JUNIN--AYACUCHO.
1823--1824.
The day-dreams of men often mould the course of their lives. The
day-dream of Bolívar was the unification of South America. It was in
pursuance of this dream that he created a great military power, and
carried his arms in triumph over half the Continent. His first step was
the creation of Columbia. Then he dreamed of a South American
Confederation, ruled by an international assembly, after the manner of
the Achaian League of ancient Greece; and, at last, of a monocracy under
the protection of Columbian bayonets. Then the dream became delirium.
In the treaties with Chile and Peru, forming an alliance offensive and
defensive, it was stipulated by Bolívar:--
“That an Assembly should be convened of the American States, composed of
plenipotentiaries, with the object of establishing on a solid basis
intimate relations between each and all of them, which may serve as a
council when great questions arise, as a point of contact in common
danger, as an interpreter of treaties in case of a misunderstanding, and
as an arbitrator and conciliator in disputes and difficulties.”
On the field of diplomacy the Liberator of Columbia came for the first
time in contact with Don Bernardino Rivadavia, the highest
personification of the Liberalism of South America. One was at the head
of four great States, the other was the constitutional minister of a
province. Bolívar aspired to the laurel crown of an American Cæsar,
Rivadavia to that of a pacific liberator.
Rivadavia was at this time the soul of the Provinces of La Plata, which
were separated by political shipwreck. The Argentine Republic, exhausted
by her great struggle for the independence of America, and prostrated by
civil conflict, took no more part in the continental war, but her
soldiers still fought for her in far-off lands; her integral parts, in
spite of separation, had still cohesion and sought reunion. A centre of
attraction was wanting to this constellation of fourteen wandering
stars--Buenos Ayres provided that centre. Rivadavia welded this province
into a State, which became the organic cell of national life. On the
small theatre of a province, the representative system of a republic was
seen for the first time at work in South America. These institutions,
which were then a novelty in the world, except in the United States and
partially in England, showed to the peoples of South America what the
republican system was; from Buenos Ayres they spread over the entire
Continent.
The Argentine Republic was then threatened with the war which broke out
two years later. The new Empire of Brazil had occupied by force the
Banda Oriental, which was one of the United Provinces; the Government of
Buenos Ayres, inspired by Rivadavia, faced the question with all its
consequences. In these circumstances, in January, 1823, Don Joaquin
Mosquera arrived in Buenos Ayres as minister plenipotentiary of
Columbia. Rivadavia was provisionally in charge of the Government. He
rejected at once the idea of a Congress with power to decide
international disputes. The treaty was reduced to a defensive alliance,
in support of their independence from Spanish or from any other foreign
domination. As Rivadavia explained to the Legislature:--
“The treaty proposed by Columbia did not fulfil the requisite
conditions, since it only recognised the existence of governments and
not their legitimacy.”
The idea of Rivadavia was to complete the triumph of the revolution by
a peaceful understanding with the mother country, in which all the late
colonies should unite.
When King Ferdinand, in 1820, sent a royal commission to the River Plate
with the object of “putting an end to differences existing between
members of the same family,” the Government of Buenos Ayres replied that
it could listen to no proposition which was not based upon the
recognition of independence, which declaration served as a precedent.
The treaty with Columbia was signed on the 8th March, 1823, was ratified
by the Government of Columbia on the 10th June, 1824, and by the
Argentine Congress on the 7th June, 1825.
Almost simultaneously with Mosquera, there arrived in Buenos Ayres two
new commissioners from the King of Spain. The Spanish Cortes,
re-installed at Cadiz in 1820, was composed of Liberals, who saw that
these ancient colonies could not be subjected by force, and attempted to
settle the question by negotiation. These commissioners brought no
proper credentials, but were simply appointed by the King, under Liberal
pressure, to listen to proposals, and to arrange provisional treaties of
commerce. Their real object was to divide the different republics which
were at war with Spain. Buenos Ayres was looked upon as the centre of
the revolutionary spirit; the commissioners were instructed to recognise
the independence of the United Provinces, and so to separate them from
Peru and Columbia.
Rivadavia drew up a resolution which was sanctioned at once by the
Legislature:--
“Government shall negotiate no treaties of neutrality, of peace, nor of
commerce with Spain, until after the cessation of war in all the new
States of the American Continent, and not until after the recognition of
their independence.”
On this basis an arrangement was drawn up, in which a suspension of
hostilities for eighteen months was stipulated, during which time the
Province of Buenos Ayres should negotiate the acquiescence of the other
American governments.
Meantime commercial relations were re-established with Spain, contraband
of war being excepted. But it was an illusion on the part of Rivadavia
to hope that the question with Spain could be settled by any other mode
than by arms.
There was yet a further stipulation. As France had voted 20 millions of
dollars in aid of the restoration of absolutism in Spain, in agreement
with the Holy Alliance, from which England was already separated, the
Government of Buenos Ayres was authorized to negotiate for an equal sum
among the States of America “to uphold the representative system in
Spain.” Don Felix Alzaga was, with this object, appointed
plenipotentiary to the Governments of Chile, Peru, and Columbia. At the
same time General Las Heras was sent as a commissioner to the Royalist
authorities in Peru, to arrange an armistice with them, in conjunction
with General Arenales, who was at that time in command on the northern
frontier.
Buenos Ayres, in spite of the dangers which surrounded her, thus
performed her duty to her sister States, boldly confronting the alliance
of the absolute kings, and thereby gained the goodwill of England; but
the convention was rejected in Chile through the intervention of the
Columbian minister. Alzaga then went on to Peru and presented it to both
Presidents, to Torre-Tagle and to Riva-Agüero. The first made use of it
to open a traitorous correspondence with the Royalists, the other used
it as a plea for arranging an armistice of his own, and for sending back
the Columbian auxiliaries; but, strange to say, it was accepted by
Bolívar as a way out of his difficulties, he merely stipulating that it
should, first of all, be ratified by the Spaniards. His object was to
gain time for the arrival of reinforcements from Columbia.
At the beginning of 1824 the situation of the Patriots in Peru was very
precarious. The Royalists had 18,000 men, flushed with recent victories;
the Patriots had only half that number. At this juncture an event
happened which had for a time most disastrous effects upon the fortunes
of Peru. Just as the Spaniards were making a last effort to regain the
dominion of the Pacific the Patriots lost the fortress of Callao, while,
almost simultaneously, President Torre-Tagle passed over to the
Royalists, taking with him a part of the national forces, and the
Spaniards re-occupied Lima.
The Argentine contingent was very discontented; the Peruvians were
jealous of them and treated them as foreigners, tolerated only on
account of their services. They were badly clothed and fed, their pay
was both irregular and insufficient; the Government by whose authority
they had become an army no longer existed; the general to whom they owed
their existence had deserted them. In March, 1823, they had applied for
protection to the Government of Buenos Ayres, and had been adopted by
the Province, then the only representative of the nation.
Bolívar commenced to prepare for offensive operations by concentrating
his forces at Pativilca, about 140 miles to the north of Lima, and
withdrawing most of the Columbian garrison from Callao, supplied their
place with the Rio de la Plata regiment and the 11th battalion of the
Andes, putting the whole garrison under command of General Alvarado.
On the night of the 4th February, 1824, the rank and file of the
garrison mutinied under two Argentine sergeants, named Moyano and Oliva,
and imprisoned their officers. Their first demands were for 100,000
dollars as arrears of pay, and that they should be sent back to their
own country. While Government hesitated to accede to these terms the
spirit of insubordination gained strength among the soldiery, their own
leaders could not prevent excesses. Among other Spanish prisoners in the
dungeons, was a Colonel Casariego, whom Oliva had known in Chile; the
two sergeants took counsel with him, and by his advice released the
Spanish prisoners and put their own officers in the dungeons. He then
persuaded them that their situation was desperate, and that their only
chance of safety lay in embracing the Royalist cause and hoisting the
Spanish flag. The troops were reorganized and placed under Spanish
officers. Moyano was made a colonel and Oliva a lieutenant-colonel, all
sergeants and corporals were promoted, and a messenger was sent to
Canterac placing the fortress at his disposal.
On the 7th February the flag of Spain was raised on one of the towers. A
negro soldier of the Rio de la Plata regiment, a native of Buenos Ayres,
known by the nickname of “Falucho,” refused to mount guard over the flag
against which he had so often fought. He broke his musket against the
flag-staff, and was shot, shouting--“Viva Buenos Ayres!”
The mounted grenadiers who were encamped in the valley of Cañete,
mutinied also, and marched to join their comrades at Callao on the 14th
February, but when they saw the Spanish flag flying over the walls they
released their officers. One hundred and twenty of them returned to
their allegiance, and represented their country in the liberating armies
to the end of the war. Thus by mutiny and by treachery was dissolved the
celebrated Army of the Andes.
As soon as Canterac heard of the mutiny at Callao, he sent a strong
division under Monet from the Highlands, which joined the division of
Rodil in the valley of Ica and marched on Lima. Torre-Tagle, who with
his Minister of War, was in secret correspondence with the Royalists,
joined them with some Peruvian troops, and issued a proclamation against
Bolívar.
The Royalists were now masters of the Highlands, and of all the centre
and south of Peru, and aimed at the dominion of the sea as well. A part
of the Peruvian squadron was stationed at Callao. Admiral Guise with the
_Protector_ frigate and four armed boats, entered the port under the
fire of the forts, boarded the frigate _Guayas_, formerly _Venganza_,
and burned her, as also the _Santa Rosa_, and some merchant vessels, on
the 25th February. The brig of war _Balcarce_ was the only vessel
saved, but the Royalists were expecting two Spanish frigates.
Bolívar issued terrible decrees for the evacuation of Lima, which were
not obeyed, but on the 10th February Congress appointed him Dictator.
Monet occupied Lima without resistance, but did not remain there. He
left Rodil in command at Callao, and returned to the Highlands, taking
the officers of the former garrison with him as prisoners.
These officers, 160 in number, were forced to march on foot up the
mountain passes to Jauja. On the third night, as they were passing
through a narrow defile, two of them, by preconcerted arrangement,
slipped into a ditch where they could not be seen, the two who were next
them concealing their retreat so that the evasion was not discovered
till they reached the next halt. Monet ordered two of the prisoners to
be shot in place of those who had escaped. They were all drawn up in
line by General Camba, and told to draw lots, which were presented to
them in a helmet. Several lots had been drawn blank, when two officers
stepped forward saying that they were the men who had concealed the
escape of the fugitives. With one exception all the other officers
called for the drawing to go on, but Camba decided that these two should
pay the forfeit of their lives, and they were shot.
One of them, Domingo Millan, was a native of Tucuman, and of middle age.
He drew out from the lining of his uniform coat the medals of Tucuman
and Salta, pinned them on his breast, and died shouting, “Viva la
Patria!” The other, Manuel Prudon, was a native of Buenos Ayres, and
only twenty-four years of age. He died with the calmness of a martyr,
shouting, “Viva Buenos Ayres!”
Bolívar had fallen dangerously ill at his head-quarters at Pativilca;
for six days he lay unconscious. When he was yet in the first stage of
convalescence, news reached him of the mutiny of Callao, and of the
treason of Torre-Tagle. Mosquera went to visit him, and found him seated
in a rocking-chair in the orchard, his head tied up in a white
handkerchief. He was deadly pale, and his voice was hollow with
weakness.
“What do you think of doing now?” asked Mosquera.
“Of triumphing,” replied he, undauntedly. Misfortune only seemed to
strengthen his spirit.
He retreated with 7,000 men to Trujillo, made the Southern Provinces of
Columbia his base of operations, and wrote to Vice-President Santander
asking for reinforcements:
“The interests of all America are at stake; nothing must be trusted to
probabilities, still less to chance or fortune.”
On the 11th May, 1824, Congress authorised a levy of 50,000 men, and
3,000 men were sent to join him at once. Before the enemy suspected that
he was about to move, he had concentrated his army at the foot of the
northern Cordillera, in three divisions of infantry, under Cordoba,
Lara, and La Mar, and one of cavalry, under Necochea. Sucre was chief of
the staff.
At this time Olañeta, who was in Upper Peru with 4,000 men, refused any
longer to obey the orders of the Viceroy. He had heard from Buenos Ayres
that, by the help of France, Ferdinand had abolished the Constitution of
1820, and was once more an absolute king. La Serna sent Valdés against
him, and some severe fighting took place between them, in which Valdés
had the advantage, when he was recalled by the Viceroy.
Bolívar took advantage of the absence of Valdés to commence operations,
and marched on Jauja by the road which had twice led Arenales to
victory, covering his advance by a cloud of Peruvian guerillas, under
whose protection Sucre marked out the daily route of the army, and
provided supplies. Bolívar ascended the range at its highest point in
the direction of Pasco, hoping to surprise the enemy, and on the 2nd
August passed 9,000 men in review about twenty-five miles from that
city, on which occasion he was accompanied by O’Higgins and by
Monteagudo, who had returned from exile. On the 4th Miller, who had
been detached with a party of cavalry, brought word that Canterac was
advancing from Jauja with all his army.
To the south of Pasco, at the head-waters of the Rio Grande, commences
the great lake of Reyes, which lies between the two ranges of the
Cordillera, and occupies all the low ground as far as the entrance of
the valley of Jauja. On its eastern bank there runs a level road, on the
western bank is another which leads to Junin, and is much rougher. At
the southern extremity of the lake lies the plain of Junin, broken by
numerous hillocks, and cut up by streams and marshes filled by the
overflow from the lake.
On the 1st August Canterac had advanced with his cavalry along the
eastern road to reconnoitre, and learned to his surprise that Bolívar
was already on the other side of the lake. He retreated rapidly, and
rejoined his infantry on the 5th August. On the 6th, at two o’clock in
the afternoon, he found himself face to face with the Patriot army on
the plain of Junin. Their infantry held the heights beyond, while their
cavalry appeared about to charge him. Bolívar had marched along the
eastern slopes of the western range, halting only in strong positions,
showing a cautiousness which was not usual with him. On seeing the
Royalist army, he sent Necochea in front with 900 horse. The ground was
so contracted by a hill on one side and by a marsh on the other, that at
five o’clock Necochea had only two squadrons of Columbian horse on the
plain, when he was attacked by the whole of the Royalist cavalry, 1,300
strong, led by Canterac in person.
The Columbian lancers received the charge with great steadiness, but
were driven back upon their supports, who were still entangled in the
defile. The Royalist horse, greatly disordered by their rapid advance,
entered the defile with the fugitives. Necochea, pierced by seven lance
wounds, was trampled under foot and made prisoner. Colonel Suarez, with
the first squadron of Peruvian hussars, had drawn his men into an angle
of the marsh, and, letting the rout pass by, charged the pursuers in the
rear. The fugitives were rallied by Miller, who led them again to the
charge, and drove the Royalists from the field. In forty-five minutes
the whole affair was over, and not a shot was fired. The Royalists lost
250 killed by lance and sabre; the Patriots lost 150 between killed and
wounded, and rescued Necochea. The fugitives took shelter under the fire
of their infantry, which at once retreated.
Such was the celebrated action of Junin, which broke the prestige of the
Royalist army, and prepared the way for the final triumph. Bolívar, who
had seen the rout of the first squadrons, thought he had lost his
cavalry, and returned to the infantry, who were a league behind. He only
learned the defeat of the enemy from a pencil note sent him by Miller
after sundown. The hussars who did such good service were afterwards
styled the Hussars of Junin, in reward for their gallant behaviour.
Canterac, who was greatly disheartened by this disaster, which was
chiefly the result of his own precipitate conduct in charging without a
reserve over ground of which he knew nothing, evacuated the valley of
Jauja, and retreated so rapidly that in two days he was more than a
hundred miles from the scene of the action, and his infantry was quite
worn out; but he did not stop until he had crossed the Apurimac, more
than five hundred miles from Junin, and lost between 2,000 and 3,000 men
by desertion on the way. La Serna sent him a reinforcement of 1,500 men,
and recalled Valdés to Cuzco. Canterac had fled from his own shadow, for
he was not pursued.
Bolívar rested for three days on the field of battle, took ten days to
occupy the valley of Jauja, and remained nearly a month at Huamanga. In
September he crossed the river Pampas, an affluent of the Apurimac, and
threatened Cuzco from the sources of that river, his right flank being
covered by a spur from the Cordillera, but did not consider himself
strong enough to attempt anything more now that the rainy season was at
hand. He also learned that a loan, projected by San Martin, had been
successfully launched in London, and that a million dollars were
expected immediately. Leaving Sucre in command, he returned to Lima in
October.
Before leaving he received notice that on the 28th July the Congress of
Columbia had abrogated the law conferring extraordinary powers upon him,
which he might no longer exercise now that he was in a foreign country.
This was the first sign of Parliamentary resistance to his autocratic
tendencies. The Liberals now formed a powerful party in Congress under
the leadership of Vice-President Santander, who thought more of the
interests of New Granada than of those of the Republic at large.
Bolívar received the blow with dignity, comprehending that he had
brought it upon himself by taking charge of the government of a foreign
state, and notified Sucre that he would only interfere in military
operations as President of Peru. Sucre, who was not ambitious, and was
devoted to Bolívar, advised him to pay no attention to the new law, and
declared that he himself would have no direct communication with the
Government of Columbia, looking to Bolívar alone for orders. Both kept
their promises, Bolívar leaving complete liberty of action to Sucre, who
followed his instructions except in the conduct of military operations,
in which he knew that his talents were superior to those of the
Liberator.
Bolívar again established his head-quarters at Pativilca, but found
matters much changed for the worse. The arrival of the Spanish
ship-of-the-line _Asia_ and of the 20-gun brig _Aquiles_ had given the
naval preponderance to the Royalists. These ships were joined by a
corvette and a brig from Chiloe, and there was one brig already at
Callao, which Guise had failed to capture. After an exchange of shots
with the Spaniards, Guise, with the Peruvian squadron, was forced to
seek shelter at Guayaquil.
A detachment of the Patriot army had been defeated near Lima; Chile
remained inactive; but Bolívar, still undaunted, collected such forces
as he could assemble at Pativilca, and urgently requested a further
reinforcement of 6,000 men from Columbia in aid of Sucre, whose position
was very precarious.
Bolívar also returned to his old project of an American Congress,
summoning it to meet on the 7th December at Panama, as the most central
point for all the world, and addressed circulars to that effect to the
Governments of Mexico, Columbia, Guatemala, Buenos Ayres, Chile, Brazil,
and later on to the United States.
While occupied in these dreams, he heard that the Royalists had advanced
from Cuzco, manœuvring to cut off the retreat of Sucre; then there
was silence. Eight days afterwards the fate of America was decided at
Ayacucho.
Upon one point only Bolívar and Sucre were not agreed. Bolívar had left
instructions with Sucre to keep his army together at all risks; but he,
thinking his position a dangerous one, spread his troops over the whole
district, and advanced himself, with a light division, as far as Mamará
on the road to Cuzco, and from there sent Miller on with the grenadiers
to reconnoitre. When Bolívar heard of these manœuvres he wrote to
Sucre impressing upon him his maxim that--
“Union is strength. You expose yourself to the loss of a battle for the
sake of occupying some more leagues of territory. The liberty of Peru
will not be won by occupying land, but by a victory upon it.”
Sucre replied, saying that he would obey orders; but had only just sent
off the letter when he received advice from Miller that the enemy was
advancing in mass, and only twenty-five miles distant. His army was
spread over an extent of ninety miles; before he could concentrate the
Royalists were in his rear. As he retreated he received a further
despatch from Bolívar authorising him to fight if he thought it
necessary.
Sucre had under-estimated the strength of the Royalists. By calling in
the outlying divisions La Serna had, on the 24th October, assembled
10,000 men, in three divisions of infantry under Canterac, Valdés, and
Monet, and one of cavalry, which he commanded himself, with ten guns.
Sucre had only 7,000 men and two guns.
La Serna manœuvred to cut off Sucre from his base, moving in a
semicircle of which the Patriots held the centre. Sucre was thus enabled
to concentrate his forces, and choose for himself the field of battle.
He retreated on Huamanga, but on the 24th November, at the river Pampas,
he found that the enemy by forced marches was there before him. The
river lay between them. Three days were spent in manœuvres, after
which Sucre crossed the river, but on the 2nd December found the heights
of Matará in his front already occupied by the Royalists. Wheeling
rapidly to his right, he passed by a gorge towards the valley of
Acrocos, but his rearguard under Lara was overtaken in the pass by
Valdés. One Columbian battalion was cut to pieces, and two more were
dispersed with the loss of a gun on the 3rd December; but the further
advance of the Royalists was checked by the main body stationed on the
heights beyond. The two armies encamped for the night with the gorge
between them.
The next day Sucre gained the valley of Acrocos and offered battle. But
La Serna, anxious to cut him off from Jauja, marched round the left
flank of the Patriots and again gained their rear, cutting all the
bridges and closing the defiles to prevent their retreat. The people of
the valleys rose in favour of the Royalists. A Patriot column, advancing
from Jauja to join Sucre, was driven back; his sick were killed in the
hospitals; and he had lost 600 men in the retreat. For him it was now
victory or death.
He drew up his army in the valley of Ayacucho, his flanks resting on the
mountain ranges to the east and to the west, while the Royalists
occupied the heights in front. Cordoba commanded on the right, Miller in
the centre, and La Mar on the left, and a reserve of three battalions
was commanded by Lara.
On the morning of Thursday, the 9th December, 1824, the sun rose
gloriously over the peaks of the eastern Cordillera. Sucre galloped from
end to end of his line, telling his men that on their valour that day
hung the destinies of South America. At nine in the morning the
Royalists descended from the heights to the attack. At ten o’clock they
debouched upon the plain, and the left and centre advanced in mass, led
by the Viceroy himself. The Royalist right, under Valdés, was the first
to engage, and drove in the Patriot skirmishers; but the Peruvian
infantry stood firm, and a battalion of Columbians was sent to aid them.
Sucre then ordered Cordoba to charge with the right wing, supported by
Miller’s cavalry. The young general, who was only twenty-five years of
age, advanced rapidly in two parallel columns, and threw himself with
great impetuosity upon the Royalist centre. Eight squadrons of Royalist
cavalry who charged him were driven back by the Columbian horse under
Silva. Monet, whose division had not yet been engaged, came to the
assistance of the left centre, but was attacked by the reserve under
Lara, and driven back in confusion. Three more squadrons were then
thrown forward, and were exterminated by the Columbian lancers. La Serna
strove in vain to rally his disordered soldiery; he was borne from his
horse with six wounds, and made prisoner, with more than 1,000 of his
men.
Meantime Valdés had turned the left flank of the Patriots, and the
Peruvian division, under La Mar, began to give way, when the Columbian
battalion came to their assistance, followed by the Peruvian hussars and
the Argentine grenadiers, led by Miller, who charged with such fury that
the Royalist infantry were thrown into confusion, and all the guns were
captured.
It was one o’clock, Valdés in despair, sat down on a rock, waiting for
death; but his officers forced him away, back to the heights, where many
of the Royalist generals were already assembled, with such troops as
they could collect. Canterac took the command, and capitulated with
Sucre. The war of independence was at an end, emancipation was secured.
In the words of a poet:
“We passed one thousand years
In one hour at Ayacucho.”
Ayacucho is known in America as the Battle of the Generals. Fourteen
Spanish generals, with all their subordinate officers, gave up their
swords this day. The Royalists lost 1,400 killed and 700 wounded; the
Patriots 300 killed and 600 wounded. One-fourth of all who entered into
action were placed _hors-de-combat_.
Ayacucho crowned the joint work of San Martin and Bolívar. The victories
of Chacabuco and Maipó were united to those of Boyacá and Carabobo, with
the golden link forged at Ayacucho by the genius of Sucre.