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NOTES
[1] E.g. The spread of Islam in Sicily and the missionary labours of
the numerous Muslim saints.
[2] De Trinitate, i. 5. (Migne, tom. xlii, p. 823.)
[3] Accordingly the reader will find no account of the recent history
of Armenia or Crete, or indeed of any part of the empire of the Turks
during the present century—a period singularly barren of missionary
enterprise on their part.
[4] Phrantzes, p. 5.
[5] The student of the literature of Science or of the Fine Arts finds
the libraries at South Kensington open till 10 o’clock on three
evenings every week, but the one library in this country that aims at
any completeness is available only to such students as are at leisure
during the day-time.
[6] A note on Mr. Lyall’s article: “Missionary Religions.” Fortnightly
Review, July, 1874.
[7] Reclus, vol. v. p. 433; Gasztowtt, p. 320 sqq.
[8] This misinterpretation of the Muslim wars of conquest has arisen
from the assumption that wars waged for the extension of Muslim
domination over the lands of the unbelievers implied that the aim in
view was their conversion. Goldziher has well pointed out this
distinction in his Vorlesungen über den Islam: “Was Muhammed zunächst
in seinem arabischen Umkreise getan, das hinterlässt er als Testament
für die Zukunft seiner Gemeinde: Bekämpfung der Ungläubigen, die
Ausbreitung nicht so sehr des Glaubens als seiner Machtsphäre, die die
Machtsphäre Allahs ist. Es ist dabei den Kämpfern des Islams zunächst
nicht so sehr um Bekehrung als um Unterwerfung der Ungläubigen zu tun.”
(p. 25.)
[9] See Enhardi Fuldensis Annales, A.D. 777. “Saxones post multas cædes
et varia bella afflicti, tandem christiani effecti, Francorum dicioni
subduntur.” G. H. Pertz: Monumenta Germaniæ Historica, vol. i. p. 349.
(See also pp. 156, 159.)
[10] “Tum zelo propagandæ fidei succensus, barbara regna iusto
certamine aggressus, devictas subditasque nationes christianæ legi
subiugavit.” (Breviarium Romanum. Iun. 19.)
[11] Mathurin Veyssière de la Croze: Histoire du Christianisme des
Indes, pp. 529–531. (The Hague, 1724.)
[12] Revue de l’Histoire des Religions, vol. xi. p. 89.
[13] Konrad Maurer: Die Bekehrung des norwegischen Stammes zum
Christenthume, vol. i. p. 284. (München, 1855.)
[14] Jean, Sire de Joinville: Histoire de Saint Louis, ed. N. de
Wailly, p. 30 (§ 53).
[15] Severus, p. 191 (ll. 21–22).
[16] Ibn Isḥāq, p. 120.
[17] Id. p. 155.
[18] He is famous throughout the Muhammadan world as the first
muʼadhdhin.
[19] Ibn Isḥāq, p. 219–220. Ṭabarī makes no mention of this mission and
Caetani (i. p. 278) accordingly suggests that it is a later invention.
[20] Ibn Isḥāq, pp. 225–6.
[21] Ibn Isḥāq, pp. 286–7.
[22] Caetani, vol. i. pp. 334–5.
[23] Ibn Isḥāq, p. 291 sq.
[24] The appointment of the fast of Ramaḍān (Qurʼān ii. 179–84), is
doubtless another sign of the breaking with the Jews, the fast on the
Day of Atonement being thus abolished.
[25] “Aber Gottes Botschaft ist nicht auf die Araber beschränkt. Sein
Wille gilt für alle Creatur, es heischt unbedingten Gehorsam von aller
Menschheit, und dass Muhammed als sein Bote denselben Gehorsam zu
heischen berechtigt und verpflichtet sei, scheint von Anfang an ein
integrirender Bestandtheil seines Gedankensystem gewesen zu sein.”
(Sachau, pp. 293–4.) Goldziher (Vorlesungen über den Islam, p. 25 sqq.)
and Nöldeke (WZKM, vol. xxi. pp. 307–8) express a similar opinion.
[26] On the doubtful authenticity of these letters, see Caetani, vol.
i. p. 725 sqq.
[27] It seems strange that in the face of these passages, some have
denied that Islam was originally intended by its founder to be a
universal religion. Thus Sir William Muir says, “That the heritage of
Islam is the world, was an afterthought. The idea, spite of much
prophetic tradition, had been conceived but dimly, if at all, by
Mahomet himself. His world was Arabia, and for it the new dispensation
was ordained. From first to last the summons was to Arabs and to none
other.... The seed of a universal creed had indeed been sown; but that
it ever germinated was due to circumstance rather than design.” (The
Caliphate, pp. 43–4.) Caetani is the latest exponent of this view.
(Annali dell’Islām, vol. v. pp. 323–4.)
[28] Ibn Saʻd, § 10. This story may indeed be apocryphal, but is
significant at least of the early realisation of the missionary
character of Islam.
[29] A. von Kremer (3), pp. 309, 310.
[30] This would seem to be acknowledged even by Muir, when speaking of
the massacre of the Banū Qurayẓah (A.H. 6): “The ostensible grounds
upon which Mahomet proceeded were purely political, for as yet he did
not profess to force men to join Islam, or to punish them for not
embracing it.” (Muir (2), vol. iii. p. 282.)
[31] Ibn Isḥāq, p. 648 sq.
[32] Muir (2), vol. iv. pp. 107–8. See also Caetani, vol. i. p. 663.
“Assai più che tutte le prediche del Profeta, assai più che tutta la
bontà delle dottrine islamiche, siffatti vantaggi militari
contribuirono al aumentare il numero dei seguaci. La rapidità della
diffusione dell’Islām divenne in special modo sensibile per il contegno
et per lo spirito di tolleranza, di libertà, e di opportunismo, che
diresse il Profeta nei suoi rapporti con i convertiti.”
[33] Ibn Isḥāq, p. 943–4. (This story rests on somewhat doubtful
authority, cf. Caetani, vol. i. p. 610.)
[34] Ibn Saʻd, § 118.
[35] Ibn Isḥāq, pp. 252–4.
[36] Caetani, vol. ii. t. i. p. 341.
[37] Ibn Saʻd, § 56.
[38] Ibn Saʻd, § 85.
[39] Id. § 86.
[40] Id. § 91.
[41] See Sprenger, vol. iii. pp. 360–1.
[42] Caetani, vol. ii. p. 433.
[43] Caetani, vol. ii. p. 429.
[44] This has been nowhere more fully and excellently brought out than
in the scholarly work of Prof. Ignaz Goldziher (Muhammedanische
Studien, vol. i.), from which I have derived the following
considerations.
[45] Döllinger, pp. 5–6.
[46] Caetani, Studi di Storia Orientale, I, p. 365 sqq. (Milano, 1911.)
[47] This interpretation of the Arab conquests as the last of the great
Semitic migrations has been worked out in a masterly manner by Caetani,
vol. ii. pp. 831–61.
[48] Caetani, vol. ii. p. 455; vol. v. p. 521. (“In Madīnah si formò un
considerevole nucleo religioso, composto d’elementi eterogenei, ma
forse in maggioranza madinesi, i quali presero l’Islām molto sul serio
e cercarono sinceramente di osservare la nuova dottrina, per la
convinzione che, così agendo facevan bene, ed in devoto omaggio alla
volontà del Profeta.”)
[49] Masʻūdī, tome iv. p. 238.
[50] Muir’s Caliphate, pp. 121–2.
[51] Caetani, vol. iii. p. 814 (§ 323).
[52] Caetani, vol. ii. pp. 260, 299, 351.
[53] Id. pp. 792–3; vol. iii. p. 253 (§ 8).
[54] Id. pp. 1112–15.
[55] Muir, Caliphate, pp. 90–4.
[56] Caetani, vol. ii. p. 299. Wellhausen, iv. p. 156 (n. 5).
[57] Ṭabarī, Prima Series, p. 2482.
[58] For an exhaustive study of the jizyah, with a masterly array and
critical examination of all the available historical materials, see
Caetani, vol. v. p. 319 sqq.; for Egypt during the first century of
Muslim rule, see Bell, p. 167 sqq., and Becker, Beiträge zur Geschichte
Aegyptens unter dem Islam, p. 81 sqq.
[59] Caetani (vol. iv. p. 227) believes that this story is the
invention of a later epoch, to explain the fiscal anomaly of a
Christian tribe being treated as if it were Muslim.
[60] The few meagre notices of this tribe in the works of Arabic
historians have been admirably summarised by Lammens: Le Chantre des
Omiades. (J. A., ix. sér., tome iv. pp. 97–9, 438–59.) See also
Caetani, vol. iv. p. 227 sqq.
[61] Caetani, vol. ii. p. 1180.
[62] Barhebræus (3), pp. 134–5.
[63] Caetani, vol. ii. p. 828.
[64] Ṭabarī, i. p. 2041.
[65] Masʻūdī, tome iv. p. 256.
[66] “Gli Arabi nei primi anni non perseguitarono invece alcuno per
ragioni di fede, non si diedero pena alcuna per convertire chicchessia,
sicchè sotto l’Islām, dopo le prime conquiste, i cristiani Semiti
goderno d’una tolleranza religiosa quale non si era mai vista da varie
generazioni.” (Caetani, vol. v. p. 4.)
[67] Sir Henry Layard: Early Adventures in Persia, Susiana and
Babylonia, vol. i. p. 100. (London, 1887); R. Hartmann: Die Herrschaft
von al-Karak. (Der Islam, vol. ii. p. 137.)
[68] Burckhardt (2), p. 564.
[69] W. G. Palgrave: Essays on Eastern Questions, pp. 206–8. (London,
1872.)
[70] I. A. Dorner: A System of Christian Doctrine, vol. iii. pp.
215–16. (London, 1885.) J. C. Robertson: History of the Christian
Church, vol. ii. p. 226. (London, 1875.)
[71] That such fears were not wholly groundless may be judged from the
emperor’s intolerant behaviour towards many of the Monophysite party in
his progress through Syria after the defeat of the Persians in 627.
(See Michael the Elder, vol. ii. p. 412, and Caetani, vol. ii. p.
1049.) For the outrages committed by the Byzantine soldiers on their
co-religionists in the reign of Constans II (642–668), see Michael the
Elder, vol. ii. p. 443.
[72] Michael the Elder, vol. ii. pp. 412–13. Barhebræus, about a
century later, wrote in a similar strain. (Chronicon Ecclesiasticum,
ed. J. B. Abbeloos et Lamy, p. 474.)
[73] Azdī, p. 97.
[74] Balādhurī, p. 137.
[75] Caetani, vol. iii. p. 813; vol. v. p. 394. (“Gli abitanti
accettarono con non celato favore il mutamento di governo, appena
ebbero compreso che gli Arabi avrebbero rispettato i loro diritti
individuali, ed avrebbero lasciata completa libertà di coscienza in
materia religiosa. In Siria, città ed interi distretti si affrettarono
a trattare con gli Arabi anche prima della rotta finale dei Greci. Nel
Sawād si lasciarono passivamente sopraffare accettando il nuovo dominio
senza pattuire condizioni di sorta; è probabile che anche in Siria
questo fosse il caso per molte regioni remote dalle grandi vie di
comunicazioni.”)
[76] Gottheil has brought together a valuable collection of documentary
evidence as to the condition of the protected peoples under Muslim rule
in his “Dhimmīs and Moslems in Egypt.”
[77] Balādhurī, pp. 74 (ad fin.), 116, 121 (med.).
[78] For a discussion of this document, see Caetani, vol. iii. p. 952
sqq.
[79] Ṭabarī, i. p. 2405.
[80] Balādhurī, p. 129.
[81] Ibn Sʻad, III, i. p. 246.
[82] Mémoire sur la conquête de la Syrie, p. 143 sq.
[83] Annali dell’Islām, vol. iii. p. 957.
[84] Some authorities on Muhammadan law held that this rule did not
extend to villages and hamlets, in which the construction of churches
was not to be prevented. (Hidāyah, vol. ii. p. 219.)
[85] “The ʻUlamāʼ are divided in opinion on the question of the
teaching of the Qurʼān: the sect of Mālik forbids it: that of Abū
Ḥanīfah allows it; and Shāfiʻī has two opinions on the subject: on the
one hand, he countenances the study of it, as indicating a leaning
towards Islam; and on the other hand, he forbids it, because he fears
that the unbeliever who studies the Qurʼān being still impure may read
it solely with the object of turning it to ridicule, since he is the
enemy of God and the Prophet who wrote the book; now as these two
statements are contradictory, Shāfiʻī has no formally stated opinion on
this matter.” (Belin, p. 508.)
[86] Such as the forms of greeting, etc., that are only to be used by
Muslims to one another.
[87] Abū Yūsuf (p. 82) says that Christians were to be allowed to go in
procession once a year with crosses, but not with banners; outside the
city, not inside where the mosques were.
[88] The nāqūs, lit. an oblong piece of wood, struck with a rod.
[89] Gottheil, pp. 382–4, where references are given to the various
versions of this document.
[90] There is evidence to show that the Arab conquerors left unchanged
the fiscal system that they found prevailing in the lands they
conquered from the Byzantines, and that the explanation of jizyah as a
capitation-tax is an invention of later jurists, ignorant of the true
condition of affairs in the early days of Islam. (Caetani, vol. iv. p.
610 (§ 231); vol. v. p. 449.) H. Lammens: Ziād ibn Abīhi. (Rivista
degli Studi Orientali, vol. iv. p. 215.)
[91] Goldziher, vol. i. pp. 50–7, 427–30. Caetani, vol. v. p. 311 sqq.
[92] Caetani, vol. v. pp. 424 (§ 752), 432.
[93] Balādhurī, pp. 124–5.
[94] A. von Kremer (1), vol. i. pp. 60, 436.
[95] A dirham is about fivepence.
[96] Bell, pp. xxv, 173.
[97] Abū Yūsuf, pp. 69–71.
[98] Ṭabarī, Prima Series, p. 2055.
[99] Id. p. 2050.
[100] Abū Yūsuf, p. 81.
[101] Balādhurī, p. 159.
[102] Ṭabarī, Prima Series, p. 2665.
[103] Marsigli, vol. i. p. 86 (he calls them “Musellim”).
[104] Finlay, vol. vi. pp. 30, 33.
[105] Lazăr, p. 56.
[106] De la Jonquière, p. 14.
[107] Thomas Smith, p. 324.
[108] Dorostamus, p. 326.
[109] De la Jonquière, p. 265.
[110] Lammens, p. 13.
[111] Ibn Abī Usaybiʻah, vol. i. p. 164.
[112] Michael the Elder, vol. ii. p. 475.
[113] Mārī b. Sulaymān, p. 71 (l. 16). Abū Nūḥ al-Anbārī wrote a
refutation
of the Qurʼān and other theological works (Wright, p. 191 n. 3).
[114] Mārī b. Sulaymān, p. 84.
[115] Hilāl al-Ṣābī, p. 95.
[116] Ibn al-Athīr, vol. ix. p. 16.
[117] Von Kremer (1), vol. i. pp. 167–8. Lammens, p. 11.
[118] Renaudot, pp. 430, 540.
[119] Von Kremer (1), vol. ii. pp. 180–1.
[120] Von Kremer (1), vol. i. p. 183.
[121] Caetani, vol. iii. pp. 350 sq., 387 sqq.
[122] Gottheil, pp. 360–1. Goldziher: Zur Literatur des Ichtilâf
al-maḏâhib, ZDMG., vol. 38, pp. 673–4.
[123] On this theoretical character of much of Muslim legal literature,
see Snouck Hurgronje: Mohammedanisches Recht in Theorie und
Wirklichkeit.
[124] Gottheil, p. 363.
[125] Gottheil, pp. 358–9, however, doubts whether there is evidence
for attributing this intolerance to ʻUmar II.
[126] Journal Asiatique, IVme série, tome xviii. (1851), pp. 433, 450.
Ṭabarī, III, p. 1419.
[127] Michael the Elder, vol. ii. p. 476. Renaudot, p. 189.
[128] Eutychius, II, p. 41 init. Severus (p. 139) says “two churches.”
[129] Von Kremer (1), vol. ii. p. 175.
[130] Michael the Elder, vol. ii. pp. 490, 491.
[131] Ibn Khallikān, vol. i. p. 485.
[132] Elias of Nisibis, p. 128.
[133] A. J. Butler: The Ancient Coptic Churches of Egypt, vol. i. p.
181. (Oxford, 1884.)
[134] Yāqūt, vol. ii. p. 662.
[135] Yāqūt, vol. ii. p. 670.
[136] Mārī b. Sulaymān, p. 73.
[137] Ishok of Romgla, p. 266.
[138] Eutychius, II, p. 58.
[139] Von Kremer (1), vol. ii. pp. 175–6.
[140] Butler: Ancient Coptic Churches of Egypt, vol. i. p. 76.
[141] Renaudot, p. 399.
[142] Ishok of Romgla, p. 333.
[143] Abū Ṣāliḥ, p. 92.
[144] A Dominican monk from Florence, by name Ricoldus de Monte Crucis,
who visited the East about the close of the thirteenth and the
beginning of the fourteenth century, speaks of the toleration the
Nestorians had enjoyed under Muhammadan rule right up to his time: “Et
ego inveni per antiquas historias et autenticas aput Saracenos, quod
ipsi Nestorini amici fuerunt Machometi et confederati cum eo, et quod
ipse Machometus mandauit suis posteris, quod Nestorinos maxime
conseruarent. Quod usque hodie diligenter obseruant ipsi Sarraceni.”
(Laurent, p. 128.)
[145] J. Labourt: De Timotheo I, Nestorianorum Patriarcha, p. 37 sqq.
(Paris, 1904.)
[146] E. von Dobschütz, p. 390–1.
[147] Michael the Elder, vol. ii. p. 439–40.
[148] Makīn, p. 12. J. Labourt: Le Christianisme sous la dynastie
sassanide, p. 139 sq. (Paris, 1904.)
[149] Renaudot, p. 169.
[150] Von Kremer well remarks: “Wir verdanken dem unermüdlichen
Sammelfleiss der arabischen Chronisten unsere Kenntniss der politischen
und militärischen Geschichte jener Zeiten, welche so genau ist als dies
nur immer auf eine Entfernung von zwölf Jahrhunderten der Fall sein
kann; allein gerade die innere Geschichte jener denkwürdigen Epoche,
die Geschichte des Kampfes einer neuen, rohen Religion gegen die alten
hochgebildeten, zum Theile überbildeten Culte ist kaum in ihren
allgemeinsten Umrissen bekannt.” (Von Kremer (2), pp. 1–2.)
[151] Thomas of Margā, vol. ii. p. 309 sq.
[152] Thomas of Margā, vol. ii. pp. 310, 324 sq.
[153] Cf. in addition to the passages quoted below, MʻClintoch &
Strong’s Cyclopædia, sub art. Mohammedanism, vol. vi. p. 420. James
Freeman Clarke: Ten Great Religions, Part ii. p. 75. (London, 1883.)
[154] Thus the Emperor Heraclius is represented by the Muhammadan
historian as saying, “Their religion is a new religion which gives them
new zeal.” (Ṭabarī, p. 2103.)
[155] History of Latin Christianity, vol. ii. pp. 216–17.
[156] Caetani, vol. ii. pp. 1045–6.
[157] A paper read before the Church Congress at Wolverhampton, October
7th, 1887.
[158] For the oppressive fiscal system under the Byzantine empire, see
Gfrörer: Byzantinische Geschichten, vol. ii. pp. 337–9, 389–91, 450.
[159] “Der Islam war ein Rückstoss gegen den Missbrauch, welchen
Justinian mit der Menschheit, besonders aber mit der christlichen
Religion trieb, deren oberstes geistliches und weltliches Haupt er zu
sein behauptete. Dass der Araber Mahomed, welcher 571 der christlichen
Zeitrechnung, sechs Jahre nach dem Tode Justinians, das Licht der Welt
erblickte, mit seiner Lehre unerhörtes Glück machte, verdankte er
grossentheils dem Abscheu, welchen die im Umkreise des byzantinischen
Reiches angesessenen Völker, wie die benachbarten Nationen, über die
von dem Basileus begangenen Greuel empfanden.” (Gfrörer: Byzantinische
Geschichten, vol. ii. p. 437.)
[160] Id. vol. ii. pp. 296–306, 337.
[161] Id. vol. ii. pp. 442–4.
[162] Id. vol. ii. p. 445.
[163] Masʻūdī, vol. ii. p. 387.
[164] Von Kremer (2), p. 8.
[165] Id. p. 54 and (3), p. 32. Nicholson, p. 231.
[166] Among the Muʻtazilite philosophers, Muḥammad b. al-Huzayl, the
teacher of al-Maʼmūn, is said to have converted more than three
thousand persons to Islam. (Aḥmad b. Yaḥyạ̄ b. al-Murtaḍạ̄, p. 26, l. 7.)
[167] Von Kremer (2), pp. 3, 7–8. C. H. Becker: Christliche Polemik und
islamische Dogmenbildung (Zeitschrift für Assyriologie, xxvi. 1912).
[168] Ibn Khallikān, vol. i. p. 45.
[169] Wüstenfeld, p. 103.
[170] Michael the Elder, vol. ii. pp. 412–13. Caetani, vol. v. p. 508.
(“Le vittorie sui Greci e sui Persiani non solamente erano il trionfo
della razza araba sulle popolazioni delle provincie conquistate, ma
nella mente orientale che vede in tutto la mano di Dio, costituivano un
trionfo del principio islamico su quello cristiano e mazdeista, ma
sovrattutto sul cristiano.”)
[171] Goldziher, vol. i. chaps. 3 and 4.
[172] The last of these was prompted by the discovery of an attempt on
the part of the Christians to burn the city of Cairo. (De Guignes, vol.
iv. pp. 204–5.) Gottheil, p. 359, Journal Asiatique, IVme série, tome
xviii. (1851), pp. 454, 455, 463, 484, 491.
[173] Assemani, tom. iii. pars. 2, p. c. Renaudot, pp. 432, 603, 607.
[174] Muir: The Caliphate, p. 475.
[175] Von Kremer (3), p. 246.
[176] Muir (1), pp. 508, 516–17.
[177] Mārī b. Sulaymān, p. 79 sq. Ṣalībā b. Yuḥannā, p. 71.
[178] Gottheil, p. 364 sqq.
[179] Mārī b. Sulaymān, p. 114 (ll. 14–16).
[180] This tradition appears in several forms, e.g. “Whoever wrongs one
with whom a compact has been made (i.e. a dhimmī) and lays on him a
burden beyond his strength, I will be his accuser.” (Balādhurī, p. 162,
fin.) (Yaḥyā b. Ādam, p. 54 (fin.), adds the words, “till the day of
judgment.”) “Whoever does violence to a dhimmī who has paid his jizyah
and evidenced his submission—his enemy am I.” (Usd al-Ghāba, quoted by
Goldziher, in the Jewish Encyclopædia, vol. vi. p. 655.) The Christian
historian al-Makīn (p. 11) gives, “Whoever torments the dhimmīs,
torments me.”
[181] Journal Asiatique, IVme série, tome xix. p. 109. (Paris, 1852.)
See also R. Gottheil: A Fetwa on the appointment of Dhimmīs to office.
(Zeitschrift für Assyriologie, vol. xxvi. p. 203 sqq.)
[182] Belin, pp. 435–40, 442, 448, 456, 459–61, 479–80.
[183] Id. p. 435, n. 2.
[184] Id. p. 478.
[185] Mārī b. Sulaymān (p. 115, ll. 1–2) offers this explanation of the
defections that followed the persecution towards the close of the tenth
century: واسلم خلق كثير وكان اصل ذلك تجوّز الناس في اديانہم وقبح سيرة
الكہنة في المذبح والبيع ونيوت المقدس
[186] The Caliph of Egypt, al-Ḥākim (A.D. 996–1020), did in fact order
all the Jews and Christians to leave Egypt and emigrate into the
Byzantine territory, but yielded to their entreaties to revoke his
orders. (Maqrīzī (1), p. 91.) It would have been quite possible,
however, for him to have enforced its execution as it would have been
for the ferocious Salīm I (1512–1520), who with the design of putting
an end to all religious differences in his dominions caused 40,000
Shīʻahs to be massacred, to have completed this politic scheme by the
extermination of the Christians also. But in allowing himself to be
dissuaded from this design, he most certainly acted in accordance with
the general policy adopted by Muhammadan rulers towards their Christian
subjects. (Finlay, vol. v. pp. 29–30.)
[187] Silbernagl, p. 268.
[188] Id. p. 354.
[189] Id. pp. 307, 360.
[190] Id. p. 25–6.
[191] Id. p. 335.
[192] Id. p. 384.
[193] See A. von Kremer (1), vol. ii. pp. 490–2.
[194] The sack of Constantinople by the Crusaders in 1204 may be taken
as a type of the treatment that the Eastern Christians met with at the
hands of the Latins. Barhebræus complains that the monastery of Harran
was sacked and plundered by Count Goscelin, Lord of Emessa, in 1184,
just as though he had been a Saracen or a Turk. (Barhebræus (1), vol.
ii. pp. 506–8.)
[195] H. H. Milman, vol. ii. p. 218.
[196] A. von Kremer (1), vol. i. p. 172.
[197] Assemani, tom. iii. Pars Prima, pp. 130–1.
[198] Ibn Saʻd, Ṭabaqāt, vol. v. p. 258.
[199] Id. p. 285.
[200] Maḥbūb al-Manbijī, p. 358 (ll. 2–3).
[201] Ibn Saʻd, Ṭabaqāt, vol. v. p. 262.
[202] August Müller, vol. i. p. 440.
[203] Migne: Patr. Gr., tom. 96, pp. 1336–48.
[204] Migne: Patr. Gr., tom. 97, pp. 1528–9, 1548–61.
[205] Id. p. 1557.
[206] ʻAmr b. Mattai, p. 65.
[207] Id. p. 72.
[208] Risālah ʻAbd Allāh b. Ismāʻīl al-Hāshimī ilạ̄ ʻAbd al-Masīḥ b.
Isḥāq al-Kindī, pp. 1–37. (London, 1885.)
[209] Appendix I. For an account of Muslim controversial literature,
see Appendix II.
[210] Kindī, pp. 111–13.
[211] Balādhurī, pp. 430.
[212] It is very probable that the occasion of this visit of
Yazdānbakht to Baghdād was the summoning of a great assembly of the
leaders of all the religious bodies of the period, by al-Maʼmūn, when
it had come to his ears that the enemies of Islam declared that it owed
its success to the sword and not to the power of argument: in this
meeting, the Muslim doctors defended their religion against this
imputation, and the unbelievers are said to have acknowledged that the
Muslims had satisfactorily proved their point. (Aḥmad b. Yaḥyā b.
al-Murtaḍạ̄: Al-munyah wa’l-amal fī sharḥ kitāb al-milal wa’l-niḥal.
British Museum, Or. 3937, fol. 53 (b), ll. 9–11.)
[213] Kitāb al-Fihrist, vol. i. p. 338.
[214] Barhebræus (1), vol. iii. p. 194.
[215] Mārī b. Sulaymān, p. 101 (ll. 3–4).
[216] Barhebræus (1), vol. iii. p. 230.
[217] Id., (1), vol. iii. p. 248.
[218] All the Jacobite Patriarchs assumed the name of Ignatius; before
his consecration he was called Mark bar Qīqī.
[219] Barhebræus (1), vol. iii. pp. 288–90. Elias of Nisibis, pp.
153–4. He returned to the Christian faith, however, before his death,
which took place about twenty years later. Two similar cases are
recorded in the annals of the Jacobite Patriarchs of Antioch in the
sixteenth century: of these one, named Joshua, became a Muhammadan in
1517, but afterwards recanting fled to Cyprus (at that time in the
hands of the Venetians), where prostrate at the door of a church in
penitential humility he suffered all who went in or out to tread over
his body; the other, Niʻmat Allāh (flor. 1560), having abjured
Christianity for Islam, sought absolution of Pope Gregory XIII in Rome.
(Barhebræus (1), vol. ii. pp. 847–8.)
[220] In fact Elias of Nisibis, the contemporary chronicler of the
conversion of the Jacobite Patriarch, makes no mention of such a
failing, nor does Mārī b. Sulaymān (pp. 115–16), the historian of the
rival Nestorian Church, though he accuses him of plundering the sacred
vessels and ornaments of the churches. As Wright (Syriac Literature, p.
192) says of Joseph of Merv, “We need not believe all the evil that
Barhebræus tells us of this unhappy man.”
[221] Barhebræus (1), vol. ii. p. 518.
[222] Id. vol. ii. p. 712 sq.
[223] Historia Orientalis, C. 15 (p. 45).
[224] De Guignes, tome ii. (Seconde Partie), p. 15.
[225] Odo de Diogilo. (De Ludovici vii. Itinere. Migne, Patr. Lat.,
tom. cxcv. p. 1243.) “Vitantes igitur sibi crudeles socios fidei, inter
infideles sibi compatientes ibant securi, et sicut audivimus plusquam
tria millia iuvenum sunt illis recedentibus sociati. O pietas omni
proditione crudelior! Dantes panem fidem tollebant, quamvis certum sit
quia, contenti servitio, neminem negare cogebant.”
[226] Guizot: Histoire de la civilisation en Europe, p. 234. (Paris,
1882.)
[227] Usāma b. Munqidh, p. 99.
[228] Prutz, pp. 266–7.
[229] Assises de la Cour des Bourgeois. (Recueil des historiens des
Croisades, Assises de Jérusalem, tome ii. p. 325.)
[230] Bahā al-Dīn, p. 25.
[231] Roger Hoveden, vol. ii. p. 307.
[232] Benedict of Peterborough, vol. ii. pp. 11–12.
[233] Id., vol. ii. pp. 20–1. Roger Hoveden, vol. ii. pp. 316, 322.
[234] Abū Shāmah, p. 150.
[235] Itinerarium Peregrinorum et Gesta Regis Richardi, p. 131.
(Chronicles and Memorials of the reign of Richard I. Edited by William
Stubbs.) (London, 1864.)
[236] Joinville, p. 238.
[237] Id. p. 262.
[238] Mas Latrie (1), vol. ii. p. 72.
[239] Ludolf de Suchem, p. 71.
[240] Lionardo Frescobaldi, quoted in the preface of Defrémery and
Sanguinetti’s edition of Ibn Baṭūṭah, vol. i. p. xl.
[241] Christophori Füreri ab Haimendorf Itinerarium Ægypti, p. 42.
(Norimbergæ, 1620.)
[242] Le Voyage en Ethiopie entrepris par le Père Aymard Guérin.
(Rabbath, pp. 17–18.)
[243] “Notandum autem in rei veritate, licet quidam contrarium
senciant, qui ea volunt asserere, que non viderunt, quod oriens totus
ultra mare Yndiam et Ethiopiam nomen Christi confitetur et predicat,
preter solos Sarracenos et quosdam Turcomannos, qui in Cappadocia sedem
habent, ita quod pro certo assero, sicut per memet ipsum vidi et ab
aliis, quibus notum erat, audivi, quod semper in omni loco et regno
preterquam in Egypto et Arabia, ubi plurimum habitant Sarraceni et alii
Machometum sequentes, pro uno Sarraceno triginta vel amplius invenies
Christianos. Verum tamen, quod Christiani omnes transmarini natione
sunt orientales, qui licet sint Christiani, quia tamen usum armorum non
habent multum, cum impugnantur a Sarracenis, Tartaris, vel aliis
quibuscumque, subiciuntur eis et tributis pacem et quietem emunt, et
Sarraceni sive alii, qui eis dominantur, balivos suos et exactores in
terris illis ponunt. Et inde contigit, quod regnum illud dicitur esse
Sarracenorum, cum tamen in rei veritate sunt omnes Christiani preter
ipsos balivos et exactores et aliquos de familia ipsorum, sicut oculis
meis vidi in Cilicia et Armenia minori, que est subdita dominio
Tartarorum.” (Burchardi de Monte Sion, Descriptio Terræ Sanctæ, p. 90.)
[244] Recueil des historiens des Croisades. (Assises de Jérusalem, tome
i. p. 325.)
[245] Prutz, pp. 146–7, 150.
[246] The prelates of the Holy Land wrote as follows, in 1244,
concerning the invasion of the Khwarizmians, whom Sultan Ayyūb had
called in to assist him in driving out the Crusaders:—“Per totam terram
usque ad partes Nazareth et Saphet libere nullo resistente discurrunt,
occupantes eandem, et inter se quasi propriam dividentes, per villas et
cazalia Christianorum legatos et bajulos præficiunt, suscipientes a
rusticis redditus et tributa, quæ Christianis præstare solebant, qui
jam Christianis hostes effecti et rebelles dictis Corosminis
universaliter adhæserunt.” (Matthei Parisiensis Chronica Majora, ed. H.
R. Luard, vol. iv. p. 343.) (London, 1872–83.)
[247] Finlay, vol. iii. pp. 358–9. J. H. Krause: Die Byzantiner des
Mittelalters, p. 276. (Halle, 1869.)
[248] Tavernier (1), p. 174.
[249] Joselian, p. 125. All the Abkhazes, Djikhethes, Ossetes, Kabardes
and Kisthethes fell away from the Christian faith about this time.
[250] Id. p. 127.
[251] Id. p. 143.
[252] David Chytræus, p. 49.
[253] Joselian, p. 157.
[254] Brosset, IIe partie, Ire livraison, pp. 227–35. Description
géographique de la Géorgie par le Tsarévitch Wakhoucht, p. 79. (St.
Petersburg, 1842.)
[255] The Six Voyages, p. 123.
[256] Joselian, p. 149.
[257] Id. pp. 160–1.
[258] Tavernier (1), pp. 124, 126. He estimates the number of
Muhammadans at about twelve thousand. (Id. p. 123.)
[259] Brosset, IIe partie, Ire livraison, pp. 85, 181.
[260] Documens originaux sur les relations diplomatiques de la Géorgie
avec la France vers la fin du règne de Louis XIV, recueillis par M.
Brosset jeune. (J. A. 2me série, tome ix. (1832), pp. 197, 451.)
[261] Mackenzie, p. 7. Garnett, p. 194.
[262] Barbier de Meynard, p. 45 sqq.
[263] R. du M. M., VII, p. 320 (1909).
[264] Amélineau, p. 3; Caetani, vol. iv. p. 81 sq. Justinian is said to
have had 200,000 Copts put to death in the city of Alexandria, and the
persecutions of his successors drove many to take refuge in the desert.
(Wansleben: The Present State of Egypt, p. 11.) (London, 1678.)
[265] Renaudot, p. 161. Severus, p. 106.
[266] John, Jacobite bishop of Nikiu (second half of seventh century),
p. 584. Caetani, vol. iv. pp. 515–16.
[267] Bell, p. xxxvii. But the exactions and hardships that, according
to Maqrīzī, the Copts had to endure about seventy years after the
conquest hardly allow us to extend this period so far as Von Ranke
does: “Von Aegypten weiss man durch die bestimmtesten Zeugnisse, dass
sich die Einwohner in den nächsten Jahrhunderten unter der arabischen
Herrschaft in einem erträglichen Zustand befunden haben.”
(Weltgeschichte, vol. v. p. 153, 4th ed.)
[268] John of Nikiu, p. 560.
[269] Id. p. 585. “Or beaucoup des Égyptiens, qui étaient de faux
chrétiens, renièrent la sainte religion orthodoxe et le baptême qui
donne la vie, embrassèrent la religion des Musulmans, les ennemis de
Dieu, et acceptèrent la détestable doctrine de ce monstre, c’est-à-dire
de Mahomet; ils partagèrent l’égarement de ces idolâtres et prirent les
armes contre les chrétiens.”
[270] Qurra b. Sharīk (governor of Egypt from 709 to 714), or his
predecessor, appears to have insisted on the converts continuing to pay
jizyah. (Becker, Papyri Schott-Reinhardt, p. 18.)
[271] Ibn Saʻd, Ṭabaqāt, vol. v. p. 283.
[272] Caetani, vol. iv. p. 618; vol. v. pp. 384–5.
[273] Severus, pp. 172–3.
[274] Id. pp. 205–6.
[275] “Sans aucun doute il y eut dans la multiplicité des martyrs une
sorte de résistance nationale contre les gouverneurs étrangers.”
(Amélineau, p. 58.)
[276] Amélineau, pp. 57–8.
[277] Abū Ṣāliḥ, pp. 163–4.
[278] Amélineau, pp. 53–4, 69–70.
[279] Abū Ṣāliḥ gives an account of some monks who embraced the faith
of the Prophet, and these are probably representative of a larger
number of whom the historian has left no record, as lacking the
peculiar circumstances of loss to the monastery or of recantation that
made such instances of interest to him (pp. 128, 142).
[280] Lane, pp. 546, 549.
[281] Lüttke (1), vol. i. pp. 30, 35. Dr. Andrew Watson writes: “No
year has passed during my residence of forty-four years in the Nile
valley without my hearing of several instances of defection. The causes
are, chiefly, the hope of worldly gain of various kinds, severe and
continued persecution, exposure to the cruelty and rapacity of Moslem
neighbours, and personal indignities as well as political disabilities
of various kinds.” (Islam in Egypt: Mohammedan World, p. 24.)
[282] Severus, pp. 122, 126, 143. One of the very first occasions on
which they had to complain of excessive taxation was when Menas, the
Christian prefect of Lower Egypt, extorted from the city of Alexandria
32,057 pieces of gold, instead of 22,000 which ʻAmr had fixed as the
amount to be levied. (John of Nikiu, p. 585.) Renaudot (p. 168) says
that after the restoration of the Orthodox hierarchy, about seventy
years after the Muhammadan conquest, the Copts suffered as much at its
hands as at the hands of the Muhammadans themselves.
[283] Maqrīzī mentions five other risings of the Copts that had to be
crushed by force of arms, within the first century of the Arab
domination. (Maqrīzī (2), pp. 76–82.)
[284] Renaudot, pp. 189, 374, 430, 540.
[285] Id. p. 603.
[286] Id. pp. 432, 607. Nāṣir-i-Khusrau: Safar-nāmah, ed. Schefer, pp.
155–6.
[287] Renaudot, pp. 212, 225, 314, 374, 540.
[288] Renaudot, p. 388.
[289] Id. pp 567, 571, 574–5.
[290] Wansleben, p. 30. Wansleben mentions another instance (under
different circumstances) of the decay of the Coptic Church, in the
island of Cyprus, which was formerly under the jurisdiction of the
Coptic Patriarch: here they were so persecuted by the Orthodox clergy,
who enjoyed the protection of the Byzantine emperors, that the
Patriarch could not induce priests to go there, and consequently all
the Copts on the island either accepted Islam or the Council of
Chalcedon, and their churches were all shut up. (Id. p. 31.)
[291] Renaudot, p. 377.
[292] Renaudot, p. 575.
[293] Relation du voyage du Sayd ou de la Thebayde fait en 1668, par
les PP. Protais et Charles-François d’Orleans, Capuchins Missionaires,
p. 3. (Thevenot, vol. ii.)
[294] Caetani, vol. iv. p. 520.
[295] Ishok of Romgla, pp. 272–3.
[296] Idrīsī, p. 32.
[297] Maqrīzī (2), tome i. 2me partie, p. 131.
[298] Maqrīzī, pp. 128–30.
[299] Burckhardt (1), p. 494.
[300] About twelve miles above the modern Khartum.
[301] Artin, pp. 62, 144.
[302] Becker, Geschichte des östlichen Sūdān, p. 160.
[303] Vol. iv. p. 396.
[304] Slatin Pasha records a tradition current among the Danagla Arabs
that this town was founded by their ancestor, Dangal, who called it
after his own name. (This however is impossible, inasmuch as Dongola
was in existence in ancient Egyptian times, and is mentioned on the
monuments. See Vivien de Saint-Martin, vol. ii. p. 85.) According to
their tradition, this Dangal, though a slave, rose to be ruler of
Nubia, but paid tribute to Bahnesa, the Coptic bishop of the entire
district lying between the present Sarras and Debba. (Fire and Sword in
the Sudan, p. 13.) (London, 1896.)
[305] Ibn Salīm al-Aswānī, quoted by Maqrīzī: Kitāb al-Khiṭaṭ, vol. i.
p. 190. (Cairo, A.H. 1270.)
[306] Budge, vol. ii. p. 199. Artin, p. 144.
[307] Maqrīzī: Kitāb al-Khiṭaṭ, vol. i. p. 193.
[308] Morié, vol. i. pp. 417–18.
[309] Lord Stanley of Alderley in his translation of Alvarez’ Narrative
from the original Portuguese, gives the answer of the king as follows:
“He said to them that he had his Abima from the country of the Moors,
that is to say from the Patriarch of Alexandria; ... how then could he
give priests and friars since another gave them” (p. 352). (London,
1881.)
[310] Viaggio nella Ethiopia al Prete Ianni fatto par Don Francesco
Alvarez Portughese (1520–1527). (Ramusio, tom. i. pp. 200, 250.)
[311] Wansleben, p. 30. For descriptions of the ruins that still
remain, see Budge, vol. ii. p. 299 sqq., and G. S. Nileham, Churches in
Lower Nubia. (Philadelphia, 1910.)
[312] Burckhardt (1), p. 133.
[313] Alvarez, p. 250.
[314] Idrīsī, p. 32.
[315] ʻArabfaqīh, p. 323.
[316] Maqrīzī (2), tome ii. 2me partie, p. 183.
[317] Basset, p. 240.
[318] Id., p. 247.
[319] Alvarez. (Ramusio, tom. i. pp. 218, 242, 249.)
[320] ʻArabfaqīh, pp. 83, 191.
[321] ʻArabfaqīh, p. 275–6.
[322] Id. pp. 319, 324.
[323] Id. pp. 28, 129, 275.
[324] Plowden, p. 36.
[325] ʻArabfaqīh, pp. 321, 335, 343.
[326] Id. passim.
[327] Id. pp. 175, 195, 248.
[328] Id. p. 178.
[329] ʻArabfaqīh, pp. 34–5, 120–1, 182–3, 244, 327.
[330] ʻArabfaqīh, pp. 181–2, 186.
[331] Iobi Ludolfi ad suam Historiam Æthiopicam Commentarius, p. 474.
(Frankfurt a. M., 1691.)
[332] Histoire de la Haute Ethiopie, par le R. P. Manoel d’Almeïda, p.
7. (Thevenot, vol. ii.)
[333] Massaja, vol. ii. pp. 205–6. “Ognuno comprende che movente di
queste conversioni essendo la sete di regnare, nel fatto non si
riducevano che ad una formalità esterna, restando poi i nuovi
convertiti veri mussulmani nei cuori e nei costumi. E perciò accadeva
che, elevati alla dignità di Râs, si circondavano di mussulmani, dando
ad essi la maggior parte degli impieghi e colmandoli di titoli,
ricchezze e favori: e così l’Abissinia cristiana invasa e popolata da
questa pessima razza, passò coll’andar del tempo sotto il giogo
dell’islamismo.” (Id. p. 206.)
[334] Rüppell, vol. i. pp. 328, 366.
[335] Plowden, p. 15.
[336] Tābōt, the ark of the covenant.
[337] Littmann, pp. 69–70.
[338] Plowden, pp. 8–9.
[339] Beke, pp. 51–2. Isenberg, p. 36.
[340] Reclus, vol. x. p. 247. Massaja, vol. xi. p. 125.
[341] Massaja, vol. xi. p. 124.
[342] Massaja, vol. xi. pp. 77–8.
[343] Id. pp. 124, 125.
[344] Oppel, p. 307. Reclus, tome x. p. 247.
[345] Massaja, vol. xi. pp. 79, 81.
[346] Morié, vol. ii. p. 449.
[347] Littmann, pp. 68–70. K. Cederquist: Islam and Christianity in
Abyssinia, p. 154 (The Moslem World, vol. ii.).
[348] Gibbon, vol. i. p. 161.
[349] Id. vol. ii. p. 212.
[350] C. O. Castiglioni: Recherches sur les Berbères atlantiques, pp.
96–7. (Milan, 1826.)
[351] Synesii Catastasis. (Migne: Patr. Gr., tom. lxvi. p. 1569.)
[352] Neander (2), p. 320.
[353] Gibbon, vol. iv. pp. 331–3.
[354] Id. vol. v. p. 115.
[355] Tijānī, p. 201. Gibbon, vol. v. p. 122.
[356] Gibbon, vol. v. p. 214.
[357] Neander (1), vol. v. pp. 254–5. J. E. T. Wiltsch: Hand-book of
the geography and statistics of the Church, vol. i. pp. 433–4. (London,
1859.) J. Bournichon: L’Invasion musulmane en Afrique, pp. 32–3.
(Tours, 1890.)
[358] Leo Africanus. (Ramusio, tom. i. p. 70, D.)
[359] “Deusen, una città antichissima edificata da Romani dove confina
il regno di Buggia col diserto di Numidia.” (Id. p. 75, F.)
[360] Pavy, vol. i. p. iv.
[361] “Tous ceux qui ne se convertirent pas à l’islamisme, ou qui
(conservant leur foi) ne voulurent pas s’obliger à payer la capitation,
durent prendre la fuite devant les armées musulmanes.” (Tijānī, p.
201.)
[362] Leo Africanus. (Ramusio, tom. i. p. 7.)
[363] “Afros passim ad ecclesiasticos ordines (procedentes)
prætendentes nulla ratione suscipiat (Bonifacius), quia aliqui eorum
Manichæi, aliqui rebaptizati sæpius sunt probati.” Epist. iv. (Migne:
Patr. Lat., tom. lxxxix, p. 502.)
[364] Leo Africanus. (Ramusio, pp. 65, 66, 68, 69, 76.)
[365] Qayrwān or Cairoan, founded A.H. 50; Fez, founded A.H. 185;
al-Mahdiyyah, founded A.H. 303; Masīlah, founded A.H. 315; Marocco,
founded A.H. 424. (Abū’l-Fidā, tome ii. pp. 198, 186, 200, 191, 187.)
[366] Ibn Abī Zarʻ, p. 16.
[367] A doubtful case of forced conversion is attributed to ʻAbd
al-Muʼmin, who conquered Tunis in 1159. See De Mas Latrie (2), pp.
77–8. “Deux auteurs arabes, Ibn-al-Athir, contemporain, mais vivant à
Damas au milieu de l’exaltation religieuse que provoquaient les
victoires de Saladin, l’autre El-Tidjani, visitant l’Afrique orientale
au quatorzième siècle, ont écrit que le sultan, maître de Tunis, força
les chrétiens et les juifs établis dans cette ville à embrasser
l’islamisme, et que les réfractaires furent impitoyablement massacrés.
Nous doutons de la réalité de toutes ces mesures. Si l’arrêt fatal fut
prononcé dans l’emportement du triomphe et pour satisfaire quelques
exigences momentanées, il dut être éludé ou révoqué, tant il était
contraire au principe de la liberté religieuse respecté jusque-là par
tous les princes maugrebins. Ce qu’il y a de certain, c’est que les
chrétiens et les juifs ne tardèrent pas à reparaître à Tunis et qu’on
voit les chrétiens avant la fin du règne d’Abd-el-Moumen établis à
Tunis et y jouissant comme par le passé de la liberté, de leurs
établissements, de leur commerce et de leur religion.... ‘Accompagné
ainsi par Dieu même dans sa marche, dit un ancien auteur maugrebin, il
traversa victorieusement les terres du Zab et de l’Ifrikiah, conquérant
le pays et les villes, accordant l’aman à ceux qui le demandaient et
tuant les récalcitrants.’ Ces derniers mots confirment notre sentiment
sur sa politique à l’égard des chrétiens qui acceptèrent l’arrêt fatal
de la destinée.”
[368] De Mas Latrie (2), pp. 27–8.
[369] S. Leonis IX. Papæ Epist. lxxxiii. (Migne: Patr. Lat., tom.
cxliii. p. 728.) This letter deals with a quarrel for precedence
between the bishops of Gummi and Carthage, and it is quite possible
that the disordered condition of Africa at the time may have kept the
African bishops ignorant of the condition of other sees besides their
own and those immediately adjacent, and that accordingly the
information supplied to the Pope represented the number of the bishops
as being smaller than it really was.
[370] A. Müller, vol. ii. pp. 628–9.
[371] S. Gregorii VII. Epistola xix. (Liber tertius). (Migne: Patr.
Lat., tom. cxlviii. p. 449.)
[372] De Mas Latrie, p. 226. A number of Spanish Christians, whose
ancestors had been deported to Morocco in 1122, were to be found there
as late as 1386, when they were allowed to return to Seville through
the good offices of the then sultan of Morocco. (Whishaw, pp. 31–4.)
[373] C. Trumelet: Les Saints de l’Islam, p. xxxiii. (Paris, 1881.)
[374] Compare the articles published by a Junta held at Madrid in 1566,
for the reformation of the Moriscoes; one of which runs as follows:
“That neither themselves, their women, nor any other persons should be
permitted to wash or bathe themselves either at home or elsewhere; and
that all their bathing houses should be pulled down and demolished.”
(J. Morgan, vol. ii. p. 256.)
[375] C. Trumelet: Les Saints de l’Islam, pp. xxvi–xxxvii.
[376] Leo Africanus says that at the end of the fifteenth century all
the mountaineers of Algeria and of Buggia, though Muhammadans, painted
black crosses on their cheeks and palms of the hand (Ramusio, i. p.
61); similarly the Banū Mzab to the present day still keep up some
religious observances corresponding to excommunication and confession
(Oppel, p. 299), and some nomad tribes of the Sahara observe the
practice of a kind of baptism and use the cross as a decoration for
their stuffs and weapons. (De Mas Latrie (2), p. 8.)
[377] Tijānī, p. 203.
[378] The modern Touzer, in Tunis.
[379] Taʼrīkh al-duwal al-islāmiyyah biʼl maghrib, I. p. 146. (ed. De
Slane. Alger, 1847.)
[380] Leo Africanus. (Ramusio, tom. i. p. 67.)
[381] Pavy, vol. i. p. vii.
[382] De Mas Latrie (2), pp. 61–2, 266–7. L. del Marmol-Caravajal: De
l’Afrique, tome ii. p. 54. (Paris, 1667.)
[383] De Mas Latrie (2), p. 192.
[384] e.g. Innocent III, Gregory VII, Gregory IX and Innocent IV.
[385] De Mas Latrie (2), p. 273.
[386] Baudissin, p. 22.
[387] Helfferich, p. 68.
[388] Makkarī, vol. i. pp. 280–2.
[389] Baudissin, p. 7.
[390] Dozy (2), tome ii. pp. 45–6.
[391] A. Müller, vol. ii. p. 463.
[392] Dozy (2), tome ii. pp. 44–6.
[393] So St. Boniface (A.D. 745, Epist. lxii.). “Sicut aliis gentibus
Hispaniæ et Provinciæ et Burgundionum populis contigit, quæ sic a Deo
recedentes fornicatæ sunt, donec index omnipotens talium criminum
ultrices pœnas per ignorantiam legis Dei et per Saracenos venire et
sævire permisit.” (Migne: Patr. Lat., tom. lxxxix. p. 761.) Eulogius:
lib. i. § 30. “In cuius (i.e. gentis Saracenicæ) ditione nostro
compellente facinore sceptrum Hispaniæ translatum est.” (Migne: Patr.
Lat., tom. cxv. p. 761.) Similarly Alvar (2), § 18. “Et probare nostro
vitio inlatum intentabo flagellum. Nostra hæc, fratres, nostra desidia
peperit mala, nostra impuritas, nostra levitas, nostra morum obscœnitas
... unde tradidit nos Dominus qui institiam diligit, et cuius vultus
æquitatem decernit, ipsi bestiæ conrodendos” (pp. 531–2).
[394] Dozy (3), tome i. pp. 15–20. Whishaw, pp. 38, 44.
[395] Samson, pp. 377–8, 381.
[396] Dozy (2), tome ii. p. 210.
[397] Bishop Egila, who was sent to Southern Spain by Pope Hadrian I,
towards the end of the eighth century, on a mission to counteract the
growing influence of Muslim thought, denounces the Spanish priests who
lived in concubinage with married women. (Helfferich, p. 83.)
[398] Alvari Cordubensis, Epist. xix. “Ob meritum æternæ retributionis
devovi me sedulum in lege Domini consistere.” (Migne: Patr. Lat., tom.
cxxi. p. 512.)
[399] Helfferich, pp. 79–80.
[400] “Bedenkt man nun, wie wichtig gerade die alttestamentliche Idee
des Prophetenthums in der Christologie des germanischen Arianismus
nachklang und auch nach der Annahme des katholischen Dogmas in dem
religiösen Bewusstsein der Westgothen haften blieb, so wird man es sehr
erklärlich finden, dass unmittelbar nach dem Einfall der Araber die
verwandten Vorstellungen des Mohammedanismus unter den geknechteten
Christen auftauchten.” (Helfferich, p. 82.)
[401] Lucæ Diaconi Tudensis Chronicon Mundi. (Andreas Schottus:
Hispaniæ Illustratæ, tom. iv. p. 53.) (Francofurti, 1603–8.)
[402] Dozy (2), tome ii. p. 41. Whishaw, p. 17.
[403] Dozy (2), tome ii. p. 39.
[404] Baudissin, pp. 11–13, 196.
[405] Eulogius: Mem. Sanct., lib. i. § 30, “inter ipsos sine molestia
fidei degimus” (p. 761). Id., ib., lib. i. § 18, “Quos nulla
præsidialis violentia fidem suam negare compulit, nec a cultu sanctæ
piæque religionis amovit” (p. 751). John of Gorz (who visited Spain
about the middle of the tenth century) § 124, “(Christiani), qui in
regno eius libere divinis suisque rebus utebantur.”
A Spanish bishop thus described the condition of the Christians to John
of Gorz. “Peccatis ad hæc devoluti sumus, ut paganorum subiaceamus
ditioni. Resistere potestati verbo prohibemur apostoli. Tantum hoc unum
relictum est solatii, quod in tantæ calamitatis malo legibus nos
propriis uti non prohibent; qui quos diligentes Christianitatis
viderint observatores, colunt et amplectuntur, simul ipsorum convictu
delectantur. Pro tempore igitur hoc videmur tenere consilii, ut quia
religionis nulla infertur iactura, cetera eis obsequamur, iussisque
eorum in quantum fidem non impediunt obtemperemus” § 122 (p. 302).
[406] Baudissin, pp. 16–17.
[407] Eulogius, ob. 859 (Mem. Sanct. lib. iii. c. 3) speaks of churches
recently erected (ecclesias nuper structas). The chronicle falsely
ascribed to Luitprand records the erection of a church at Cordova in
895 (p. 1113).
[408] Eulogius: Mem. Sanct., lib. iii. c. 11 (p. 812).
[409] Baudissin, p. 16.
[410] Id. p. 21, and John of Gorz, § 128 (p. 306).
[411] Whishaw, pp. 272, 301.
[412] Dozy (2), tome ii. p. 42.
[413] Baudissin, pp. 96–7.
[414] See the letter of Pope Hadrian I to the Spanish bishops: “Porro
diversa capitula quæ ex illis audivimus partibus, id est, quod multi
dicentes se catholicos esse, communem vitam gerentes cum Iudæis et non
baptizatis paganis, tam in escis quamque in potu et in diversis
erroribus nihil pollui se inquiunt: et illud quod inhibitum est, ut
nulli liceat iugum ducere cum infidelibus, ipsi enim filias suas cum
alio benedicent, et sic populo gentili tradentur.” (Migne: Patr. Lat.,
tome xcviii. p. 385.)
[415] Isidori Pacensis Chronicon, § 42 (p. 1266).
[416] Alvar: Indic. Lum., § 35 (p. 53). John of Gorz, § 123 (p. 303).
[417] Letter of Hadrian I, p. 385. John of Gorz, § 123 (p. 303).
[418] Some Arabic verses of a Christian poet of the eleventh century
are still extant, which exhibit considerable skill in handling the
language and metre. (Von Schack, II. 95.)
[419] Abbot Samson gives us specimens of the bad Latin written by some
of the ecclesiastics of his time, e.g. “Cum contempti essemus
simplicitas christiana,” but his correction is hardly much better,
“contenti essemus simplicitati christianæ” (pp. 404, 406).
[420] Alvar: Indic. Lum., § 35 (pp. 554–6).
[421] Von Schack, vol. ii. p. 96.
[422] Orderic Vitalis, p. 928.
[423] Alvar: Ind. Lum., § 29. “Compositionem verborum, et preces omnium
eius membrorum quotidie pro eo eleganti facundia, et venusto confectas
eloquio, nos hodie per eorum volumina et oculis legimus et plerumque
miramur.” (Migne: Patr. Lat., tome cxxi. p. 546.)
[424] Enhueber, § 26, p. 353.
[425] Helfferich, p. 88.
[426] “Postmodum transgressus legem Dei, fugiens ad paganos
consentaneos, periuratus effectus est.” Frobenii dissertatio de hæresi
Elipandi et Felicis, § xxiv. (Migne: Patr. Lat., tome ci. p. 313.)
[427] Pseudo-Luitprandi Chronicon, § 341 (p. 1115). “Basilius Toletanum
concilium contrahit; quo providetur, ne Christiani detrimentum
acciperent convictu Saracenorum.”
[428] There is little record of such, but they seem referred to in the
following sentences of Eulogius (Liber Apologeticus Martyrum, § 20), on
Muḥammad: “Cuius quidem erroris insaniam, prædicationis deliramenta, et
impiæ novitatis præcepta quisquis catholicorum cognoscere cupit,
evidentius ab eiusdem sectæ cultoribus perscrutando advertet. Quoniam
sacrum se quidpiam tenere et credere autumantes, non modo privatis, sed
apertis vocibus vatis sui dogmata prædicant.” (Migne: Patr. Lat., tome
cxv. p. 862.)
[429] Dozy (2), tome ii. p. 53.
[430] Lea, The Moriscos, pp. 17, 18.
[431] Samson, p. 379.
[432] Eulogius: Mem. Sanct. Pref., § 2. (Migne, tom. cxv. p. 737.)
[433] Id. c. xiii. (p. 794.)
[434] The number of the martyrs is said not to have exceeded forty. (W.
H. Prescott: History of the Reign of Ferdinand and Isabella, vol. i. p.
342, n.) (London, 1846.)
[435] Dozy (2), tome ii. pp. 161–2.
[436] Eulogius: Mem. Sanct. I, iii. c. vii. (p. 805). “Pro eo quod
nullus sapiens, nemo urbanus, nullusque procerum Christianorum huiusce
modi rem perpetrasset, idcirco non debere universos perimere
asserebant, quos non præit personalis dux ad prælium.”
[437] Alvar: Ind. Lum., § 14. “Nonne ipsi qui videbantur columnæ, qui
putabantur Ecclesiæ petræ, qui credebantur electi, nullo cogente,
nemine provocante, iudicem adierunt, et in præsentia Cynicorum, imo
Epicureorum, Dei martyres infamaverunt? Nonne pastores Christi,
doctores Ecclesiæ, episcopi, abbates, presbyteri, proceres et magnati,
hæreticos eos esse publice clamaverunt? et publica professione sine
desquisitione, absque interrogatione, quæ nec imminente mortis
sententia erant dicenda, spontanea voluntate, et libero mentis
arbitrio, protulerunt?” (Migne: tom. cxxi. p. 529.)
[438] Alvar: Indic. Lum., § 15. “Quid obtendendum est de illis quos
ecclesiastice interdiximus, et a quibus ne aliquando ad martyrii
surgerent palmam iuramentum extorsimus? quibus errores gentilium
infringere vetuimus, et maledictum ne maledictionibus impeterent?
Evangelio et cruce educta vi iurare improbiter fecimus, imo feraliter
et belluino terrore coegimus, minantes inaudita supplicia, et
monstruosa promittentes truncationum membrorum varia et horrenda dictu
audituve flagella?” (Migne: tom. cxxi. p. 530.)
[439] Baudissin, p. 199.
[440] Morgan, vol. ii. pp. 297–8, 345.
[441] Id. p. 310.
[442] Lea, The Moriscos, p. 259.
[443] Morgan, vol. ii. p. 337.
[444] Id. p. 289.
[445] Stirling-Maxwell, vol. i. p. 115.
[446] This is no place to give a history of these territorial
acquisitions, which may be briefly summed up thus. In 1353 the Ottoman
Turks first passed over into Europe and a few years later Adrianople
was made their European capital. Under Bāyazīd (1389–1402), their
dominions stretched from the Ægæan to the Danube, embracing all
Bulgaria, Macedonia, Thessaly and Thrace, with the exception of
Chalkidike and the district just round Constantinople. Murād II
(1421–1451) occupied Chalkidike and pushed his conquests to the
Adriatic. Muḥammad II (1451–1481) by the overthrow of Constantinople,
Albania, Bosnia and Servia, became master of the whole South-Eastern
peninsula, with the exception of the parts of the coast held by Venice
and Montenegro. Sulaymān II (1520–1566) added Hungary and made the
Ægæan an Ottoman sea. In the seventeenth century Crete was won and
Podolia ceded by Poland.
[447] Phrantzes, pp. 305–6.
[448] Finlay, vol. iii. p. 522. Pitzipios, seconde partie, p. 75. M.
d’Ohsson, vol. iii. p. 52–4. Arminjon, vol. i. p. 16.
[449] A traveller who visited Cyprus in 1508 draws the following
picture of the tyranny of the Venetians in their foreign possessions:
“All the inhabitants of Cyprus are slaves to the Venetians, being
obliged to pay to the state a third part of all their increase or
income, whether the product of their ground or corn, wine, oil, or of
their cattle, or any other thing. Besides, every man of them is bound
to work for the state two days of the week wherever they shall please
to appoint him: and if any shall fail, by reason of some other business
of their own, or for indisposition of body, then they are made to pay a
fine for as many days as they are absent from their work: and which is
more, there is yearly some tax or other imposed on them, with which the
poor common people are so flead and pillaged that they hardly have
wherewithal to keep soul and body together.” (The Travels of Martin
Baumgarten, p. 373.) See also the passages quoted by Hackett, History
of the Orthodox Church of Cyprus, p. 183.
[450] Finlay, vol. iii. p. 502.
[451] Urquhart, quoted by Clark: Races of European Turkey, p. 82.
[452] Karamsin, vol. v. p. 437.
[453] Martin Crusius writes in the same spirit: “Et mirum est, inter
barbaros, in tanta tantæ urbis colluvie, nullas cædes audiri, vim
iniustam non ferri, ius cuivis dici. Ideo Constantinopolin Sultanus,
Refugium totius orbis scribit: quod omnes miseri, ibi tutissime latent:
quodque omnibus (tam infimis quam summis: tam Christianis quam
infidelibus) iustitia administretur.” (Turcogræcia, p. 487.) (Basileæ,
1584.)
[454] Phrantzes, p. 81.
[455] Phrantzes, p. 92.
[456] Finlay, vol. v. pp. 5, 123. Adeney, p. 311. Gerlach, writing in
the year 1577, says: “Wo Christen oder Juden in den Orten wohnen, da es
Kadi oder Richter und Subbassi oder Vögte hat, dass die gemeinen
Türcken nicht ihres Gefallens mit ihnen umbgehen dörffen, sind sie viel
lieber unter den Türcken, dann unter den Christen. Wann sie Jährlich
ihren Tribut geben, sind sie hernach frey. Aber in der Christenheit ist
das gantze Jahr des Gebens kein Ende.” (Tage-Buch, p. 413.)
[457] Hertzberg, pp. 467, 646, 650.
[458] Finlay, vol. v. pp. 156–7.
[459] This interval was, however, not a fixed one; at first, the levy
took place every seven or five years, but later at more frequent
intervals according to the exigencies of the state. (Menzel, p. 52.)
Metrophanes Kritopoulos, writing in 1625, states that the collectors
came to the cities every seventh year and that each city had to
contribute three or four, or at least two boys (p. 205).
[460] Qurʼān, viii. 42.
[461] Id. x. 99. 100.
[462] “On ne forçait cependant pas les jeunes Chrétiens à changer de
foi. Les principes du gouvernement s’y opposaient aussi bien que les
préceptes du Cour’ann; et si des officiers, mus par leur fanatisme,
usaient quelquefois de contrainte, leur conduite à cet égard pouvait
bien être tolérée; mais elle n’était jamais autorisée par les chefs.”
(M. d’Ohsson, tome iii. pp. 397–8.)
[463] Hertzberg, p. 472.
[464] “Sed hoc tristissimum est, quod, ut olim Christiani imperatores,
ex singulis oppidis, certum numerum liberorum, in quibus egregia
indoles præ cæteris elucebat, delegerunt: quos ad publica officia
militiæ togatæ et bellicæ in Aula educari curarunt: ita Turci, occupato
Græcorum imperio, idem ius eripiendi patribus familias liberos ingeniis
eximiis præditos, usurpant.” (David Chytræus, pp. 12–14.)
[465] Creasy, p. 99. M. d’Ohsson, tome iii. p. 397. Menzel, p. 53.
Thomas Smith, speaking of such parents, says: “Others, to the great
shame and dishonour of the Religion, Christians only in name, part with
them freely and readily enough, not only because they are rid of the
trouble and charge of them, but in hopes they may, when they are grown
up, get some considerable command in the government.” (An Account of
the Greek Church, p. 12. London, 1680.) In the reign of Murād I,
Christian troops were employed in collecting this tribute of Christian
children. (Finlay, vol. v. p. 45.)
[466] “Verum tamen hos (liberos) pecunia redimere a conquisitoribus
sæpe parentibus licet.” (David Chytræus, p. 13.) De la Guilletière
mentions it in 1669 as one of the privileges of the Athenians. (An
Account of a Late Voyage to Athens, p. 272. London, 1676.)
[467] Confessio, p. 205.
[468] An Account of the Greek Church, p. 12. (London, 1680.)
[469] Menzel, p. 52. Thomas Smith: De Moribus ac Institutis Turcarum,
p. 81. (Oxonii, 1672.)
[470] Hill, p. 174.
[471] Joseph von Hammer (2), vol. ii. p. 151. Hans Schiltberger, who
was captured by the Turks in 1396 and returned home to Munich after
thirty-two years’ captivity, states that the tax the Christians had to
pay did not amount to more than two pfennig a month. (Reisebuch, p.
92.)
[472] Soli Sacerdotes, quasi in honorem sacri illius, quo funguntur,
Deo ita ordinante, ministerii hoc factum sit, una cum fœminis, ab hoc
tributo pendendo immunes habentur. (De Græcæ Hodierno Statu Epistola,
authore Thoma Smitho, p. 12.) (Trajecti ad Rhenum, 1698.)
[473] Silbernagl, p. 60.
[474] Martin Crusius, p. 487; Sansovino, p. 67; Georgieviz, p. 98–9;
Scheffler, § 56; Hertzberg, p. 648; De la Jonquière, p. 267. A work
published in London in 1595, entitled “The Estate of Christians living
under the subjection of the Turke,” states the capitation-tax for male
children to have been eight shillings (p. 2). Michel Baudin says one
sequin a head for every male. (Histoire du Serrail, p. 7. Paris, 1662.)
[475] Georgirenes, p. 9; Tournefort, vol. i. p. 91; Tavernier (3), p.
11.
[476] In a work published by Joseph Georgirenes, Archbishop of Samos,
in 1678, during a visit to London, he gives us an account of the income
of his own see, the details of which are not likely to have been
considered extortionate, as they were here set down for the benefit of
English readers: in comparing the sums here mentioned, it should be
borne in mind that he speaks of the capitation-tax as being three
crowns or dollars (pp. 8–9). “At his (i.e. the Archbishop’s) first
coming, the Papas or Parish Priest of the Church of his Residence
presents him fifteen or twenty dollers, they of the other Churches
according to their Abilities. The first year of his coming, every
Parish Priest pays him four dollers, and the following year two. Every
Layman pays him forty-eight aspers”—(In the commercial treaty with
England, concluded in the year 1675, the value of the dollar was fixed
at eighty aspers (Finlay, v. 28))—“and the following years twenty-four.
The Samians pay one Doller for a Licence; all Strangers two; but he
that comes after first marriage for a Licence for a second or third,
pays three or four” (pp. 33–4).
[477] Tournefort, vol. i. p. 91.
[478] Scheffler, § 56. “Was aber auch den Ducaten anbelangt, so werdet
ihr mit demselben in eurem Sinn ebener massen greulich betrogen. Denn
es ist zwar wahr, dass der Türckische Käyser ordentlich nicht mehr nimt
als vom Haupt einen Ducaten: aber wo bleiben die Zölle und
ausserordentliche Anlagen? nehmen dann seine Königliche Verweser und
Hauptleute nichts? muss man zu Kriegen nichts ausser ordentlich
geben?... Was aber die ausser ordentliche Anlagen betrifft; die steigen
und fallen nach den bösen Zeiten, und müssen von den Türckischen
Unterthanen so wohl gegeben werden als bey uns.”
[479] Finlay, vol. v. pp. 24–5. H. von Moltke: Brief über Zustände und
Begebenheiten in der Türkei aus den Jahren 1835 bis 1839, pp. 274, 354.
(5th ed., Berlin, 1891.)
[480] Hammer (2), vol. i. p. 346.
[481] “The hard lot of the Christian subjects of the Sultan has at all
times arisen from the fact that the central authority at Constantinople
has but little real authority throughout the Empire of Turkey. It is
the petty tyranny of the village officials, sharpened by personal
hatred, which has instigated those acts of atrocity to which, both in
former times, and still more at the present day, the Christians in
Turkey are subjected. In the days of a nation’s greatness justice and
even magnanimity towards a subject race are possible; these, however,
are rarely found to exist in the time of a nation’s decay.” (Rev. W.
Denton: Servia and the Servians, p. 15. London, 1862.) Gerlach, pp. 49,
52.
[482] Businello, pp. 43–4.
[483] “The central government of the Sultan has generally treated its
Mussulman subjects with as much cruelty and injustice as the conquered
Christians. The sufferings of the Greeks were caused by the insolence
and oppression of the ruling class and the corruption that reigned in
the Othoman administration, rather than by the direct exercise of the
Sultan’s power. In his private affairs, a Greek had a better chance of
obtaining justice from his bishop and the elders of his district than a
Turk from the cadi or the voivode.” (Finlay, vol. vi. pp. 4–5.)
“It would be a mistake to suppose that the Christians are the only part
of the population that is oppressed and miserable. Turkish
misgovernment is uniform, and falls with a heavy hand upon all alike.
In some parts of the kingdom the poverty of the Mussulmans may be
actually worse than the poverty of the Christians, and it is their
condition which most excites the pity of the traveller.” (William
Forsyth: The Slavonic Provinces South of the Danube, pp. 157–8. London,
1876.)
“All this oppression and misery (i.e. in the north of Asia Minor) falls
upon the Mohammedan population equally with the Christian.” (James
Bryce: Transcaucasia and Ararat, p. 381.)
“L’Europe s’imagine que les chrétiens seuls sont soumis, en Turquie, à
l’arbitraire, aux souffrances, aux avilissements de toute nature, qui
naissent de l’oppression; il n’en est rien! Les musulmans, précisément
parce que nulle puissance étrangère ne s’intéresse à eux, sont
peut-être plus indignement spoliés, plus courbés sous le joug que ceux
qui méconnaissent le prophète.” (De la Jonquière, p. 507.)
“To judge from what we have already observed, the lowest order of
Christians are not in a worse condition in Asia Minor than the same
class of Turks; and if the Christians of European Turkey have some
advantages arising from the effects of the superiority of their numbers
over the Turks, those of Asia have the satisfaction of seeing that the
Turks are as much oppressed by the men in power as they are themselves;
and they have to deal with a race of Mussulmans generally milder, more
religious, and better principled than those of Europe.” (W. M. Leake:
Journal of a Tour in Asia Minor, p. 7. London, 1824.)
Cf. also Laurence Oliphant: The Land of Gilead, pp. 320–3, 446.
(London, 1880.)
[484] It was in the sixteenth century that the tribute of children fell
into desuetude, and the last recorded example of its exaction was in
the year 1676.
[485] De la Jonquière, p. 333. Scheffler, § 45–6. Gasztowtt, p. 51.
[486] “Denn ich höre mit grosser Verwunderung und Bestürtzung, dass
nicht allein unter den gemeinen Pövel Reden im Schwange gehn, es sey
unter dem Türcken auch gut wohnen: wann man einen Ducaten von Haupt
gebe, so wäre man frey; Item er liesse die Religion frey; man würde die
Kirchen wieder bekommen; und was vergleichen: sondern dass auch andre,
die es wol besser verstehen sollten, sich dessen erfreuen, und über ihr
eigen Unglück frolocken! welches nicht allein Halssbrüchige, sondern
auch Gottlose Vermessenheiten seynd, die aus keinem andrem Grunde, als
aus dem Geist der Ketzerey, der zum Auffruhr und gäntzlicher Ausreitung
des Christenthumbs geneigt ist, herkommen.” (Scheffler, § 48.)
[487] Hertzberg, p. 650.
[488] De la Jonquière, p. 34. A similar contrast was made in 1605 by
Richard Staper, an English merchant who had been in Turkey as early as
1578: “And notwithstanding that the Turks in general be a most wicked
people, walking in the works of darkness ... yet notwithstanding do
they permit all Christians, both Greeks and Latins, to live in their
religion and freely to use to their conscience, allowing them churches
for their divine service, both in Constantinople and very many other
places, whereas to the contrary by proof of twelve years’ residence in
Spain I can truly affirm, we are not only forced to observe their
popish ceremonies, but in danger of life and goods” (M. Epstein: The
Early History of the Levant Company, p. 57. London, 1908.)
[489] Macarius, vol. i. pp. 183, 165. Cf. the memorial presented by
Polish refugees from Russia to the Sublime Porte, in 1853. (Gasztowtt,
p. 217.)
[490] “Alii speciem sibi quandam confixerunt stultam libertatis ...
quod quum sub Christiano consequuturos se desperent, ideo vel Turcam
mallent: quasi is benignior sit in largienda libertate hac, quam
Christianus.” (Ioannis Ludovici Vivis De Conditione Vitæ Christianorum
sub Turca, pp. 220, 225.) (Basileæ, 1538.) “Quidam obganniunt, liberam
esse sub Turca fidem.” (Othonis Brunfelsii ad Principes et Christianos
omnes Oratio, p. 133.) (Basileæ, 1538.) Ubertus Folieta, a noble of
Genoa, writing about 1577, says, “Sæpe mecum quaesivi ... qua re fiat,
ut tot de nostris hominibus ad illos continenter transfugiant,
Christianaque religione eiurata Mahumetanæ sectæ nomina dent.” (De
Causis Magnitudinis Turcarum Imperii, col. 1209.) (Thesaurus
Antiquitatum et Historiarum Italiæ, curâ Joannis Georgii Grævii, tom.
i. Lugduni Batavorum, 1725.)
[491] Turchicæ Spurcitiæ Suggillatio, fol. xvii. (a).
[492] Blount, vol. i. p. 548.
[493] Scheffler, §§ 51, 53.
[494] Dousa, p. 38. Busbecq, p. 190.
[495] Thomas Smith, p. 32.
[496] Thomas Smith, p. 42. Blount, vol. i. p. 548. Georgieviz, p. 20.
Schiltberger, pp. 83–4. Baudier, pp. 149, 313.
[497] Alexander Ross, p. ix. Baudier, p. 317. Cf. also Rycaut, vol. i.
p. 276. “On croit meriter beaucoup que de faire un Proselyte, il n’y a
personne assez riche pour avoir un esclave qui n’en veüille un jeune,
qui soit capable de recevoir sans peine toutes sortes d’impressions, et
qu’il puisse appeller son converti, afin de meriter l’honneur d’avoir
augmenté le nombre des fidèles.” Thomas Smith relates how the old man
who showed him the tomb of Urkhān at Brusa “ingenti cum fervore, oculis
ad Cælum elevatis, Deum precatus est ut nos ad fidem Musulmannicam suo
tempore tandem convertere dignaretur: Hoc nimirum est summum erga nos
affectus testimonium, qui ex isto falso et imperitissimo zelo solet
profluere.” (Epistolæ duae, quarum altera De Moribus ac Institutis
Turcarum agit, p. 20.) (Oxonii, 1672.)
[498] By an anonymous writer who was a captive in Turkey from 1436 to
1458. Turchicæ Spurcitiæ Suggillatio, fol. xvii. (a).
[499] Turchicæ Spurcitiæ Suggillatio, fol. xi. (b). Lionardo of Scio,
Archbishop of Mitylene, who was present at the taking of
Constantinople, speaks of the large number of renegades in the
besieging army: “Chi circondò la città, e chi insegnò a’ turchi
l’ordine, se non i pessimi christiani? Io son testimonio, che i Greci,
ch’i Latini, che i Tedeschi, che gli Ungari, e che ogni altra
generation di christiani, mescolati co’ turchi impararono l’opere e la
fede loro, i quali domenticatisi della fede christiana, espugnavano la
città. O empij che rinegasti Christo. O settatori di antichristo,
dannati alle pene infernali, questo è hora il vostro tempo.”
(Sansovino, p. 258.)
[500] J. H. Krause: Die Byzantiner des Mittelalters, pp. 385–6. (Halle,
1869.)
[501] Hertzberg, p. 616. Finlay, vol. v. p. 118.
[502] Turchicæ Spurcitiæ Suggillatio, fol. xix. (a).
[503] Rycaut, vol. i. pp. 710–11. Bizzi, fol. 49 (b).
[504] Pichler, pp. 164, 172.
[505] Id. p. 143.
[506] Pichler, p. 148. It is doubtful, however, whether Cyril was
really the author of this document bearing his name. (Kyriakos, p.
100.)
[507] Id. pp. 183–9.
[508] Id. p 226.
[509] As regards the Christian captives the Protestants certainly had
the reputation among the Turks of showing a greater inclination towards
conversion than the Catholics. (Gmelin, p. 21.)
[510] Pichler, pp. 211, 227.
[511] Id. pp. 181, 228.
[512] Id. pp. 222, 226.
[513] Pichler, p. 173.
[514] Id. pp. 128, 132, 143.
[515] Id. p. 143.
[516] Le Quien, tom. i. col. 334.
[517] Pichler, p. 172.
[518] Hefele, vol. i. p. 473.
[519] Cyril II of Berrhœa.
[520] Le Quien, tom. i. col. 335.
[521] Id. tom. i. col. 336.
[522] Id. tom. i. col. 337.
[523] However, in an earlier attempt made by the Protestant theologians
of Tübingen (1573–77) to introduce the doctrines of the Reformed Church
into the Eastern Church, the Vaivode Quarquar of Samtskheth in Georgia
embraced the Confession of Augsburg, but in 1580 became a Muslim.
(Joselian, p. 140.)
[524] Scheffler, §§ 53–6. Finlay, vol. v. pp. 118–19.
[525] Hammer (1), vol. vi. p. 94.
[526] Spon, vol. ii. p. 57.
[527] Hammer (1), vol. vi. p. 364.
[528] Early Voyages and Travels in the Levant, edited by J. Theodore
Bent, p. 210. (London, 1893.) Similarly, Michel Baudier concludes his
description of the festivities in Constantinople on the occasion of the
circumcision of Muḥammad III in the latter part of the sixteenth
century, with an account of the conversion of a large number of
Christians. “During the spectacles of this solemnity, the wretched
Grecians ran by troupes in this place to make themselves Mahometans;
Some abandoned Christianitie to avoid the oppression of the Turkes,
others for the hope of private profit.... The number of these
cast-awayes was found to be above foure thousand soules.” (The History
of the Serrail, and of the Court of the Grand Seigneur Emperour of the
Turkes, pp. 93–4. (London, 1635.) Histoire generale du Serrail, et de
la Cour du Grand Seigneur, Empereur des Turcs, pp. 89–90. (Paris,
1631.))
[529] Scheffler, § 55.
[530] Thomas Smith: An Account of the Greek Church, pp. 15–16. (London,
1680.)
[531] A. de la Motraye: Voyages en Europe, Asie et Afrique, vol. i. pp.
306, 308. (La Haye, 1727.)
[532] Pitzipios, Seconde Partie, pp. 83–7. Pichler, p. 29.
[533] Tournefort, vol. i. p. 107. Spon uses much the same language,
vol. i. p. 56.
[534] Gaultier de Leslie, p. 137.
[535] A. J. Evans, p. 267. Similarly Mackenzie and Irby say: “In most
parts of Old Serbia the idea we found associated with a bishop, was
that of a person who carried off what few paras the Turks had left” (p.
258). A similar account of the clergy of the Greek Church is given by a
writer in the Revue des Deux Mondes (tome 97, p. 336), who narrates the
following story: “Au début de ce siècle, à Tirnova, un certain pope du
nom de Joachim, adoré de ses ouailles, détesté de son évêque, reçut
l’ordre, un jour, de faire la corvée du fumier dans l’écurie
épiscopale. Il se rebiffa: aussitôt la valetaille l’assaillit à coups
de fourche. Mais notre homme était vigoureux: il se débattit, et,
laissant sa tunique en gage, s’en fut tout chaud chez le cadi. Le
soleil n’était pas couché qu’il devenait bon Musulman.”
[536] Pitzipios, Seconde Partie, p. 87.
[537] Id. Seconde Partie, p. 87. Pichler, p. 29.
[538] Lazăr, p. 223.
[539] Finlay, vol. iv. pp. 153–4.
[540] Tournefort, vol. i. p. 104. Cf. Pichler, pp. 29, 31. Spon, vol.
i. p. 44.
[541] Turchicæ Spurcitiæ Suggillatio, fol. xiii. (b); fol. xv. (b);
fol. xvii. (b); fol. xx. (a). Veniero, pp. 32, 36. Busbecq, p. 174.
[542] Gaultier de Leslie, pp. 180, 182.
[543] Rycaut, vol. i. p. 689. See also Georgieviz, pp. 53–4, and
Menavino, p. 73.
[544] Alexander Ross, p. ix.; he calls the Qurʼān a “gallimaufry of
Errors (a Brat as deformed as the Parent, and as full of Heresies, as
his scald head was of scurf),”—“a hodg podge made up of these four
Ingredients. 1. Of Contradictions. 2. Of Blasphemy. 3. Of ridiculous
Fables. 4. Of Lyes.”
[545] Finlay, vol. v. p. 29.
[546] Schiltberger, p. 96.
[547] Turchicæ Spurcitiæ Suggillatio, fol. xii. (b), xiii. (a).
[548] Id. fol. xxvii. (a).
[549] “Dum corpora exterius fovendo sub pietatis specie non occidit:
interius fidem auferendo animas sua diabolica astutia occidere
intendit. Huius rei testimonium innumerabilis multitudo fidelium esse
potest. Quorum multi promptissimi essent pro fide Christi et suarum
animarum salute in fide Christi mori: quos tamen conservando a morte
corporali: et ductos in captivitatem per successum temporis suo
infectos veneno fidem Christi turpiter negare facit.” Turchicæ
Spurcitiæ Suggillatio, fol. i.; cf. fol. vi. (a).
[550] Menavino, p. 96. John Harris: Navigantium atque Itinerantium
Bibliotheca, vol. ii. p. 819. (London, 1764.)
[551] “Dieses muss man den Türken nachsagen, dass sie die Diener und
Sclaven, durch deren Fleiss und Bemühung sie sich einen Nutzen schaffen
können, sehr wol und oft besser, als die Christian die ihrige, halten
... und wann ein Knecht in einer Kunst erfahren ist, gehet ihm nichts
anders als die Freyheit ab, ausser welche er alles andere hat, was ein
freyer Mensch sich nur wünschen kan.” (G. C. von den Driesch, p. 132.)
[552] Sir William Stirling-Maxwell says of these: “The poor wretches
who tugged at the oar on board a Turkish ship of war lived a life
neither more nor less miserable than the galley-slaves under the sign
of the Cross. Hard work, hard fare, and hard knocks were the lot of
both. Ashore, a Turkish or Algerine prison was, perhaps, more noisome
in its filth and darkness than a prison at Naples or Barcelona; but at
sea, if there were degrees of misery, the Christian in Turkish chains
probably had the advantage; for in the Sultan’s vessels the oar-gang
was often the property of the captain, and the owner’s natural
tenderness for his own was sometimes supposed to interfere with the
discharge of his duty.” (Vol. i. pp. 102–3.)
[553] Gmelin, p. 16.
[554] Id. p. 23.
[555] John Harris: Navigantium atque Itinerantium Bibliotheca, vol. ii.
p. 810.
[556] “Die ersten Jahre sind für solche unglückliche Leute am
beschwehrlichsten, absonderlich wenn sie noch jung, weil die Türken
selbige entweder mit Schmeicheln, oder, wann dieses nichts verfangen
will, mit der Schärfe zu ihren Glauben zu bringen suchen; wann aber
dieser Sturm überwunden, wird man finden, dass die Gefangenschaft
nirgend erträglicher als bey den Türken seye.” (G. C. von den Driesch,
p. 132.) Moreover Georgieviz says that those who persevered in the
Christian faith were set free after a certain fixed period. “Si in
Christiana fide perseveraverint, statuitur certum tempus serviendi, quo
elapso liberi fiunt ... Verum illis qui nostram religionem abiurarunt,
nec certum tempus est serviendi, ned ullum ius in patriam redeundi,
spes libertatis solummodo pendet a domini arbitrio” (p. 87). Similarly
Menavino, p. 65. Cantacuzenos gives this period as seven years:—“Grata
è la compagnia che essi fanno a gli schiavi loro, percioche Maumetto
gli ha fra l’altre cose comandato che egli non si possa tener in
servitù uno schiavo più che sette anni, et perciò nessuno o raro è
colui che a tal comandamento voglia contrafare” (p. 128).
[557] “Fromme Christen, die nach der Türkei oder in andere
muhamedanische Länder kamen, hatten Anlass genug zur Trauer über die
Häufigkeit des Abfalls ihrer Glaubensgenossen, und besonders die
Schriften der Ordensgeistlichen sind voll von solchen Klagen. Bei den
Sclaven konnte sich immer noch ein Gefühl des Mitleids dem der
Missbilligung beimischen, aber oft genug musste man die bittersten
Erfahrungen auch an freien Landsleuten machen. Die christlichen
Gesandten waren keinen Tag sicher, ob ihnen nicht Leute von ihrem
Gefolge davon liefen, und man that gut daran, den Tag nicht vor dem
Abend zu loben.” (Gmelin, p. 22.) Cf. Von den Driesch, p. 161.
[558] Thomas Smith, pp. 144–5.
[559] Turchicæ Spurcitiæ Suggillatio, fol. xxxv. (a).
[560] M. d’Ohsson, vol. iii. p. 133. Georgieviz, p. 87 (quoted above).
Menavino, p. 95.
[561] Von den Driesch, p. 250.
[562] Id. p. 131–2.
[563] Turchicæ Spurcitiæ Suggillatio, fol. xi.
[564] Hertzberg, p. 621.
[565] “The old People dying, the young ones generally turn Mahumetans:
so that now (1655) you can hardly meet with two Christian Armenians in
all those fair Plains, which their fathers were sent to manure.”
Tavernier (1), p. 16.
[566] H. H. Jessup: Fifty-three Years in Syria, vol. ii. p. 658. (New
York, 1910.)
[567] For a list of these, see Finlay, vol. vi. pp. 28–9.
[568] Leake, p. 250.
[569] The name by which the Albanians always call themselves, lit.
rock-dwellers.
[570] One of themselves, an Albanian Christian, speaking of the enmity
existing between the Christians and Muhammadans of Bulgaria, says:
“Aber für Albanien liegen die Sachen ganz anders. Die Muselmänner sind
Albanesen, wie die Christen; sie sprechen dieselbe Sprache, sie haben
dieselben Sitten, sie folgen denselben Gebräuchen, sie haben dieselben
Traditionen; sie und die Christen haben sich niemals gehasst, zwischen
ihnen herrscht keine Jahrhunderte alte Feindschaft. Der Unterschied der
Religion war niemals ein zu einer systematischen Trennung treibendes
Motiv; Muselmänner und Christen haben stets, mit wenigen Ausnahmen, auf
gleichem Fusse gelebt, sich der gleichen Rechte erfreuend, dieselben
Pflichten erfüllend.” (Wassa Effendi: Albanien und die Albanesen, p.
59.) (Berlin, 1879.)
[571] Finlay, vol. v. p. 46.
[572] Clark, pp. 175–7. The Mirdites, who are very fanatical Roman
Catholics (in the diocese of Alessio), will not suffer a Muhammadan to
live in their mountains, and no member of their tribe has ever abjured
his faith; were any Mirdite to attempt to do so, he would certainly be
put to death, unless he succeeded in making good his escape from
Albania. (Hecquard: Histoire de la Haute Albanie, p. 224.)
[573] Published in Farlati’s Illyricum Sacrum.
[574] Alessandro Comuleo, 1593. Bizzi, 1610. Marco Crisio, 1651. Fra
Bonaventura di S. Antonio, 1652. Zmaievich, 1703.
[575] Bizzi, fol. 60, b.
[576] Bizzi, fol. 35, a.
[577] Farlati, vol. vii. pp. 104, 107.
[578] It is also complained that the Archbishop’s palace was
appropriated by the Muhammadans, but it had been left unoccupied for
eight years, as Archbishop Ambrosius (flor. 1579–1598) had found it
prudent to go into exile, having attacked Islam “with more fervour than
caution, inveighing against Muḥammad and damning his Satanic
doctrines.” (Farlati, vol. vii. p. 107.)
[579] Bizzi, fol. 9, where he says, “E comunicai quella mattina quasi
tutta la Christianità latina.” From a comparison with statistics given
by Zmaievich (fol. 227) I would hazard the conjecture that the Latin
Christian community at this time amounted to rather over a thousand
souls.
[580] Bizzi, fol. 27, b; 38, b.
[581] Veniero, fol. 34. This was also the custom in some villages of
Albania as late as the beginning of the nineteenth century; see W. M.
Leake: Travels in Northern Greece, vol. i. p. 49. (London, 1835): “In
some villages, Mahometans are married to Greek women, the sons are
educated as Turks, and the daughters as Christians; and pork and mutton
are eaten at the same table.”
[582] Bizzi, fol. 38, b. Farlati, tom. vii. p. 158.
[583] Bizzi, fol. 10, b. Veniero, fol. 34.
[584] Shortly after Marco Bizzi’s arrival at Antivari a Muhammadan lady
of high rank wished to have her child baptised by the Archbishop
himself, who tells us that she complained bitterly to one of the
leading Christians of the city that “io non mi fossi degnato di far a
lei questo piacere, il qual quotidianamente vien fatto dai miei preti a
richiesta di qualsivoglia plebeo” (fol. 10, b).
[585] For modern instances of the harmonious relations subsisting
between the followers of the two faiths living together in the same
village, see Hyacinthe Hecquard: Histoire et description de la Haute
Albanie (pp. 153, 162, 200). (Paris, 1858.)
[586] Bizzi, fol. 38, a.
[587] Garnett, p. 267.
[588] Bizzi, fol. 36, b.
[589] Id. fol. 38, b; 37, a.
[590] Bizzi, fol. 38, b; 61, a; 37, a; 33, b.
[591] Zmaievich, fol. 5. The Venetian real in the eighteenth century
was equal to a Turkish piastre. (Businello, p. 94.)
[592] Bizzi, fol. 12–13. Zmaievich, fol. 5.
[593] Bizzi, fol. 10–11.
[594] Id. fol. 31, b.
[595] Id. fol. 60, b.
[596] Id. fol. 33, b. “Qui deriva il puoco numero de Sacerdoti in
quelle parti e la puoca loro intelligenza in quel mestiero; il gran
numero de’ Christiani, che invecchiano, et anco morono senza il
sacramento della Confermatione et apostatano della fede quasi per
tutto.”
[597] “Se l’Albania non riceverà qualche maggior agiuto in meno di anni
anderà a male quasi tutta quella Christianità per il puoco numero dei
Vescovi e dei Sacerdoti di qualche intelligenza.” (Id. fol. 61, a.)
[598] Id. fol. 36, a. Id. fol. 64, b.
[599] Finlay, vol. v. pp. 153–4. Clark, p. 290.
[600] “E quei miseri hanno fermata la conscientia in creder di non
peccar per simil coniuntioni (i.e. the giving of Christian girls in
marriage to Muhammadans) per esser i turchi signori del paese, e che
però non si possa, nè devea far altro che obbedirli quando comandano
qualsivoglia cosa.” (Bizzi, fol. 38, b.)
[601] Garnett, p. 268.
[602] Bizzi, fol. 38, b; 63, a.
[603] Kyriakos, p. 12.
[604] Farlati, tom. vii. pp. 124, 141.
[605] Marco Crisio, p. 202.
[606] Zmaievich, fol. 227.
[607] Bizzi, fol. 60, b.
[608] Zmaievich, fol. 137.
[609] Zmaievich, fol. 157.
[610] Zmaievich, fol. 11, 159.
[611] Zmaievich, fol. 13.
[612] Bizzi, fol. 38, b. Farlati, vol. vii. p. 158.
[613] Zmaievich, fol. 13–14.
[614] Informatione circa la missione d’Albania, fol. 196.
[615] Crisio, fol. 204.
[616] Fra Bonaventura, fol. 201.
[617] Marco Crisio, fol. 202, 205.
[618] Id. fol. 205.
[619] Zmaievich, fol. 13.
[620] Farlati, tom. vii. p. 109. Bizzi, fol. 19, b.
[621] Marco Crisio, fol. 205.
[622] Zmaievich, fol. 11.
[623] Id. fol. 32.
[624] Crisio, fol. 204.
[625] Zmaievich, fol. 11. Farlati, vol. vii. p. 151.
[626] Farlati, vol. vii. pp. 126–32. Zmaievich, fol. 4–5, fol. 20.
[627] “Plerique, ut se iniquis tributis et vexationibus eximerent,
paullatim a Christiana religione deficere coeperunt.” (Farlati, tom.
vii. p. 311.)
[628] Zmaievich fol. 5.
[629] Id. fol. 5.
[630] Zmaievich, fol. 15, 197.
[631] Id. fol. 11.
[632] Id. fol. 137.
[633] Id. fol. 149.
[634] Id. fol. 143–4.
[635] Zmaievich, fol. 22.
[636] Farlati, tom. vii. p. 141.
[637] Zmaievich, fol. 7, 17.
[638] Id. fol. 9.
[639] Id. fol. 141.
[640] Farlati, vol. vi. p. 317.
[641] Eliot, p. 401.
[642] Id. p. 392.
[643] Yāqūt, vol. i. p. 469 sq.
[644] Géographie d’Aboulféda, traduite par M. Reinaud, tome ii. pp
294–5.
[645] Enrique Dupuy de Lôme: Los Esclavos y Turquía, pp. 17–18.
(Madrid, 1877.)
[646] De la Jonquière, p. 215.
[647] Id. p. 290.
[648] Kanitz, p. 37.
[649] Id. pp. 37–8.
[650] A map of this country is given by Mackenzie and Irby (p. 243): it
contains Prizren, the old Servian capital, Ipek, the seat of the
Servian Patriarch, and the battle-field of Kossovo.
[651] Kanitz, p. 37.