OPERATIONS DURING THE WINTER AND SPRING. BATTLE OF VITTORIA.
♦NOVEMBER, 1812.
OPINIONS OF THE OPPOSITION.♦
Lord Wellington’s failure at Burgos, and his consequent retreat to
the Agueda, gave the Whigs a last opportunity of repeating their
predictions, that the war in the Peninsula must prove unsuccessful,
and they availed themselves of it with unabated confidence. The more
rancorous radicals insulted the nation for the hopes which had been
entertained, exulted in the reverses which they magnified, and reviled
the ministers and the General, ... the ministers both for having
continued the war, and for “starving” it; Lord Wellington both for
inactivity and for rashness, for doing too little and too much, for
wasting time at Madrid, and for attempting a siege with such inadequate
means, that nothing but the most profuse expenditure of blood could
afford even a forlorn hope of its succeeding. Even when the events
of the Russian campaign made it evident that the formidable tyranny
against which we had so long contended must soon be overthrown, the
opposition, as well as the revolutionists, turned away their eyes from
the prospect.
♦MARQUIS WELLESLEY CALLS FOR INQUIRY.♦
Parliament met at the latter end of November. In the Prince Regent’s
speech it was stated, that the southern provinces of Spain had been
delivered in consequence of the battle of Salamanca; and that, though
it had been necessary to withdraw from the siege of Burgos and to
evacuate Madrid, the effort of the enemy for rendering it so had
occasioned sacrifices on his part, which must materially contribute
to extend the resources and facilitate the exertions of the ♦NOV.
30.♦ Spaniards. On this occasion, Marquis Wellesley called upon the
Peers, to inquire whether the system which had hitherto been pursued
was founded upon just and extended principles; whether an able and
efficient exertion of our resources had been made; whether such means
as the country possessed had been fully employed; and whether the
result had been such as the nation had a right to expect from the
possession of those means, and the right application of them. He wished
it were possible to fix in the minds of their lordships something like
a definite and precise object, as the issue of the contest in the
Peninsula. In his mind, the only legitimate object was, the expulsion
of the French armies from Spain; and the war had been carried on in
a way totally inadequate to the production of that result. The plan
which of all others all mankind must reprobate, was that of employing
our resources with a view rather to what might be spared in expense,
than to what might be effected by exertion: thus exposing the sinews
of our strength to hourly danger, and bearing hard upon our finances,
yet effecting neither economy nor success, but falling dead as it were
between both. A vast expense of blood and treasure had been lavished,
without accomplishing any one definite object. The best assistance we
could afford to Russia was by carrying on the war in Spain upon a broad
and extensive scale; it had not been so carried on, and he charged
upon that system, therefore, a defection from the cause of Russia. He
did not mean to dispute that the last campaign had been beneficial to
Spain; but his objection was, that those benefits were imperfectly
secured, and that they could not expect them to be permanent.
♦LORD GRENVILLE.♦
Lord Grenville repeated and persisted in his old opinion, that the
deliverance of Spain was beyond the utmost means of this country to
effect; and that it was cruel and base to embark the population of
that country in so hopeless a cause, merely for the sake of a little
temporary advantage. The ministers had not advanced one step in
the accomplishment of this object; and this third advance into the
interior of Spain had, by its failure, proved the correctness of the
data on which his opinion was founded. Their boast of having delivered
Andalusia was an empty boast: no one doubted that the deliverance
was more than temporary, and that the French could not re-occupy the
provinces whenever they pleased. It was the want of means, the failure
of supplies and resources, which had led to the unproductive results of
all their exertions. The blame did not lie with the Spaniards, but with
those who encouraged the hopes which they had no right to entertain:
the fault was with the English ministers, who in their ignorance
overrated the condition of Spain, and anticipated more from her than
she could by possibility perform. He asked also, why ministers, with
a revenue of one hundred and five millions, or more, by estimate,
extorted by means the most grinding and oppressive from a suffering
people, were yet unable to supply Lord Wellington’s military chest?
The difficulty arose from their incapacity, not from the deficient
resources of the country, much as they had been drained. They might
diminish by one half the income of every individual in this country,
with as little effect or promise of ultimate success as had attended
those plans which led them to circulate a vile and adulterated currency
in paper coin throughout the nation. When such had been its effects,
why not at this moment stop the contest in Spain?
♦MR. PONSONBY.♦
In the House of Commons, Mr. Ponsonby said, it was useless to carry
farther an unprofitable contest; it was useless to waste the blood and
the treasures of England for an unattainable object; it had been proved
that the power of England was not competent to drive the French out of
the Peninsula.
♦MR. FREEMANTLE.♦
Mr. Freemantle was decidedly of opinion, that by the battle of
Salamanca we had gained nothing but glory; that the deliverance of
Spain was no nearer its accomplishment than when Lord Wellington
was posted at Torres Vedras, and that our prospects at the present
moment were not nearly so bright as at the commencement of the last
session, ... at which time his declared opinion had been, that we could
entertain no rational prospect of making any impression upon ♦MR.
WHITBREAD.♦ the enemy in Spain. Mr. Whitbread’s tone upon that subject
was somewhat modified; he admitted that the situation in which we now
stood in Spain was glorious beyond example, in so far as related to the
achievements of our armies, though with respect to the expulsion of the
French, we were not so near our object as some people supposed. There
was this difference between an offensive and a defensive war; that an
offensive war ought always to be a war of spirit. When vigorous efforts
therefore were to be made in Spain, there ought to be no limit to that
vigour. Let an application therefore be made to the Prince Regent,
to know from him whether the greatest possible use had been made by
ministers of the means with which they were intrusted for carrying on
the war, before coming to a decision on the merits of ministers, or
the probability of the war being in future carried on with success. He
was far from wishing to refuse them the means necessary for carrying
it to a successful issue; but feeling for the people who were groaning
under accumulated burdens and threatened with the Chancellor of the
Exchequer’s financial abilities, he thought the last resources of
the country ought not to be granted without security for their being
properly applied. Under all these circumstances, he was desirous of
imploring the Prince Regent to take into consideration, whether or not
it was at present possible to bring about a pacification. Buonaparte
was on his retreat to his resources, his force not annihilated,
though certainly in great danger, and this was what the House were
to congratulate themselves on, and for which they were to go to the
Prince Regent with an address on the prosperous state of the country!
If the situation of affairs on the continent was good for any thing,
it was this, that the Emperor of France having failed in his object,
an opportunity was now offered when it would not be inglorious, and
when it would certainly be highly useful to propose to the enemy
some arrangement for peace. Buonaparte was at present in a perilous
situation, and every exertion ought to be made, by taking advantage
of it to procure a peace. But a feeling seemed to pervade the minds
of certain persons, that peace should not be concluded with that man,
... a feeling which he wished to eradicate from this country: for, in
the probable course of events, we should be obliged to make peace with
him. Let him therefore be sent to openly and manfully! The fate of the
mission would be speedily known; and the issue would be a conviction on
the mind of every one, whether a permanent and honourable peace could
be procured or not.
♦MOTION OF THANKS TO THE ARMIES. SIR FRANCIS BURDETT.♦
When a motion for thanks to Lord Wellington and his army for the battle
of Salamanca was brought forward, Sir Francis Burdett said, he was far
from wishing; invidiously to detract from the merits of men who had
devoted their exertions to the service of their country, or to withhold
from them any recompense that it was in the power of Parliament to
bestow: but when he heard the battle of Salamanca represented as
having been equal in importance to the battle of Blenheim, and to
other great battles which had completely changed the aspect of the
whole affairs of Europe, he could not suffer such delusions to go
forth uncontradicted, ... delusions which were calculated to plunge
the country, under the direction of the same persons, still more
deeply in a destructive and ruinous war: for after their boasted and
over-praised victories, we were still as far from our object as ever.
What! were we to suffer the French troops to recover from the effect
of their discomfiture and exhaustion, and to wait until the tide of
good fortune which had attended us flowed back on its source? Were
we to be satisfied with a retreat? Yet, where now was the Marquis of
Wellington? In what direction were we to look for the glorious results
of the campaign? In what manner was the diminution of the French
power in Spain evinced? Nothing seemed to have resulted from all our
advantages but calamity and distress; and it followed, therefore,
that either Lord Wellington was not entitled to the praise which the
House was called upon to bestow, or that the fault of our failure was
attributable to the gross negligence and imbecility of the ministers.
Lord Castlereagh, Sir Francis pursued, in the plenitude of his
satisfaction, had not confined himself to Spain, but had travelled out
of his course, and taken the House to Russia, where in the destruction
of from 200,000 to 300,000 human beings, in the burning of Moscow,
and in the devastation of an immense tract of Russian territory, he
found new causes of congratulation, new sources of national pride and
gratitude! Would he be equally inclined to consider it a matter of
triumph, if Buonaparte (which in his opinion was more than probable)
should extricate himself from his perils, and after having found good
winter-quarters, return to the contest with renovated ardour in the
spring? Could he believe it possible that Russia could continue such
a contest, and undergo a repetition of similar dreadful experiments
and sacrifices? Supposing he marched to Petersburgh, which seemed to
be his ultimate intention, would the same mode of defence as at Moscow
be adopted? Would Russia burn Petersburgh too? He for one could not
greatly admire the magnanimity of burning that, the preservation of
which ought to have been fought for; nor could he see the shining
character of the Emperor Alexander, who was not, like the Emperor of
the French, personally sharing in the dangers of the war. He could not
subdue the conviction which arose in his mind on viewing all these
things, of the utter impossibility of the Emperor of Russia’s feeling
any exultation whatever: on the contrary, he thought that unfortunate
individual must be oppressed by a view of the irreparable calamities to
which himself and his people had been, and were ♦DEC. 7.♦ likely still
further to be, exposed. Farther than this, when a grant was moved to
the Marquis of Wellington, Sir Francis said, he did not wish to divide
the House upon it, but he wished to move, that the consideration of
the grant should be deferred till some inquiries had been made into
the late extraordinary campaign. Lord Wellington’s victories had none
of the characteristics which distinguished those of Marlborough. It
had been observed, and by military men too, that he had brought his
army into difficulties, but that his men had fought him out of them
again; and that in the capture of the fortresses which he had won, a
waste of life was to be complained of. The cause of Spain appeared to
him infinitely more hopeless than it was at the commencement of the
campaign, ... the case of the Peninsula more deplorable than ever.
♦M. WELLESLEY MOVES FOR A COMMITTEE OF INQUIRY.
MARCH 12.♦
Marquis Wellesley moved for a committee to inquire into the conduct
of the war in the Peninsula. “My Lords,” said he, “what secret cause
amidst the splendid scene that has been exhibited in the Peninsula,
... what malign influence amidst the rejoicings and acclamations of
triumph, has counteracted the brilliant successes of our arms, and has
converted the glad feelings of a just exultation into the bitterness
of regret and disappointment? With an army in discipline and spirit
superior to any that had ever been assembled, uniting in itself
qualities so various, as never to have entered into the composition
of any other such assemblage of force; ... with a general, pronounced
by the whole world to be unsurpassed in ancient or modern times; the
pride of his country, the refuge and hope of Europe; ... with a cause
in which justice vied with policy, combining all that was ardent in the
one motive, with all that was sober in the other; ... with the eyes of
Europe fixed on our movements; ... with the admiration of the world
excited by our achievements: ... how is it that our hopes have been
raised only to be frustrated? How is it that we have been allowed to
indulge in expectation of an approaching completion of success, only
to behold the utter disappointment of our wishes? Why has a system
of advance suddenly and inevitably been converted into a system of
retreat? When victory actually sprung from the bosom of retreat, why
was the glorious victor compelled to relapse into his retrogression?
Why has it happened that we have seen the great conqueror who chased
the French armies from the plains of Salamanca, pursued in his turn,
by those whom he had conquered, over those plains which had been the
scene of his former triumphs? Why, in conclusion, has a system of
offence shrunk into a system of defence, and what is the reason that
our military operations in the Peninsula have ended where they began?
“I should be lost to every feeling of honour, and to every sense
of duty to the country, if I did not state that the effect of this
campaign altogether has been not to approximate you towards your
object, but to remove you from it; and that this calamity has arisen
from the insufficiency of those means which, by a small addition,
might have been rendered effective. I maintain, that the object we had
in view, (the only honest object ... the only great object ... which
we could pursue, or hope to obtain by our operations in Spain,) was
the expulsion of the French, or, at least, a considerable diminution
of their power, with a view to the freedom of the people, and the
independence of the Spanish monarchy. This was, certainly, the main
object which we ought to have contemplated; the ultimate object of the
British nation was, certainly, by the deliverance of the peninsula of
Spain, to lay a solid foundation for the establishment of a permanent
and honourable peace.
“What I have contended is, that the efforts we have made have not been
equal to the resources of the country; that they have not been such as
the magnitude, the infinite importance of the cause demanded, and as
the favourableness of the opportunity particularly called for; that we
have not made even a faint approximation to the object of the war, the
expulsion of the French from the Peninsula; but that the French have
been enabled, by our reverses, to consolidate their power in Spain,
and to systematize the moral and military subjugation of the country.
We ought to have called forth all our resources, ... and we have made
no extraordinary sacrifices; we ought to have strained every nerve at
this momentous crisis, ... and we have remained little better than
idle spectators of the fate of Spain. We have been deterred by petty
objections; by calculations of expense, which are but as dust in the
balance.”
♦EARL GREY.♦
Earl Grey supported the motion for a committee, saying, that the
great objects of the campaign had not been realized, but that, on
the contrary, there had been a complete failure, ... a great and
lamentable failure; and that it was one of the most important duties
of that house, in cases of ill success, to vindicate the interests
of the country, by visiting with its severest censure the causers of
the misfortune. Aware as the ministers were, he said, of the state
of Europe, and knowing, as they must have known, the effect that at
such a crisis would have been produced by a vigorous and decisive
effort in the Peninsula, it was their bounden duty to have provided
Lord Wellington with ample means for carrying through his enterprising
projects, and crowning them with brilliant and unqualified success.
Nothing had happened which induced him to repent of his opinion, that
the efforts of the Spanish people could alone enable them to withstand
the overwhelming power of France. This sentiment he had uttered
under the supposition that no other power would stand up against the
French Emperor, and that that Emperor would not depart from the unity
of council and of action, by which his greatest successes had been
achieved. And, indeed, if with such a commander and such an army as
ours, and at a time when the army of France in the north had met with
disasters, greater than which never fell upon a host assembled for the
purposes of injustice and ambition, ... if under these circumstances
we had achieved so little in Spain, what would have been the issue, if
one-tenth only of the forces employed against Russia had been turned
against us? The time had called for exertion, and the exertions had
failed, ... failed almost entirely as to their great object: the French
were left in possession of the best parts of Spain; and we had not
advanced in any degree, considering the effects of the last campaign
upon the minds of the Spaniards, to the accomplishment of our object.
Such was the case, and it called loudly for inquiry.
♦THE EARL OF LIVERPOOL.♦
To these assertions the Earl of Liverpool replied, that the campaign
which had been thus represented as a failure and a defeat, was, in
fact, the most brilliant that had been achieved by British arms in any
period of our history. They had been seeking as a great object, that
the whole force of Spain should be placed under the command of Lord
Wellington, and that object had at length been accomplished. Every
exertion that could be made had been made, for sending out troops to
the Peninsula and for supplying them there, and the success of the
war was indisputable. Portugal had been rescued from the enemy, and
placed in a state of security, and now one-third of Spain was relieved
from their presence. Spain and Portugal had set the example which
Russia had followed, with the great advantage of having a government
in full activity to direct all its strength. The example thus set and
thus followed would have an effect among the other nations of Europe,
would rouse their spirit, animate their exertions, and teach them
in what manner to resist oppression, ... teach them that an united
nation, determined to resist an invader, could not ♦EARL BATHURST.♦
be conquered! ... Earl Bathurst argued to the same purpose, saying,
that something had been effected, if the views of England were what
Marquis Wellesley had powerfully described them to be at the beginning
of the war in Spain, ... first, to create a diversion in favour of
our allies; secondly, to encourage resistance in other countries, by
showing its effects in Spain; and thirdly, to prevent the commercial
and military means of that country from falling into the hands of our
enemy. Those had been the views of England, those were the views of
the present Government, and those views had been forwarded by the last
campaign. And Lord Wellington was satisfied with the conduct of the
administration during that campaign, ... a declaration which had not
been sought for by the ministers, but which he had voluntarily made.
In these debates the Whigs manifested the same disposition to magnify
our reverses and depreciate our success, and the same propensity
for predicting discomfiture and disgrace which had characterized
their conduct during the whole struggle. The feeling with which they
continued to regard Buonaparte, notwithstanding his ♦APRIL 2. LORD
HOLLAND.♦ inordinate ambition and his remorseless tyranny, was farther
exhibited by Lord Holland, when, upon presenting some petitions for
peace, he expressed his trust that ministers entertained no chimerical
notions of wresting from France what she had acquired during the last
twenty years, nor of humiliating the great prince who now ruled that
country; and his willingness to believe that they had not neglected
the opportunity which the successes of Russia afforded for opening a
negotiation! But they better understood their duty to their allies, and
to Europe, and to their country; and being instructed by experience
as well as encouraged by sure hope, they spared no efforts now for
enabling Lord Wellington to open the ensuing campaign with means which
♦LORD WELLINGTON GOES TO CADIZ.♦ should render success certain. Lord
Wellington went to Cadiz at the close of the year, to make arrangements
with the Spanish ministers for the co-operation of the Spanish
armies. A deputation from the Cortes was sent to compliment him on
his arrival; he paid his respects, in consequence, to that assembly;
expressed his thanks in a brief and modest speech, for the different
marks of honour and confidence which he had received from it; and said,
that not the Spaniards alone looked to it with hope, but the whole
world was concerned in the happy issue of their vigorous endeavours to
save Spain from general destruction, and to establish in that monarchy
a system founded upon just principles, which should promote and secure
the prosperity of all the citizens, and the greatness of the Spanish
nation. In reply, the president complimented him upon his victories,
which had been celebrated, he said, like those of the Genius of Good
over the Genius of Evil. The Cortes did not now hope or trust for new
triumphs from the Duque de Ciudad Rodrigo, they looked upon them as
certain; and looked, not only that the Spanish and allied armies under
such a leader would drive the French beyond the Pyrenees, but that, if
it should be needful, they would pitch their victorious tents upon the
banks of the Seine; it would not be the first time that the Spanish
lions had trampled on its banks upon the old fleur-de-lys of France.
♦ARRANGEMENTS FOR THE CO-OPERATION OF THE SPANISH ARMIES.♦
It was arranged that 50,000 Spanish troops should be placed at his
disposal. The army under Castaños formed part of these; it consisted
of what had formerly been called the 5th, 6th, and 7th armies, now
comprehended under the name of the fourth: Castaños was to hold also
the captaincies-general of the province of Extremadura, Old Castille
and Leon, Galicia and Asturias. There was to be an army of reserve
in Andalusia under the Conde de Abisbal, and an army of reserve in
Galicia. The other armies were that of Catalonia, which was the first;
of this Copons held the command: he was also captain-general of that
province, and of that part of Aragon which was on the right of the
Ebro; the second, which Elio, captain-general of Valencia, Murcia, and
New Castille, commanded; and the third (formerly the fourth) under the
Duque del Parque, who was also charged with the captaincies-general of
Jaen and Granada.
♦LORD WELLINGTON GOES TO LISBON.♦
From Cadiz, Lord Wellington repaired to Lisbon. Triumphal arches
were erected in all the towns through which he passed, from Elvas to
the Tagus. The ships, the troops, and the people of Lisbon, received
him with such honours as he deserved; greater could be paid to no
man; and there was a general and voluntary illumination during three
successive nights. A drama was composed to celebrate his victories, and
represented in his presence at the royal theatre of San Carlos, where
all the boxes were decorated with angels bearing crowns and shields,
on which the initials of Lord Wellington were inscribed; _O Nome_,
“The Name,” was the title of the piece, and it was preluded by a hymn
in honour of the Prince of Brazil, and the exhibition of his portrait
under a canopy. The scene then represented the Elysian fields, where,
in the pitiable style of operatic invention, Glory, and Posterity, and
Camoens, and the Great Constable, Nuno Alvares Pereira, with sundry
other Lusitanian worthies, recitatived in praise of Lord Wellington,
Lord Beresford, and the Portugueze and British armies; and down came
angels and genii presenting illuminated scrolls, inscribed with the
names of his victories.
♦RELAXED DISCIPLINE OF THE PORTUGUEZE ARMY.♦
The Portugueze army was, at this time, reproved by Lord Beresford for
its want of discipline during the late retreat, in terms not less
severe than those of Lord Wellington’s letter. Certain officers were
suspended for scandalous neglect and total disregard of their duties:
and it was stated, that, in every instance, complaints had been made
by the commandants of corps or brigades, of inactivity and want of zeal
in the officers of all those corps which had suffered extraordinary
loss during the retreat. That such losses were occasioned by the
negligence of the officers was proved by the fact, that other corps
in the same marches, and under the same circumstances, difficulties,
and privations, had none of their men missing; the officers of those
corps were named with due praise. Marshal Beresford added, he deemed
it important to remind the army, that with all the reasons which he
had (and he was happy to say that he had every reason) for praising
the conduct of the Portugueze officers, when they were in presence of
an enemy, and exposed to fire, valour, nevertheless, was not the only
thing needful; firmness and constancy were equally so for supporting
the reverses, and fatigues, and privations, to which a military life is
subject; and if the officers did not yield under such circumstances,
the soldiers certainly would not; for no soldier, and especially
no Portugueze soldier, ever would be backward in any thing when
his officer set him an example; nor would ever commit any fault or
manifest any discontent, so long as he saw his officer doing his duty
under the same circumstances, and setting him an example of courage,
firmness, and constancy. One of the army surgeons had been brought
before a court-martial for neglecting the sick and wounded under his
care, while they were in the hospital at Madrid. He was sentenced to a
month’s imprisonment, and the loss of a month’s pay. Marshal Beresford,
in confirming the sentence, expressed his disapprobation of it; a
punishment so little in proportion to the crime, he said, was not
likely to impress persons who had neither the proper feelings of men or
of Christians; for what could be more horrible, than to see men who had
been wounded in the service of their Prince and of their country, or
whose health had been broken in that service, neglected by one who had
received rank, honour, and pay, for the express intent of making him
more attentive in his treatment of them? What could be worse than that
such a person should be found preferring his own ease, or interest, or
temporary convenience, to his duty towards his God, and his Prince, and
his fellow-creatures, and leaving them either to perish through his
neglect, or to fall into the hands of the enemy?
♦JANUARY.♦
The consequences of the retreat were severely felt; in January, more
than a third of the British army were on the sick list, fever being
the principal disease, which want of clothing had, with fatigue,
contributed to produce, and want of cleanliness to propagate. In
personal appearance and in clothing, the British troops were at this
time much worse than the Portugueze. But supplies of every kind, as
well as large reinforcements, were received during the winter, no time
being lost, and no care neglected. The infantry had suffered so much
from want of cover, that they were now provided with tents, three for
each company, and these were borne by the animals which used before to
carry the camp kettles, tin kettles being substituted for iron ones,
... one to six men, and light enough for the men to carry it by turns
on their knapsacks. Tents were not thought necessary for the cavalry,
because not being either heated or exhausted so much in their marches,
they were better able to stand the cold at night.
♦BUONAPARTE WITHDRAWS TROOPS FROM SPAIN.♦
While the British force in the Peninsula was increased, and the Spanish
rendered more available than it had been in any former campaign, that
of the French was weakened; the enormous loss which Buonaparte had
suffered in Russia, and the obstinate ambition with which he kept
large garrisons in the north of Germany, rendering it necessary for
him to withdraw troops from Spain. From 10 to 20,000 repassed the
Pyrenees; not fewer than 140,000 were still left, ... good troops,
well-officered, and under commanders of high reputation and approved
skill. But both officers and men had had their confidence abated;
the generals felt that even the resources of the conscription were
exhaustible; and as little hope, when they considered the present
state of their Emperor’s fortunes, could be entertained of subjugating
the Spaniards, the object upon which all seemed to be most intent was
that of enriching themselves by plunder, while it was still in their
power ♦EXACTIONS OF THE FRENCH.♦ to do so. M. Suchet left scarcely one
picture of any value in Valencia, either in the convents, churches, or
private houses; and that city was thus deprived of the finest works of
Juanes, ... works which, precious as they are, were there enhanced in
value by the local and religious feeling with which his fellow-citizens
regarded the productions of their saintly painter. There and everywhere
contributions were imposed and exacted in a manner which made it
apparent that the Intrusive government treated them now not as subjects
who were to be taxed, but as enemies from whom all that could be
extorted was to be taken. Their operations on the side of New Castille
and Leon were at this time confined to periodical circuits for the
purpose of enforcing the payment of contributions. On the side of the
Tagus they fortified the right bank of the river, repaired the Puente
del Arzobispo, and occupied Almaraz, though they did not restore the
bridge there.
♦LONGA ACTS SUCCESSFULLY AGAINST THE ENEMY.
NOV. 28.♦
Meantime the Spaniards were not idle. Longa surprised General Fromant
in the valley of Sedano, when returning to Burgos with the requisitions
which he had collected, and with sixty respectable householders whom
he was taking away as hostages for the contribution: the hostages were
rescued, Fromant with about 700 of his men killed, and nearly 500
taken prisoners. A party of the enemy had entered Bilbao, these also
he surprised, and they suffered the loss of 200 men; then making for
Salinas de Anaña, which was the strongest hold of the French in that
district, he besieged it with 2500 men and five pieces of artillery,
and after three days, the remainder of the garrison, consisting of
250, surrendered at discretion. This so dismayed the enemy that they
abandoned Nauclares and Armiñon, which he was proceeding to attack, and
both fortresses were demolished by his orders. His next object was the
Fuerte del Cubo de Pancorbo, a post of importance for its situation,
and for the care with which it had been strengthened; here too the
garrison were made prisoners and the fort demolished. Caffarelli
meantime was vainly besieging Castro, where he suffered some loss, and
found it necessary to give up the attempt, that he might check Longa
in his career of success. That active partizan was now threatening
Breviesca; he eluded Caffarelli and Palombini when they moved against
him, and retreating to Zovalina, there to refresh his troops, ordered
his retreat so well that they were uncertain what direction he had
taken; Caffarelli therefore reinforced his garrisons, and repairing to
Vittoria himself, left Palombini at Poza with 3000 foot and 300 horse
to protect the high road, and be ready to act against Longa. ♦FEB. 13.♦
But while a third of that force was detached to levy contributions,
Longa surprised the remainder at daybreak: their collected plunder and
some 300 prisoners fell into his hands, and they suffered a further
loss of between two and three hundred in killed and wounded. The
approach of their detachment, and of a large body on its way from
Burgos to Vittoria, then rendered it necessary for him to retire.
While Longa thus harassed the enemy in the north of ♦MINA’S MOVEMENTS.♦
Spain, Mina was assailing them with his wonted activity in Navarre
and Aragon. The English landed two 12-pounders for him in the Deva,
together with clothing, ammunition, and other things of which he was in
need; 600 of his men were ready to receive and escort these. The French
endeavoured to intercept them, and were repulsed in the attempt; and
Mina was no sooner possessed of the guns than he attacked the enemy
in Tafalla, where they had a garrison of 400 men. General ♦FEB. 11.♦
Abbé moved to relieve it with all the disposable force from Pamplona;
but he was beaten back by a part of Mina’s force which had been left
to observe that city, and on the fifth day of the siege the garrison
surrendered as prisoners of war. The wounded he sent under an escort
to Pamplona; destroyed the fort at Tafalla, and the works, ... also a
Franciscan Convent, and an old palace in which the French might have
established a garrison; and he demolished in like manner two other
such edifices at Olite, that the road might be clear between Pamplona
and Tudela. From Tafalla he proceeded to Sos in Upper Aragon, a fort
which the enemy had occupied more than three years, and fortified
sufficiently as long as the Spaniards could bring no guns against it.
They were on the point of surrendering after a four days’ siege, when
General Paris arrived from Zaragoza and carried off the garrison,
leaving the fort half ruined: Mina completed its demolition, and by
this enterprise laid open the road between Pamplona and Jaca. Shortly
after, Fermin de Leguia, who was under ♦FEB. 20.♦ his orders, ventured,
without instructions, upon an adventure which was executed as boldly
as it ♦MARCH 11.♦ was designed. With only fifteen men, being the whole
of his party, he approached the castle of Fuenterrabia in the night,
scaled the wall with one man by the help of spikes and ropes which
supplied the place of a ladder, surprised the sentinel, got possession
of the keys, opened the gates for his men, and took eight artillerymen
prisoners, while the remainder of the garrison, who dreamt of no
danger, were sleeping in the town. He then spiked the guns, threw into
the sea all the ammunition which he could not carry away, set fire to
the castle, and though pursued by the enemy retreated without loss.
Mina was heard of next at Lodosa, where he attacked a detachment of
1000 French, few of whom ♦MARCH 29. CAFFARELLI RECALLED FROM SPAIN.♦
escaped, 635 being made prisoners. Caffarelli had at this time been
called to France, giving up the command in the north to Clausel; that
able general hoped to signalize himself by destroying an indefatigable
enemy who had baffled the efforts of all his predecessors; and this
was the first proof which he made of that enemy’s ability. Mina
next attempted to intercept a convoy which was going from Tolosa to
Pamplona; the convoy was alarmed in time, but the attempt led to an
affair with Abbé’s force, in which the French retired with the loss of
full 300 men.
♦CLAUSEL ENDEAVOURS TO HUNT MINA DOWN.♦
Clausel had left a considerable garrison in Puente la Reyna, well
fortified for the sort of war which they might have to sustain; and
an advanced post of 50 men at Mendigorria, in an old church of S.
Maria, which they had fortified. While he was in pursuit of Mina from
Estella, and Abbé from Pamplona, their skilful antagonist led them to
suppose that he was in the valley of Berrueza, ... then making a rapid
counter-march with one of his regiments, appeared in Mendigorria. The
garrison at Puente outnumbered him both in horse and foot, but they
did not ♦APRIL 21.♦ venture to interrupt him in his operations; and
he set fire to the church. The French had no other resource than to
ascend the tower, and fire upon them from thence. He sent a trumpet
to offer terms, but they would not allow him to approach, either in
the confident expectation of being succoured from Puente, or because
they were confounded by the situation in which they found themselves;
for the smoke and the flames distressed them so dreadfully, that in
the course of half an hour, they prepared to let themselves down by
ropes; but Mina ordered ladders to the roof of the church, from whence
they descended, and were made prisoners. The Guerrilla chief, now
Camp-Marshal in the regular service, took credit to himself for sparing
their lives when by the laws of war they had placed them at his mercy:
by this time indeed both the invaders and the Spaniards in Navarre
had found it their interest to revert to the humanities of civilized
warfare. His own hospital was in the valley of Roncal, and from the
combined movements of Clausel and Abbé he inferred that it was their
intention to deprive him of that retreat, the only one which there was
for his wounded and invalids. Not being strong enough to resist the
force which was now brought against him, he removed all who were in a
condition to bear removal, and left the others to the enemy’s mercy,
calling to mind no doubt with satisfaction his own recent conduct
at Tafalla and Mendigorria: as he had hoped, the men were humanely
treated by General Abbé, though the hospital effects were destroyed,
and Isaba, which had been deserted by its inhabitants, was set on
fire, and 150 houses burnt. Clausel employed the months of April and
May in endeavouring to hunt this formidable enemy down, of whom in an
intercepted letter to the Intruder, he said, that he would be Lord of
Navarre unless it were occupied by a corps of from 20 to 25,000 men;
because when he was weak he always avoided an action, and fell upon
detachments when he was sure of victory. In the course of this attempt
the loss which his own men sustained from fatigue far exceeded any that
he inflicted upon Mina’s hardy troops, who were intimately acquainted
with the country, and accustomed to the hair-breadth scapes of such
campaigns. At no time, however, was so much apprehension entertained
for Mina’s safety, though he himself relied with his wonted confidence
upon his resources and his fortune, now too not without certain
knowledge that his pursuers would soon be called off to a contest which
for them would be of a far more serious kind.
♦RENOVALES MADE PRISONER.♦
On the side of Biscay the enemy were more successful; they surprised
and captured Renovales, with six of his officers, at Carvajalez de
Zamora; and Castro, from which Caffarelli had been repulsed, was taken
by General Foy, after a siege of eighteen days. The Governor Don Pedro
Pablo Alvares ♦CASTRO DE URDIALES TAKEN BY GEN. FOY.♦ discharged his
duty to the utmost, and the Lyra, Royalist, and Sparrow sloops of war,
and the Alphea schooner, under Captain Bloye, assisted in the defence.
Foy brought all the force which he could collect against it, and
proceeded as if he hoped to strike the province as well as the garrison
with terror, ... for he offered no terms, and seemed determined to
take the place by storm, let it cost what it would. When he had made a
breach wide enough to admit twenty men abreast, he turned his guns on
the town and castle, and threw shells incessantly at the bridge that
connected the ♦MAY 11.♦ castle with the landing-place, hoping thus to
cut off the retreat of the garrison, which at the commencement of the
siege consisted of 1200 men. At noon the enemy entered in great numbers
through the breach and by escalade in various parts; the garrison when
they could no longer defend the town retreated into the castle, the
ships’ boats were in readiness to receive them, and they were embarked
by companies under a tremendous fire of musquetry, two companies
remaining to defend the castle, till the last gun was thrown into the
sea. Every soldier was brought off, and many of the inhabitants, and
landed at Bermeo on the following day. The town was burnt. Foy indeed
acted in the spirit of ♦ENORMITIES COMMITTED THERE BY THE FRENCH.♦ his
Portugueze campaign; as he had offered no terms he showed no mercy,
but when the town was entered put the defenders to the bayonet without
distinction. It had been well if the wickedness of the enemy had ended
there; but in one of their unsuccessful attacks many of their men had
been pushed down a ravine by their fellows while pressing forward to
the charge, the bridge by which they expected to cross having been
destroyed by the English; and because the inhabitants had not informed
them of the destruction of this bridge, they butchered men and women,
sparing none, and inflicting upon them cruelties which nothing but a
devilish nature could devise.
Little attempt was made on the enemy’s part to annoy the allies
during the winter and spring. Foy, with 1500 infantry and 100 horse,
had endeavoured, in February, to surprise the post at Bejar, but was
promptly repulsed; and the French in the same month advanced from
Orbigo and Castro Gondoles as far as Astorga and Manzanal in one
direction, and to the Puebla de Sanabria and Mombuey in another,
the Gallician army retreating before them, and then resuming their
former position when the enemy in their turn had retired. Much greater
activity was shown in plundering the inhabitants; and this kind of war,
wherein there could be no resistance, was carried on so shamelessly,
that the Intruder, it was said, deemed it necessary to call one of the
generals to account.
Clausel was of opinion that an error had been committed in not
concentrating their forces more upon the Ebro, which might have been
done, he said, without abandoning Castille, and this error, he feared,
they should find cause to repent. But the Intruder’s council had
determined upon taking the Douro for their line of defence; and with
this view they threw up works on the right bank at every assailable
point, relying, as Soult had formerly done at Porto, upon the security
which that deep ♦M. SOULT CALLED FROM SPAIN.♦ and rapid river might
afford them. Marshal Soult had been called away in March to take part
in the campaign in Germany. The head-quarters of what had been his
army were removed from Toledo to Madrid early in April, and Toledo was
abandoned; but troops were kept at Illescas, and reconnoissances made
by the cavalry towards Escalona, the Alberche, and Añobes del Tajo,
apprehending some movement of Sir Rowland’s army in this direction.
The ♦THE INTRUDER GOES TO VALLADOLID.♦ Intruder, leaving that capital
to which he was never to return, removed his court, or rather his
head-quarters, to Valladolid, where the Palace Gardens were put in
order for his recreation, and some defensive works constructed. On
the 11th of April, General Hugo, who had been left with the command
in Madrid, informed the _Ayuntamiento_ that the troops were about to
depart, and that they must take measures for preserving tranquillity
and guarding the public buildings, civil and military. The most
precious articles in the cabinet of natural history were sent off, with
whatever else could be removed from the other public establishments,
and all arrears of contribution were exacted with the utmost rigour.
Beasts enough were not left in Madrid for the scavengers’ use, so that
the inhabitants were ordered to collect the sweepings of the streets
into the squares, and there burn what used to be carried into the
country for manure. The people of that poor capital had always clung to
the hope of deliverance with a strength of belief which characterizes
the nation, and in the movements of their oppressors they now saw
reasonable ground for expecting that it could not be long delayed.
♦ANGLO-SICILIAN ARMY.♦
The pride of the French too had been at this time abated on the
eastern coast, where Suchet had hitherto boasted of success in all
his undertakings. Major-General William Clinton arrived at Alicante
in November to take the command from which his health had compelled
General Maitland to retire; and notwithstanding the difficulties which
were opposed by a false point of honour, by a jealousy as ill-founded
as it was ill-timed, and perhaps by treasonable intentions, he
succeeded in obtaining consent to garrison the castle with British
troops. In December a reinforcement of 4000 men, British and foreign,
arrived from Palermo, under Major-General James Campbell, who by
seniority superseded General Clinton in the command, which he was to
hold till the then hourly expected arrival of Lord William Bentinck
from Sicily. But Lord William was detained by political circumstances
in that island, where the hopeless attempt had been undertaken of
improving a government before any improvement has been effected either
in those who are to govern or be governed; and, ♦SIR JOHN MURRAY TAKES
THE COMMAND.♦ as no end could be seen to this delay, Lieutenant-General
Sir John Murray was sent out from England to command the allied forces
in that part of Spain. Feeble as that allied force was, and inert as
its feebleness had compelled it to be, it had yet employed Suchet’s
attention during the autumn and winter.
That general had his head-quarters for the most part at San Felippe,
between Alicante and Valencia, and about three leagues from the Xucar.
Some trivial affairs were all that occurred, till Sir John Murray soon
after his arrival took the army out of its cantonments, apparently
with the view of making the French marshal fall back and concentrate
his forces on that river. After an unsuccessful attempt at surprising
an enemy’s detachment in the populous village of Alcoy, he moved
forward and took up a position near the town of Castalla, where in the
preceding summer Don Joseph O’Donnell had sustained a severe defeat.
While Sir John made ♦DEFEAT OF ELIO’S CORPS.♦ this movement on the
right, General Elio with a separate Spanish corps of 12,000 men moved
on the left to Yecla, Villena, and the flat country in that direction.
There was an old castle in Villena, and Elio garrisoned it with 800 of
his best troops. Suchet was not a man to lose any opportunity which
was presented him: he saw that one of Elio’s divisions had taken post
at Yecla, within reach of Fuente-la-Higuera, where his own advance was
placed, and too far from that of the allies which was at Villena, 25
miles distant. During the night he collected the flower of his army
at Fuente-la-Higuera, and marched with one division, the cavalry and
the reserve, upon Villena, while, with the other part of his force,
General Harispe proceeded rapidly to Yecla, ♦APRIL 12.♦ unseen by the
Spaniards. At break of day he came in sight of them; they retreated
from one position to another, but were out-manœuvred and beaten, and
after losing some four or five hundred men, 1200 laid down their arms.
♦SUCHET MARCHES AGAINST THE ANGLO-SICILIAN ARMY.♦
On the afternoon of the same day, Suchet was seen advancing within a
few miles of Villena, which is about two leagues to the westward of
Castalla. Sir John Murray immediately withdrew the Majorcan division
from Alcoy, and concentrating his force, occupied the strong position
of Castalla. His left, consisting of that division, was placed on the
rocky and almost inaccessible hills south of the town, ... the range
terminating there. Major-General Mackenzie’s division, and the 58th
regiment from Lieutenant-General Clinton’s occupied the town, and the
ground to the right; here and in front of the castle some redoubts
and batteries had been constructed. The remainder of the position
was covered by a strong ravine which rendered it almost inaccessible
on that side; and there Lieutenant-General Clinton was stationed,
supported by three battalions of General Roche’s division as a column
of reserve. The position was well taken. The second battalion of the
27th foot, the 1st Italian regiment, and the Calabrian free corps, had
on the first alarm been pushed forward beyond Villena, under Colonel
Adam, and with them a detachment of cavalry commanded by Colonel Lord
Frederick Bentinck. The object of this movement was to observe the
enemy’s motions: it brought on a cannonade, and the French endeavoured
to break in upon our troops, and enter Villena pell-mell with them; but
Colonel Adam, following his instructions, fell back upon Biar without
loss. Sir John, being now assured that Suchet meditated a serious
movement, urged General Elio to withdraw his 800 men from Villena,
where the castle, in its imperfect state of defence, was not tenable
against such an enemy; but the Spanish general was not to be persuaded.
The French entered Villena that evening, pushing their light troops
beyond ♦APRIL 12.♦ it towards Biar; and on the morrow the commandant
surrendered at the first summons, and he and his battalion were made
prisoners of war.
In the afternoon, Suchet advanced in force towards Biar; which village
is situated at the entrance of a strong pass, in a range of hills
running nearly parallel with the position of the allies. About four
o’clock he commenced a serious attack upon Colonel Adam’s detachment.
That officer’s orders were to fall back upon Castalla, but to dispute
the pass; and this he did for five hours against a very superior force,
with the utmost gallantry and skill; till being overpowered by numbers,
and having both flanks turned, he retreated then to the pass, and took
the place which had been allotted to him in the position, on the high
ground to the left of Castalla, having in this unequal conflict both
inflicted and sustained very considerable loss. Two mountain guns fell
into the enemy’s hands; they could not be brought off, because they
were disabled; Colonel Adam therefore directed Captain Arabin to fight
them to the last, and then abandon them. Before day closed, the French
were seen in great force on the road to Biar, and on the hills opposite
the position; but darkness prevented any farther operations for ♦BATTLE
OF CASTALLA. APRIL 13.♦ the night. At daybreak they were perceived
in great numbers along the defile of Biar, and in the plain ground
which separates it from the hills near Castalla; and in the course of
the morning they posted several large masses of infantry, as if in
preparation for a decided attack. Their success against Elio’s corps
had increased their confidence; and they had accustomed themselves to
speak of this army as composed of the rabble of the allied nations, and
to talk of driving them into the sea.
About one, they pushed forward a large column of cavalry to the village
of Onil, about two miles in front of Castalla, and this movement was
continued parallel to the front of the allies, until nearly opposite
the right of the position. Sir John Murray had foreseen this: the
ground was unfavourable for cavalry, and no notice was taken of the
movement. Three masses of infantry at the same time moved rapidly from
their right, crossed the plain ground in front of the pass, and with
a gallantry, which, in the words of the British general, entitled
them to the highest praise, commenced an attack on the centre and the
left. The left had been weakened; for about an hour before the attack,
General Whittingham had been ordered, with the three regiments which
he had in position there, to make a reconnoissance upon the enemy’s
right flank; but this was the key of the position; and the consequence
of thus weakening it might have been disastrous if Colonel D. Julian
Romero had not opportunely arrived there with two regiments from
Alcoy. Upon this point, from whence more than half its force had been
withdrawn, the main attack was made; and notwithstanding the difficult
approach to it, the assailants gained ground. The Spaniards, who had
expended all their cartridges, were observed to be retiring, and the
enemy moving in considerable force to the left of our centre. The
moment was critical. Just as the assailants had gained the summit,
Colonel Adam, whom they were proceeding to attack in front, prevented
them, and giving them no time to recover breath after the exertion of
such an ascent, charged and overthrew their column, killing, wounding,
or taking prisoner, during the pursuit, almost every man opposed to
his brigade. The Spaniards resumed their ground. Whittingham too had
no sooner apprehended the intention of the enemy, than he returned
with all speed, and arrived in time to take part in the action, in
which, and in the pursuit, the Spaniards distinguished themselves.
The total failure of the enemy here seemed to be felt along their
whole line of attack; they retreated every where. The cavalry, which
had now advanced toward the front of the allies, fell rapidly back on
perceiving this unexpected reverse, and entered the defile in such
confusion, that had the advantage been vigorously pursued, a signal
victory might, in all likelihood, have been obtained. Suchet, having
united his broken battalions with those which he kept in reserve, took
up a hasty position at the entrance of the defile. Sir John Murray,
still retaining the height, moved a considerable part of his army into
the plain, and formed it in front of the enemy, within cannon-shot, his
right flank covered with the cavalry, his left resting on the hills. In
this state, Marshal Suchet thought that the English did not choose to
make an attack, and Sir John Murray, that the French did not choose to
wait for one; ... for the line of the allies was scarcely formed when
the enemy began their retreat, and continued it through the night, the
action terminating at dusk with a distant cannonade.
The French had 18,000 infantry in the field, and 1600 cavalry: the
allies were not much inferior in infantry; but greatly so in horse. The
loss of the allies was 670 killed, wounded, and missing, the greater
number of the killed being Spaniards: 800 of the enemy were left dead
in front of the line which they had attacked: no prisoners were taken
except such as were wounded; but Suchet sent 2000 of Elio’s soldiers
prisoners to Tortosa on their way to France, and represented that his
success on the one part of the operations balanced his failure on the
other. If this had been the case numerically, which it was not, it was
far otherwise in reputation. He had suffered a mortifying defeat; but
what must most have tended to console him for it was, his satisfaction
at perceiving that there was no intention on the part of the allies
to pursue their victory. He retreated that night to Villena through
Biar, where he left many dead and dying. Sir John, on the following
day, marched his army in two columns to Alcoy, hoping (though with
little confidence in that hope) that he might force the strong pass of
Albayda, and reach the intrenched position of the enemy at S. Felippe
before they could; this he thought better than a direct pursuit,
because the road which the French had taken was favourable for cavalry,
and he was greatly inferior in that arm. In the vicinity of Alcoy he
remained till the 17th, and then advanced with the whole army into the
open country, to the foot of the Albayda pass, about a league in front
of Alcoy. But this being a lateral movement, made after the enemy had
so far the start as to have passed all that was perilous for him, and
got into a strong country, with his forces collected and restored to
order, was an unimportant demonstration which had no effect; and he
returned after it to his position at Castalla.
Marshal Suchet had not been more successful in machinations of another
kind. Before the battle of Castalla, an Italian regiment in the
Anglo-Sicilian army had been corrupted, and would have betrayed its
post in an attack concerted with that view, if a timely discovery had
not been made. A scheme also had been formed for delivering Alicante
into his hands; but this also was detected, and three of his emissaries
suffered death for it at Alcoy. Frey Assensio Nebot, known as a
Guerrilla chief, by the name of _El Frayle_, the Friar, had more than
any other partizan annoyed the French in Valencia. His party was well
organized, and provided with a regularity which was seldom to be found
in the regular Spanish armies: so rigorous were the measures employed
against him, that women were put to death for supplying him with means
and intelligence; and at length it was affirmed, that three criminals
who had been condemned to capital punishment obtained their lives, and
the promise of a good reward, on condition of presenting themselves
to the Friar as volunteers, and taking an opportunity to assassinate
him. Mr. Tupper, who had been the British consul at Valencia, and whose
zealous services were never wanting to the common cause, obtained
information of this villany, and the Friar was thus put upon his guard.
♦LORD WELLINGTON OPENS THE CAMPAIGN.♦
Lord Wellington was now prepared to open the campaign, and, for the
first time, with such means as enabled him to act in full confidence
of success. If the Anglo-Sicilian army should not achieve any signal
service, he was yet assured that it would give sufficient employment to
Suchet, so that the Intruder could look for no support from that side.
The British force under his command consisted of 48,000 effective men;
the Portugueze of about 28,000; the Galician of 18,000. The enemy were
not inferior in number, and could more surely rely upon the whole of
♦MAY.♦ their troops; but the change in their Emperor’s fortune and in
their own had been such, that they looked only to a defensive campaign,
and trusted to their strong position on the Douro. In the middle of
May Lord Wellington put his troops in motion. The cavalry which had
wintered in the neighbourhood of Coimbra began their movement at the
end of April: they went by the way of Porto to Braga, where they rested
some days, and proceeding to Braganza, reached that place, which was
the point of union for the left of the army, on the 22d of May. The
left of the army under Sir Thomas Graham crossed the Douro in Portugal,
between Lamego and the frontier. The siege of Ciudad Rodrigo in the
preceding year could not have been undertaken unless that river had
been rendered navigable far above the point to which the Portugueze
barks formerly ascended: it had now been opened as high as to the
mouth of the Agueda; and boats had been quietly collected at different
points, without exciting any suspicion that they were ♦THE LEFT OF THE
ARMY CROSSES THE DOURO.♦ designed for the passage of the troops. Five
divisions of infantry and two brigades of cavalry were thus placed upon
the right bank of the Douro, while the enemy supposed that they had
only to guard against an attempt from the left. The difficulties of
the march were indeed very great; most of the roads are so narrow that
carriages could barely pass between the thick walls which bounded them;
and the mountain streams had their course in ravines, from whence the
ascent is so laborious that sixty men could not without great exertion
enable the horses to drag the artillery up. Nevertheless, hope and
ardour overcame all difficulties; and the advantage which the troops
derived from being provided with shelter was sensibly felt: out of a
division of 6000 men, there were but 120 sick after a march of 250
miles, through such a country. When these were far on their way, Lord
Wellington, with two divisions of British infantry, a Portugueze one
under the Conde de Amarante, a Spanish one under Morillo, and some
corps of cavalry, advanced from Ciudad Rodrigo by the direct road to
Salamanca; the remainder of the army under Sir Rowland Hill moved upon
the same point by Alba de Tormes.
The line of their retreat in November was still too evidently marked
by the skeletons of the poor animals who had been worked to death in
that cruel service. A division of infantry under General Villatte had
been left in Salamanca, with some artillery, and three squadrons of
horse. They evacuated the city upon the approach of the allies, but
they lingered too long upon ♦MAY 26. AFFAIR NEAR SALAMANCA.♦ the
high ground in its vicinity. When Lord Wellington was within half a
league of Salamanca, he and his staff got upon a rocky height which
commanded a full view of the city and adjacent country. Below him were
his own videttes, and beyond them those of the enemy, each supported
by piquets. To the right were the Arapiles, a name known only in
topography before, but which had now a place in military history; and
in the same direction, but more behind him, the heads of two columns,
forming Sir Rowland’s division, were seen on two nearly parallel roads.
Through a glass, the enemy were observed drawn up; two battalions and a
squadron to the right of the city, near a ruined convent; two squadrons
on the Tormes, near the bridge; half a squadron guarding the ford,
about a mile above the city, near S. Martha; ... and behind the city a
battalion in reserve. Villatte having barricadoed the bridge and the
principal communications throughout the town, seemed to have thought
himself sure of an easy retreat. The 1st German hussars, favoured by
ground which concealed them from the enemy, inclined toward the ford,
while the 14th light dragoons, keeping beyond the reach of fire, edged
along the left bank of the river. The enemy appeared in some confusion,
but remained stationary, as if waiting for something; and beyond the
city, in the direction of Miranda de Duero and Zamora, their piquets
were withdrawing, and mules and baggage joining them from all sides.
It was now nearly ten in the forenoon, and the day very hot. The head
of Sir Rowland’s right column, which consisted of cavalry, and a troop
of horse artillery, under General Fane, were within two miles of S.
Martha, marching for the ford: the enemy now began to move, first in
the direction of Toro, but presently, as if wavering, bending to their
right, they kept close to the Tormes, in the direction of Arevalo; and
retired rapidly, but in good order, when Fane with his six squadrons
had crossed the river. It was well for them that this cavalry was
already jaded by a long march; but the horse artillery, as soon as,
owing to the ravines and the intricacies of the ground, it could be
brought into use, opened upon them with great effect, every shot going
through their crowded ranks. They retired with extreme rapidity, but
in excellent order, and the artillery pursued as quickly as a very deep
country, occasionally intersected with hollow roads, would allow. When
the enemy came to Aldea Lengua, there was an opportunity of attacking
them with every probability of forcing them to lay down their arms; but
strict orders had been given not to pass a ravine just by that village;
and the moment (never to be regained in war) went by. When orders came
to proceed, it was just too late; the pursuit however was continued,
and some three miles beyond the village a charge was attempted by two
squadrons, but feebly, for the horses were now far spent; the enemy
formed into squares, and repulsed them by a volley, though with little
loss. The pursuit was continued about three miles farther. Some of the
French were taken, being unable to march farther from fatigue; and
many threw away their knapsacks, and sacks full of biscuit, and of
corn, but no troops under such circumstances could have behaved better;
... and some proofs were given of what better deserves to be called
ferocious intrepidity than courage. One of their men who was severely
wounded attempted to destroy himself; and another obstinately refusing
to surrender when it was not possible for him to escape, compelled
those who would fain have saved his life to cut him down. The affair
ended in front of Aldea Rubia; a corps of infantry and cavalry retiring
from Alba, when threatened by Major-General Long and by Morillo’s
division, joined the enemy here; and Lord Wellington, as his infantry
had not come up, recalled the troops from the pursuit. Above fourscore
of the French lay dead on the road, and many fell among the standing
corn: some 200 were made prisoners; and some baggage, ammunition, and
provisions, with Villatte’s coach, were taken.
♦PASSAGE OF THE EZLA.♦
During the two following days, Lord Wellington established the troops
which had marched from the Agueda and Extremadura Alta between the
Tormes and the Lower Douro. On the 29th he left Salamanca, and reached
Miranda de Duero. The enemy had destroyed all the bridges upon the
river except that at Zamora. Opposite Miranda there is a ferry, where
this deep and rapid stream is from 80 to 100 yards wide, and the rocks
on either side from 400 to 500 feet high. When it is so swoln that the
ferry is impracticable, the only way by which travellers can cross is
after the old Peruvian manner, in a sort of hammock or cradle, fastened
to a rope, which is secured upon two projecting points of rock, about
thirty feet above the ordinary level of the ♦FLOREZ ESP. SAGRADA, T.
16, P. 3.♦ water. Here Lord Wellington crossed, and on the following
day joined Sir Thomas Graham’s corps at Carvajales on the Ezla. This
river, which upon good grounds is believed to have been the Astura
of the ancients, and in Leon is called the Rio Grande, descends from
the Puertos de Asturias, passes by Mansilla to Benevente, near which
town it receives the Cea from the east, and the larger river Orbigo
from the west, and enters the Douro below Zamora. At daybreak on
the 31st the troops began to ford: the enemy so little apprehended
danger on that side, that they had only a piquet there, and thus no
opposition was offered to a very difficult and perilous passage. The
ford was intricate; the water nearly chin deep; the bottom rough and
stony; and the stones large and loose. The hussar brigade began the
passage, entering in a body; and as it was supposed that a village on
the opposite hill was occupied by the enemy, and as it was necessary
that some infantry should cross to support the advance of the hussars,
each dragoon had a soldier holding by his stirrup. But this impeded
the horses: alarmed both by, the stream and the unsafe footing, they
became unmanageable and plunged forward: the men, who before could
scarcely keep their feet against the force and weight of the stream,
lost at once their footing and their hold; they were plunged into the
water, their knapsacks overweighed them and kept them on their backs,
and in this manner they struggled at the mercy of the current. There
were, fortunately, three or four small islands just at this part;
and by these most of the officers and men were stopped, but several
valuable lives were lost. The hussars exerted themselves with exemplary
humanity to assist the infantry, and one of their corporals lost his
own life in the performance of this generous duty. In this way the 51st
and the Brunswick Oel’s corps, as well as the cavalry, passed. Their
orders were to ascend the hill and take the village: the enemy’s piquet
were made prisoners. A pontoon bridge was then thrown across, and the
remainder of the corps passed over.
♦JUNE.♦
The French seem now for the first time to have comprehended Lord
Wellington’s plan, and found themselves out-manœuvred by an enemy to
whom they had hitherto allowed no credit for any thing except courage,
and that only because they had been so often beaten by them that it
was no longer for their own credit to deny it. No sooner were they
menaced by the advance of the columns than they destroyed the bridge
at Zamora, and retired from that city and from Toro. Both cities
were entered by the allies; and at daybreak on the first of June the
hussar brigade under Colonel Grant came up near Toro with the enemy’s
rear-guard, who retired rapidly to the village of Morales, in the
direction of Tordesillas. After having been cannonaded by two guns,
which were all that could be brought up in time through the deep sandy
roads, the French formed behind the village. The hussars passed on
both sides of the village, and instantly charged them; upon which they
made off with all speed for a little bridge across a marshy bottom,
faced about there, being supported by some guns belonging to their
infantry, and stood a charge. They were worsted in it, but passed the
bridge; part of the 10th hussars pursued, and Captain Lloyd advancing
with great spirit, but few followers, was taken: they were again
pressed, and retired hastily on the infantry, losing more than 200
prisoners in these affairs, and so many in killed and wounded, that
the 16th regiment of dragoons was almost destroyed. Captain Lloyd was
ill-treated by his captors; they beat him and rifled him, but left
him in their retreat. Though the fighting was almost in the street of
Morales, the Spaniards were now so accustomed to sights of war, that
within ten minutes after the firing had ceased the women were spinning
at their doors, and the little children at play as if nothing had
happened.
♦SIR ROWLAND HILL CROSSES THE DOURO.
JUNE 3.♦
Lord Wellington halted at Toro, that the light division and the troops
under Sir Rowland might cross the Douro by the bridge there, that his
rear-guard might come up, and that the Galician army should unite
itself with his left. The whole of the allied force was now on the
right side of the Douro: leaving then half the reserve-ammunition
near Zamora to spare the horses (which were already suffering), he
proceeded: the French, whose force was distributed between Valladolid,
Tordesillas, and Medina, retiring as he advanced, their rear crossing
at the Puente de Duero, on the same day that the allies accomplished
their first object in the campaign, by uniting on the right side of
that river. The enemy now concentrated their force behind the Pisuerga:
there also there was strong ground for defence; but abandoning that
also when Lord Wellington manœuvred on their right, they withdrew
behind the Carrion. The Intruder quitted Palencia on the 6th, and the
greater part of his troops early on the following morning, after a
night passed in the fear of close pursuit. When Lord Wellington entered
that city, flowers were thrown upon him from the windows, and a shower
of roses from the upper gratings of a nunnery. The enemy had not left a
morsel of bread, nor a drop of wine in that city: and when they hastily
retired from a bivouac near Tordesillas, leaving it to be occupied by a
part of Sir Rowland’s corps, the fuel which the troops found collected
there consisted of doors, window-frames, tables, and drawers, from the
houses in the neighbourhood.
From the Ezla to Palencia the troops had marched through one continued
track of corn, where villages were so thinly scattered, that it
seemed unaccountable where the cultivators were to be found. The land
was generally in wheat, with a fair proportion of barley, and here
and there a crop of vetches and clover. They moved generally by two
roads, and on each side of each at least twenty yards were trampled
down. The horses were fed on green barley nearly the whole march. The
intention of the British Government was to pay the inhabitants for
whatever the army must of necessity take from them; and on the part
of the Government, the full payment was in fact made: but little of
that payment reached the poor people to whom it was due. For want of
specie, the commissaries could pay upon the spot only in bills; to the
peasantry these were worth no more than what the land-sharks who follow
in the wake of an army chose to offer for them; and in this iniquitous
manner large fortunes were amassed, ... a species of roguery which many
of the Portugueze (though as a people the Portugueze are eminent for
probity) were not slow in learning.
♦THE FRENCH ABANDON BURGOS.♦
The army crossed the Carrion on the 7th, following an enemy who seemed
undetermined where to make a stand. On the 12th, Lord Wellington found
it necessary after such rapid movements to halt his left, while the
right under Sir Rowland advanced to reconnoitre the strength of the
French, and the position which they had taken up near Burgos, where
great pains had been taken to strengthen the fortifications of the
castle. They were posted in considerable force on the heights to
the left of the Hormaza, with their right above the village of that
name, and their left in front of Estapar. Part of the allied force
flanked them on their right, another marched against the heights of
Hormaza, the remainder threatened those of Estapar; without waiting
to be attacked they were dislodged, and retreated hastily for Burgos,
suffering considerable loss from the horse artillery, and losing a gun
and some prisoners, but retreating in the best order. More presence of
mind indeed was shown by them hitherto in presence of the enemy, and
in action, than in their counsels. They posted themselves on the left
of the Arlanzon and of the Urbel, which were then greatly swoln with
rains: but in the night they retreated into the city, and hurrying from
it, blew up the castle early in the morning, about an hour after the
Intruder had left it. They seemed to have been aware that there was no
longer any hope of recovering their ascendancy, and to have intended to
bring upon the city a destruction which should prevent the inhabitants
from rejoicing in their deliverance. But the hurry, and fear, and
confusion, with which their preparations were made defeated this
malignant purpose. Several mines failed; some which were primed did not
explode; others were so ill managed that they blew the earth inwards:
and as the explosion took place some hours sooner than was intended,
the destruction which was intended for their enemies fell in part upon
themselves. Many of their men who were lingering to plunder perished as
they were loading their horses with booty in the streets and squares,
and three or four hundred were blown up in the fort. Above 1000 shells
had been placed in the mines: the explosion was distinctly heard at the
distance of fifty miles; and the pavement of the cathedral was covered
with the dust into which its windows had been shivered by the shock.
The town escaped destruction owing to the failure of so many of the
mines, but the castle was totally destroyed, ... gates, beams, masses
of masonry, guns, carriages, and arms lying in one heap of ruins; ...
some of the mines had laid open the breaches, and exposed the remains
of those who had fallen during the siege.
♦THE EBRO.♦
The object of the enemy now was to occupy a position behind the Ebro,
blocking up the great road by placing a garrison in the castle of
Pancorbo, and calling to their assistance the corps from Biscay,
Navarre, and Aragon. But Lord Wellington, repeating the manœuvre which
had before so perfectly succeeded, had already sent his left column to
effect its passage in a quarter from whence they apprehended no danger.
The Ebro rises in the mountains of Santillana, its principal source
being at the northern extremity of Old Castille, towards the Asturian
frontier, near a town which from that cause is called Fontibre. The
Sierra de Oca prevents it from trending westward, like the other
great rivers of Spain; and at Miranda de Ebro, the point at which the
Intruder had instructed the different divisions of his army to make
for with all speed, it appears nearly as large a stream as at Tortosa,
though in the course of the intervening sixty leagues it receives many
and large rivers, one of them the Aragon, of such magnitude, that it
is called the husband (_el varou_) of the Ebro. While the remainder
of the army were pushing the enemy back ♦PASSAGE OF THE EBRO BY THE
ALLIES.♦ upon Burgos, the left column had been detached to effect its
passage above Frias by the bridges of S. Martin and Rocamunde: the
road thither had been deemed impracticable for carriages, and on that
supposed impracticability the enemy relied; but the confidence of the
British General was partaken by his army, and well seconded by them in
all ways; exertions which nothing but zeal and eager hope could have
accomplished were made; and the artillery was lowered down the steep
banks of the river where there were none to offer any resistance. The
French had calculated not without reason on the line of the Ebro, if
they had had foresight or been allowed leisure to occupy it. The road
begins to descend the mountains about three miles from the right bank,
and for more than half that way winds down a continued defile, which
admits only eight or ten men abreast, and being withal tremendously
steep, is so paved that horses can scarcely keep their feet there.
Another such defile, and of greater length, is to be passed on the
opposite side. A few ditches cut across the route, a few trees placed
as barricadoes, a rock blown up to block the pass, a hundred or two
of men to defend it, and to roll stones from the crags and precipices
above, might have stopped any force that attempted the passage. The
left column crossed on the 14th, the remainder of the army on the 15th,
at the same points and by the Puente de Arenas, and on the following
day they moved to the right, in the direction of Vittoria.
♦THE FRENCH FALL BACK UPON VITTORIA.♦
They knew at this time little of the enemy, not even who commanded
their united force, whether Marshal Jourdan or General Gazan, the
Intruder’s command being of course merely nominal; it was thought
that their intention was to have given battle upon the main road,
near Briviesca; but this alone was certain, that their plans had
been disconcerted by Lord Wellington’s movements and sudden advance,
and that they were in that state of irresolution which prepares even
the best soldiers for defeat. On the 16th and 17th they assembled a
considerable force near Espejo, composed of troops which had been
employed against Longa and Mina, and of others detached from the main
body of their army. They had also a division of infantry, with some
cavalry, at Frias, to observe the movements of the allies after the
passage of the Ebro. These detachments, in all about 16,000 men, moved
on the 18th, those from Frias upon S. Millan, and those from Espejo
upon Osma. The light division, under Major-General Alten, drove them
from S. Millan, and cut off the brigade of their rear-guard, of whom
it killed and wounded many, took 300 prisoners, with a considerable
quantity of baggage, and dispersed the rest among the mountains, ...
from thence to be brought in by the peasants and the guerrillas. Sir
Thomas Graham arrived at Osma at the same time with the enemy’s corps;
they were considerably superior in numbers, nevertheless they retired
as soon as an intention was shown of attacking them: presently they
returned briskly, as if to become assailants in their turn, but their
reception was not such as to encourage them, and they once more retired
towards Espejo, and being followed thither, withdrew to the heights.
The enemy’s head-quarters were that day at Pancorvo. During the night
they moved from thence towards Vittoria; and on the following day their
rear-guard was found strongly posted, having its right covered by the
village of Subijana, and its left upon the heights in front of ♦JUNE
19.♦ Pobes. The light division attacked them in flank on the right, Sir
Lowry Cole with the 4th in front, and they were driven back upon their
main force, of which a view was then obtained, but no correct judgment
could be formed of its numbers, because they were in part concealed by
the mountains, and a thick rain was falling during the whole day. On
that night they took up a position in front of Vittoria.
♦VITTORIA.♦
This city, which is now the capital of the province of Alava, and
stands in a valley, bounded on one side by a part of the Pyrenees,
and on the other by a range of bold though inferior mountains, was
founded in 1181 by Sancho VII. of Navarre, a king distinguished by the
appellations of the Wise and the Valiant. There had been a village
called Gasteiz on the site; Sancho thinking it a good situation for a
fortress which might check the incursions of his Castillian neighbours
♦GARCHAY, L. 24, CAP. 13. PP. 187–8.♦ on that side, rebuilt, peopled
and fortified it, and gave his new town the name of Victoria, in
memorial of some now forgotten victory obtained in that vicinity over
them. Juan II. of Castille made it a city. It is now divided into the
old and new towns, the latter being the larger and better part of what
in peaceful times was a populous, industrious, and prosperous place,
containing more than a thousand houses, and twice that number in the
suburbs.
♦POSITION OF THE FRENCH ARMY.♦
In front of this city the enemy had taken their position, under the
nominal command of the Intruder, but actually commanded by Marshal
Jourdan, as the Major-General of the army. Their left rested upon
the heights which terminated at the Puebla de Arlanza; and they had
a reserve in rear of their left, at the village of Gomecha: their
centre extended along a range of strong heights on the left bank of
the Zadorra, its right resting on a circular hill that commands the
valley to which that river gives name; this hill they had covered with
infantry, flanked and defended with several brigades of guns; their
right was in advance of the river, above the village of Abechuco,
to defend the passage. This position, extending about eight miles,
covered the three great roads which from Bilbao, Logroño, and Madrid,
converge upon Vittoria; it crossed also the main road to Bayonne, upon
which immense convoys were seen, moving towards France with the last
harvest and the last gleanings of their plunder. The city was filled
with others awaiting their turn for departure. It is remarkable that,
within sight of this ground, the battle of Najara was fought, in which
Edward the Black Prince, acting as the ally of a bad man, defeated
the best troops of France under their most distinguished leader
Bertram du Guesclin, who was come in support of a worse. It is also
remarkable that the Prince of Brazil, before the battle of Vittoria was
fought, should have conferred the title of Duque da Victoria upon Lord
Wellington.
Lord Wellington halted his columns on the 20th, in order to close them
up, for since reaching the Ebro they had necessarily been extended,
because of the nature of the country: only the 6th division was left
at Medina de Pomal to cover the march of supplies from the rear.
That day he made a close reconnoissance of the enemy’s position in
every part, with the determination of attacking them on the following
morning, if they should continue there. There was little disparity
of numbers between the two armies, each having from 70 to 75,000
men. Lord Wellington instantly perceived that the position, though
in most respects well chosen, was too confined, that it showed an
inconsiderable front, and was liable to be taken in flank.
♦BATTLE OF VITTORIA.♦
At daybreak on the 21st of June the allied army was put in motion. The
right under Sir Rowland, consisting of the second British division, the
Conde de Amarante’s Portugueze division, and Morillo’s Spanish corps,
was to commence the action by attacking the heights of La Puebla,
upon which the enemy’s left rested. Sir Thomas Graham with the left,
composed of the 1st and 5th divisions, Generals Pack and Bradford’s
brigades of infantry, Generals Bock and Anson’s brigades of horse,
and Longa’s Spanish division, was directed to turn their right by a
wide movement, and, crossing the Zadorra, to cut off their retreat
by the road to Bayonne. As soon as either of these corps should be
in a situation to manœuvre on the other side the river, the centre,
consisting of the 3d, 4th, 7th, and light divisions, in two columns,
was to advance, and the whole then push forward on the city, and attack
it simultaneously in front and in flank, ... whereby the French would
be compelled either to abandon it and their precious convoys, or risk
a battle in the hope of preserving them. The Spaniards, under Morillo,
began the action, and attacked the heights with great gallantry; their
leader was wounded, but remained in the field; the enemy stood firm,
and made great efforts to retain their ground, perceiving when too
late, that they had neglected to occupy it in sufficient strength.
Strong reinforcements were sent from their centre to its support, so
that Sir Rowland found it necessary to detach thither, first, the 71st
regiment, and the light infantry battalions of Major-General Walker’s
brigade, and successively other troops; the contest was very severe,
and the loss considerable. Here the Hon. Lieutenant-Colonel Cadogan was
mortally wounded, an officer, in Lord Wellington’s words, “of great
zeal and tried gallantry, who had acquired the respect and regard of
the whole profession, and of whom it might have been expected, that
if he had lived he would have rendered the most important services
to his country.” At length the enemy were driven at the point of the
bayonet from these heights; and under the cover which the possession of
this ground afforded, Sir Rowland crossed the Zadorra at La Puebla,
passed the difficult defile, two miles in length, which is formed by
the heights and the river, and then attacked and won the village of
Sabijana de Alva, which covered the left of the enemy’s lines. They
on their part made repeated attempts to regain this important point,
and with that hope drew from their centre a considerable force; again
and again they endeavoured to recover the village, but their efforts,
though bravely and perseveringly made, were unsuccessful.
The difficult nature of the country delayed the communication between
the different columns, and it was late before Lord Wellington knew that
the 3d and 7th divisions, under the Earl of Dalhousie, had arrived at
their appointed station. The 4th and the light divisions, however,
crossed the Zadorra immediately after Sir Rowland had gained possession
of Sabijana, the former at the bridge of Nanclares, the latter at the
Tres Puentes; almost at the same time the Earl of Dalhousie’s column
arrived at Mendonza, and the 3rd division, under Sir Thomas Picton,
charged and took the bridge higher up, and crossed and was followed by
the 7th. These bridges the enemy ought to have destroyed, but from the
beginning of the campaign a want of foresight had been manifested in
all their operations, though when in action their generals displayed
the habitual promptitude of experienced commanders. The four divisions
which had now crossed, and which formed the centre of the allied army,
were destined to attack the heights on which the right of the enemy’s
centre was placed, while Sir Rowland should move forward from Sabijana
to attack the left. The French had lined those heights with artillery,
which opened on the allies as soon as they attempted to advance from
the river, and with so destructive a fire that it became necessary for
them to halt and bring two brigades of guns to oppose it. Meantime the
contest was maintained at Sabijana with great obstinacy; the enemy
feeding their attacks from a wood, in which their troops were assembled
in great force. But when a brigade which Sir Rowland had detached along
a range of mountains to turn their flank appeared, and at the same time
Sir Thomas Picton approached their front, they gave over their attempts
to recover the village, and began to think rather of retreat than of a
successful resistance. And when Sir Thomas pushed on to take the large
circular hill in flank, while the fourth division moved simultaneously
upon the village in the centre, their whole force prepared to fall back
upon the town, retreating before the allies could close, but keeping
up a hot fire from their artillery. The third division first came in
contact with their columns, and by a gallant attack captured 28 of
their guns which they had not time to draw into the road. The other
divisions pressed them in front. At this moment both the winning and
the losing game were played with equal skill, “the allies advancing
by echellons of battalions, in two or three lines, according ♦COLONEL
JONES’S ACCOUNT, 2. 158.♦ to the nature of the ground; and the French
retiring before them in the most orderly manner, and taking advantage
of every favourable opportunity to make a stand.” And here it happened,
that General Colville’s brigade, which was on the left of the centre,
and most in advance, became, by an accident of the ground, separated
from its support; the enemy, who lost no opportunity in action,
attacked it with a far superior force, but the brigade stood firm,
though out of 1800 men it lost 550.
While the right and the centre, following up their success, were
pushing the enemy back upon Vittoria, the left was advancing upon
that town by the high road from Bilbao. Sir Thomas Graham with that
column had been moved on the preceding evening to Margina, and had
then so considerable a round to make, that it was ten o’clock before
he began to descend into the plain. General Giron with the Spanish
army had been detached to the left under a different view of the
state of affairs; but having been recalled and reached Orduña on
the yesterday, he marched from thence in the morning so as to be
in readiness to support Sir Thomas Graham, if his support should
be required. The enemy had a division of infantry and some cavalry
advanced upon the Bilbao road, resting their right on some strong
heights covering the village of Gamarra Mayor, and both that village
and Abechuco were strongly occupied as _têtes-du-pont_ to the bridges
over the Zadorra at those places. The heights were attacked both in
front and flank by Brigadier-General Pack’s Portugueze brigade, and
Longa’s Spanish division, supported by Major-General Anson’s brigade
of light dragoons, and the 5th division of infantry, all under the
command of Major-General Oswald; and they were carried, both Spaniards
and Portugueze behaving admirably. Longa then with little resistance
got possession of Gamarra Menor, and the larger village of the same
name was stormed and taken by Brigadier-General Robinson’s brigade of
the 5th division, which advanced under a heavy fire of artillery and
musketry without firing a shot: the enemy suffered severely there,
and lost three pieces of cannon. Sir Thomas Graham then proceeded to
attack the village of Abechuco with the 1st division; they formed a
strong battery against it, under cover of which Colonel Halkett’s
brigade advanced to the attack, supported by General Bradford’s
brigade of Portugueze infantry. Three guns and a howitzer were taken
on the bridge here, and the village was carried. While the contest at
Abechuco continued, the enemy seeing their communication with Bayonne
threatened, marched a strong body to their right in the hope of
recovering Gamarra Mayor: they were driven back in confusion; made a
second attempt, and were again repulsed, for Sir Thomas had loop-holed
the houses in front of the bridge, placed artillery to flank the
approach, and stationed several battalions concealed along the walls,
and their fire repelled the enemy upon a third advance. But the French
had two divisions of infantry in reserve upon the heights on the left
of the Zadorra; Sir Thomas, therefore, could not cross the river with
such a corps in front, till the troops which had moved upon the centre
and the left of the French should have driven them through Vittoria.
About six in the evening this was done, and the corps which held him
in check retreated then lest it should be taken in rear. The left then
crossed the Zadorra, took possession of the high road to Bayonne, and
forced the right as well as the left centre of the enemy back into
the Pamplona road; and now they were unable to hold any position long
enough for drawing off their artillery and baggage. In the expressive
language of an officer who bore his part in the victory, “they were
beaten before the town, and in the town, and through the town, and
out of the town, and behind the town, and all round about the town.”
Every where they had been attacked, every where beaten, and now every
where were put to utter rout. They themselves had in many actions
made greater slaughter of a Spanish army, but never in any instance
had they reduced an army, even of raw volunteers, to such a state of
total wreck. Stores, baggage, artillery, every thing was abandoned;
one gun and one howitzer only were they able to carry off, and the
gun was taken before it could reach Pamplona. 151 pieces of brass
ordnance on travelling carriages were taken; more than 400 caissons,
more than 14,000 round of ammunition, and nearly two millions of
musket-ball cartridges. The loss on the part of the allies consisted
of 501 British killed, 2808 wounded: 150 Portugueze and 89 Spaniards
killed, 899 and 466 wounded, ... the total loss not amounting to 5000.
The French acknowledged a loss of 8000, ... unquestionably it was
greater; not more than a thousand prisoners were taken; for so soon
as they found themselves irretrievably defeated, they ran, and never
did brave soldiers when beaten display more alacrity in flight. Having
abandoned all their ammunition waggons, they had not powder to blow up
the bridges; had this been done, the pursuit would have been greatly
impeded; attempts were made to break them up with pick-axes, and in
this they partly succeeded in several places. But the country was too
much intersected with ditches for cavalry to act with effect in a
pursuit; and infantry who moved in military order could not at their
utmost speed keep up with a route of fugitives. Yet, precipitate as
their flight was, they took great pains to bear off their wounded, and
dismounted a regiment of cavalry to carry them on. And they carefully
endeavoured to conceal their dead, stopping occasionally to collect
them and throw them into ditches, where they covered them with bushes.
Many such receptacles were found containing from ten to twenty bodies.
The Intruder, who now appears for the last time upon the stage of
his everlasting infamy, narrowly escaped. The tenth hussars entered
Vittoria at the moment that he was hastening out of it in his carriage.
Captain Wyndham with one squadron pursued, and fired into the carriage,
and Joseph had barely time to throw himself on his horse and gallop off
under the protection of an escort of dragoons. The carriage was taken,
and in it the most splendid of his trinkets, and the most precious
articles of his royal plunder. Marshal Jourdan’s staff was among the
trophies of the field; it was rather more than a foot long, and covered
with blue velvet, on which the imperial eagles were embroidered; and
it had been tipped with gold; but the first finder secured the gold
for himself. The case was of red morocco with silver clasps, and
with eagles on it, and at either end the Marshal’s name imprinted in
gold letters. Lord Wellington sent it to the Prince Regent, and was
gracefully presented in return with the staff of a Field-Marshal of
Great Britain. The spoils resembled those of an Oriental rather than
of an European army; for the Intruder, who in his miserable situation
had abandoned himself to every kind of sensuality, had with him all
his luxuries. His plunder, his wardrobe, his sideboard, his larder,
and his cellar, fell into the conqueror’s hands. The French officers,
who carried the pestilential manners of their nation wherever they
went, followed his example as far as their means allowed, and thus
the finest wines and the choicest delicacies were found in profusion.
The wives and mistresses of the officers had gathered together in one
house, where they were safe, and from whence they were sent in their
own carriages with a flag of truce to Pamplona. Poodles, parrots,
and monkeys, were among the prisoners. Seldom has such a scene of
confusion been witnessed as that which the roads leading from the field
of battle presented; ... broken down waggons stocked with claret and
champagne, others laden with eatables dressed and undressed, casks of
brandy, apparel of every kind, barrels of money, books, papers, sheep,
cattle, horses, and mules, abandoned in the flight. The baggage was
presently rifled, and the followers of the camp attired themselves in
the gala dresses of the flying enemy. Portugueze boys figured about
in the dress coats of French general officers; and they who happened
to draw a woman’s wardrobe in the lottery, converted silks, satins,
and embroidered muslins, into scarfs and sashes for their masquerade
triumph. Some of the more fortunate soldiers got possession of the
army chest, and loaded themselves with money: “Let them,” said Lord
Wellington, when he was informed of it; “they deserve all they can
find, were it ten times more.” The camp of every division was like a
fair; benches were laid from waggon to waggon, and there the soldiers
held an auction through the night, and disposed of such plunder as had
fallen to their share to any who would purchase it. Even dollars became
an article of sale, for they were too heavy to be carried in any great
numbers; eight were offered for a guinea, ... guineas which had been
struck for the payment of the troops in Portugal, and made current
there by a decree of the Regency, being the gold currency. The people
of Vittoria had their share in the spoils, and some of them indemnified
themselves thus for what they had suffered in their property by the
enemy’s exactions.
The city sustained no injury, though the French were driven through
it, and though great part of the battle might be seen from every
window. Nothing could be more mournful than its appearance that night,
... a lantern at every door, and no one in the streets. It was the
first place where the allies had found that the inhabitants were
French in feeling. Two days of heavy rain impeded the pursuit; but
that rain saved many houses from the flames, for the French wreaked
their vengeance upon every thing which they could destroy in their
flight. Every house at which the pursuers arrived had been gutted by
the fugitives, every village set on fire, and the few inhabitants who
had not taken flight in time had met with no mercy; at every step the
allies found havoc, and flames, and misery, the dying and the dead.
Such was the panic among the fugitives, that, finding the gates of
Pamplona closed, they attempted to force their way over the walls, and
did not desist till they were opposed by a serious fire of cannon and
musketry. A council of war was held there, in which it was resolved
to blow up the works and abandon the place; with this intent they
destroyed ammunition and tore down palisades from the outworks. But
the Intruder knew that the possession of so strong a fortress would in
some degree cover his flight; and the last act of his usurped authority
was to order that every article of food and fuel should be taken from
the Spaniards who were within reach. By the rigorous execution of this
order, the quantity in the town was more than doubled; and having left
a garrison there, the flying force continued their way to the Pyrenees.
Their rear was still in sight of Pamplona, when the right and centre of
the allies were checked in their pursuit by a fire from the walls.
♦SIR T. GRAHAM PROCEEDS AGAINST G. FOY.♦
Sir Thomas Graham with the left of the army was ordered to march by
Puerto S. Andrian upon Villa Franca, in the hope of intercepting
General Foy, who occupied Bilbao after the atrocities which he had
committed in Castro. The orders were not received till the 23rd, when
the weather and the ways in consequence were so bad, that only a small
part of the column could pass the mountain that day; and it was not
till the 24th that Sir Thomas, with Major-General Anson’s brigade of
light dragoons, the light battalions of the German legion, and two
Portugueze brigades could march from Segura, the rest of the troops
not having come up. The roads were so slippery with the rain, and in
many places so steep, that horses could scarcely keep their feet, or
the infantry make any progress. This allowed Foy time to withdraw
the troops from some of the military stations there, and with his
collected force he began his retreat into France. The allies came to
the junction of the roads from Bilbao and from Vittoria to Bayonne just
as the enemy’s rear had passed it. The French occupied in force some
strong ♦JUNE 24.♦ ground on the right of the Oria, in front of the
village of Olaverria, about a mile and a half from Villa Franca; they
were dislodged from thence, and allowed the pursuers to take possession
of the town, meaning to make their stand at Tolosa. During the night,
Longa’s corps joined Sir Thomas, and the advance of General Giron’s.
On the following morning the enemy evacuated Celequiz, and took up a
very strong position between that place and Tolosa, covering the road
to Pamplona. Longa was then directed to march by Alzo upon Lizara
in order to flank his left, while General Mendizabel was requested
to dispatch some battalions from Aspeytia to flank his right, which
rested upon a mountain with an inaccessible ravine in front. The French
were driven from the summit of a hill lying between the Pamplona and
Vittoria roads, on the right of the allies, by a very skilful attack of
Lieutenant-Colonel Williams, and the possession of this important point
enabled the assailants to act on the Pamplona road. In the course of
the afternoon the Spaniards arrived at their ♦THE FRENCH DRIVEN FROM
TOLOSA.♦ destination, and between six and seven a general attack was
made, one column advancing upon the Vittoria road, another on the left;
General Bradford driving the enemy in on their front by the Pamplona
road, and Longa still more on the right from the side of the mountains,
turning, and forcing from very strong positions, all their posted
bodies on the right of the town. Still they held the town; and it was
found much more capable of defence than had been represented; this
was generally the case with their fortified posts, so prone were the
Spaniards to report things always according to their hopes; the walls
had been loop-holed, and new towers erected to flank it. The Vittoria
gate was barricadoed and the Pamplona one on the bridge; both were
flanked by convents and other large buildings which the enemy occupied;
the place was nowhere open, and a strong wood block-house had been
constructed in the Plaza, of so much importance had it been deemed. A
nine-pounder was brought up close to the Vittoria gate, under cover
of the light battalions’ fire; the gate was burst open: at the same
time, the walls were attacked and gained under a considerable fire, and
about half an hour after night closed, the enemy forsook the place,
flying from every point, and the troops entered amidst the _vivas_ of
the inhabitants, who had fully expected to have been plundered that
night by the retreating enemy. The British officer who first entered
thought they were in some danger from their deliverers, considering
the mixed composition of the troops, and how likely it was that some
parties away from their regiments might take advantage of the darkness
and the confusion. He advised them therefore to shut their doors,
and, to the credit of the troops, it must be added, that no outrage
or excess was committed. Longa and the German legion passed on, and
formed immediately beyond the town. The loss of the allies on this and
the preceding day amounted to about 400. Sir Thomas Graham was struck
during the attack by a musket-ball; the hurt was not serious, and he
attempted to conceal it, but could not, and was obliged to dismount.
♦JUNE 26.♦
On the morrow one brigade was placed on the Pamplona road, and another
on the Bayonne, each about a league from Tolosa; a third occupied
Alegria, and Sir Thomas then halted two days to ascertain ♦FOY RETREATS
INTO FRANCE.♦ the advance of Lord Wellington on his right. Foy had
retreated to Anduain, where he destroyed the bridge; but he now knew
himself to be no longer safe within the Spanish territory, and lost
no time in making his way into France. A brigade of the Galician army
attacked his rear-guard on the Bidassoa at Irun, and drove them over
the bridge. They still maintained a strong stone block-house there,
which served as a head to the bridge, and some loop-holed houses on
the Spanish side of the river. General Giron sent for some Spanish
artillery to dislodge them; an ♦JUNE 30.♦ English brigade of nine
pounders was sent from Oyarzun to act with it; the French then found
it necessary to abandon their post, and they blew up the block-house
and burnt the bridge. In all these affairs no troops could have
behaved better than the Spanish; and General Giron, with a natural
and becoming feeling, had been very desirous that this last exploit
should fall to their part. The garrison at Passages, 150 in number,
♦PASSAGES IS SURRENDERED.♦ surrendered on the same day to Longa, and
on the following the garrison of Guetaria, being blockaded by land,
evacuated the town and fort, ♦CASTRO ABANDONED BY THE ENEMY.♦ and went
by sea to St. Sebastian. Castro de Urdiales, the scene of General Foy’s
atrocities, had been abandoned the day after the battle of Vittoria,
the British squadron having cut off the garrison from all supplies by
sea, and the Spaniards by land. A British vessel heaving opportunely in
sight, the commandant withdrew precipitately, without destroying his
artillery and powder, or injuring the castle. A few old women were the
only survivors in the town, and their tale of the barbarities which
the French and Italian troops had committed there is too dreadful for
recital; there is, however, a satisfaction in recording that fourteen
of the perpetrators were among the prisoners taken at Bilbao, and were
deservedly put to death. The garrison got by sea to Santona, that and
St. Sebastian being the only points which the enemy now occupied upon
that coast. The French had left 700 men in Pancorbo, a post commanding
a ravine through which the high road ♦PANCORBO TAKEN.♦ from Burgos
to Vittoria passes. The Andalusian army of reserve, under the Conde
de Abisbal, was on its way to join the main force. Lord Wellington
requested him to make himself master of the town and lower works, and
blockade, as closely as he could, the castle, which is situated on a
high rock. Abisbal assaulted and took the town and the fort of Santa
Marta on the 28th; and cutting off the garrison in the castle from the
spring which supplied them with water, compelled them to surrender two
days afterwards, when in all other respects they were well provided for
a regular defence.
♦CLAUSEL RETIRES TO ZARAGOZA.♦
General Clausel’s corps, consisting of part of the army of the north,
and one division of the army of Portugal, 14,000 in all, had been
recalled from its operations against Mina to join the collected force
of the Intruder. Coming in a direction which none of the fugitives had
taken, he approached Vittoria the day after the battle, and finding
that city in possession of Major-General Pakenham’s division, which
had just arrived there, and having no means of communicating with the
routed army, he retired immediately towards Logroño. There he halted,
hoping to obtain information whereby to direct his movements; and
Lord Wellington thinking there was some prospect of intercepting his
retreat, moved three divisions towards Tudela, and the 5th and 6th from
Vittoria and Salvatierra towards Logroño. Clausel, who was at this
time harassed by the indefatigable Mina, and by Don Julian Sanchez
with his regiment of cavalry, left Logroño on the 24th, taking with
him the garrison of that place, and marching on the left bank of the
Ebro, crossed it by the bridge at Lodosa, and reached Calahorra on the
following day. On the next he arrived at Tudela; but the Alcalde of
that city informed him that the allies were on the road to meet him,
upon which he marched toward Zaragoza, taking with him this garrison
also.
♦PREPARATIONS FOR THE SIEGE OF PAMPLONA.♦
Sir Rowland meantime following the main body of the defeated army
on their retreat over the Pyrenees, dislodged them from every point
which they attempted to hold, and obtained possession of the passes
of S. Esteban, Donna Maria, Maya, and Roncesvalles. It was now Lord
Wellington’s intention to besiege Pamplona: with this intent the heavy
guns and stores for the siege were brought from Santander to Deba, a
little town to the westward of S. Sebastian’s: there they were landed,
and cows and bullocks had been collected for transporting them to the
trenches: but the intelligence which Lord Wellington received from the
Anglo-Sicilian army rendered it necessary to give up this intention,
and every thing therefore was reshipped.