after the general disorder that had existed
in Europe, but it did not make one of the necessary conditions of
a general peace, for the selfishly English interest was paramount
over every other consideration. This state of affairs is evident in
the correspondence between Lord Castlereagh and the French princes
who had taken refuge in England; and though he might insinuate to
the Comte d'Artois and the Duc d'Angoulême that they might appear
on the Continent, he would not officially approve of their conduct,
so as not to make the restoration a necessary condition for the
re-establishment of peace. This caution affords an explanation of the
Duke of Wellington's conduct after the battle of the Pyrenees; he made
no objections to the Duke of Angoulême's presence in the south of
France, but the white flag was not hoisted, because Lord Castlereagh
was completely engaged in the negotiations at Châtillon.
In these conferences, so fatal to our interests, the predominance of
the English minister was manifested in the highest degree. As England
furnished the subsidies, she exercised very great influence over
the movements of the Allies, and Lord Castlereagh's language often
assumed an imperious tone. Upon the first hesitation manifested by
Austria, he declared that England would no longer be security for the
money borrowed by the cabinet of Vienna, if they should attempt to
enter into a separate treaty; and he was supported in his design of
a general unity against Napoleon by Pozzo di Borgo, who had not left
his side since they had travelled together from London. In fact, he
was convinced it was not possible to make a treaty with Buonaparte.
What peace would there be for Europe as long as he continued to wear
the French crown? Had they not for many years been engaged in a
protracted and constantly recurring struggle? For this reason, upon
firm conviction, he supported as a statesman the maxim adopted by the
Tory party,--_The ancient territory and the ancient dynasty_.
Although Lord Castlereagh held no acknowledged diplomatic office at
the congress of Châtillon, he nevertheless swayed all the resolutions
formed there; he was the principal author of the treaty of Chaumont,
which placed the military direction of the campaign under the influence
of England. It was a singular example of the power that may be
exercised by a commercial and monied government over military powers,
for England had hardly any soldiers engaged in this war, but by means
of her subsidies alone she set in motion a million of men, and made
them subservient to her national and exclusive interests. Thus it
was admitted as a general principle, that France was to be reduced
within her ancient limits, and the object of England was gained by our
being deprived of Antwerp; her vast arsenal was no longer dangerous,
and her fleet was to be divided. It may be said that the treaty of
Paris in 1814, which was the consequence of the treaty of Châtillon,
formed in some measure a realisation of the leading ideas of Toryism;
that is to say, the re-establishment of the House of Orange, with a
territory extending to our frontier; Prussia increased in strength
and importance, Austria assumed a predominant position in the south
of Germany, while they both served as barriers to Russia; and above
all, the maritime and commercial supremacy of Great Britain, to
such a degree that, in the secret treaty of 1814, Lord Castlereagh
imperatively insisted on the rupture of the family compact among the
various branches of the House of Bourbon, for the purpose of rendering
her influence as secure over Spain as over Holland.
One might have supposed that, after this long and painful struggle
against Buonaparte, the English minister would have enjoyed some
rest from his anxieties; but such was far from being the case, for
the Colossus had scarcely been hurled from its base before intestine
dissensions arose in the coalition which had so lately set the world
in motion. Various interests were the subject of secret discussion
at Vienna; and the questions concerning Saxony, Poland, and Italy
occasioned him extreme uneasiness. Throughout the whole period of the
French revolution, England had undoubtedly played the principal part,
and her perseverance alone had saved the Continent from a general and
overwhelming oppression; but in diplomatic matters, as in politics,
ancient services are less considered than the new situation in which
countries are placed: England had been too much engaged in continental
affairs not to continue to feel great anxiety concerning them, and
on the question of Poland, Lord Castlereagh was opposed to the plans
of the Russian cabinet, and he did not restrain the expression of
his dissatisfaction respecting the Polish _suzeraineté_, which the
Emperor Alexander was desirous of reserving to himself. No one ever
surpassed his lordship in the union of firmness of character with the
most polished manners, the distinguishing mark of a true gentleman;
there was a degree of steadiness, I may almost say of nobleness, in
his private conferences with Alexander, in the midst of the splendid
_salons_ of Vienna, that was quite admirable.