[653] Farlati, vol. vii. pp. 127–8.
[654] Mackenzie and Irby, pp. 374–5. Kanitz, p. 39.
[655] Id. pp. 39–40.
[656] Kanitz, p. 38.
[657] Bizzi, fol. 48, b.
[658] Zmaievich, fol. 182.
[659] Kanitz, p. 38.
[660] Montenegro was ruled by bishops from 1516 to 1852.
[661] E. L. Clark, pp. 362–3.
[662] Honorius III in 1221, Gregory IX in 1238, Innocent IV in 1246,
Benedict XII in 1337. The Inquisition was established in 1291.
[663] Asboth, pp. 42–95. Evans, pp. xxxvi–xlii.
[664] Asboth, pp. 96–7.
[665] “They revile the ceremonies of the church and all church
dignitaries, and they call orthodox priests blind Pharisees, and bay at
them as dogs at horses. As to the Lord’s Supper, they assert that it is
not kept according to God’s commandment, and that it is not the body of
God, but ordinary bread.” (Kosmas, quoted by Evans, pp. xxx–xxxi.)
[666] Sūrah iv. 156.
[667] Cf. the admiration of the Turks for Charles XII of Sweden. “Son
opiniâtreté à s’abstenir du vin, et sa régularité à assister deux fois
par jour aux prières publiques, leur faisaient dire: C’est un vrai
musulman.” (Œuvres de Voltaire, tome 23, p. 200.) (Paris, 1785.)
[668] Kosmas, quoted by Evans, p. xxxi.
[669] Asboth, p. 36. Wetzer und Welte, vol. ii. p. 975.
[670] Olivier, pp. 17–18.
[671] Olivier, p. 113.
[672] Amari, vol. i. p. 163; vol. ii. p. 260.
[673] Cornaro, vol. i. pp. 205–8.
[674] Perrot, p. 151.
[675] Pashley, vol. i. p. 30; vol. ii. pp. 284, 291–2.
[676] Id. vol. ii. p. 298.
[677] Pashley, vol. ii. p. 285.
[678] Id. vol. i. p. 319.
[679] Perrot, p. 151.
[680] Charles Edwardes: Letters from Crete, pp. 90–2. (London, 1887.)
[681] Pashley, vol. ii. pp. 151–2.
[682] Id. vol. i. p. 9.
[683] Perrot, p. 159.
[684] Pashley, vol. i. pp. 10, 195.
[685] T. A. B. Spratt: Travels and Researches in Crete, vol. i. p. 47.
(London, 1865.)
[686] R. du M. M. vii. p. 99.
[687] Caetani, vol. ii. pp. 910–11. A. de Gobineau (1), pp. 55–6.
[688] Abū Yūsuf: Kitāb al-Kharāj, p. 73.
[689] Id. p. 74 and Balādhurī, pp. 71 (fin.), 79, 80.
[690] Caetani, vol. v. pp. 361 (§ 611 n. 1), 394–5, 457.
[691] pp. 68–9.
[692] Caetani, vol. ii. p. 910.
[693] A. de Gobineau (2), pp. 306–10.
[694] Dozy (1), p. 157.
[695] Haneberg, p. 5.
[696] Dozy (1), p. 191. A. de Gobineau (1), p. 55.
[697] Les croyances Mazdéennes dans la religion Chiite, par Ahmed-Bey
Agaeff. (Transactions of the Ninth International Congress of
Orientalists, vol. ii. pp. 509–11. London, 1893.) For other points of
contact, see Goldziher: Islamisme et Parsisme. (Revue de l’Histoire des
Religions, xliii. p. 1. sqq.)
[698] Dosabhai Framji Karaka: History of the Parsis, vol. i. pp. 56–9,
62–7. (London, 1884.) Nicolas de Khanikoff says that there were 12,000
families of fire-worshippers in Kirmān at the end of the 18th century.
(Mémoire sur la partie méridionale de l’Asie centrale, p. 193. Paris,
1861.)
[699] Chwolsohn, vol. i. p. 287.
[700] Masʻūdī, vol. iv. p. 86.
[701] Iṣṭakhrī, pp. 100, 118. Ibn Ḥawqal, pp. 189–190.
[702] Kitāb al-milal waʼl-niḥal, edited by Cureton, part i. p. 198.
[703] Masʻūdī, vol. viii. p. 279; vol. ix. pp. 4–5.
[704] Ibn Khallikān, vol. iii. p. 517.
[705] Kitāb al-Fihrist, ed. Flügel, p. 149 (l. 2).
[706] For a comprehensive sketch of their condition under Muslim rule,
see D. Menant: Les Zoroastriens de Perse. (R. du M. M. iii. pp. 193
sqq., p. 421 sqq.)
[707] Khojā Vrittānt, pp. 141–8. For a further account of Ismāʻīlian
missionaries in India, see chap. ix.
[708] Le Bon Silvestre De Sacy: Exposé de la Religion des Druzes, tome
i. pp. lxvii–lxxvi, cxlviii–clxii.
[709] Balādhurī, p. 421.
[710] Narshakhī, p. 46.
[711] Id. p. 47.
[712] Balādhurī, p. 426.
[713] Ṭabarī, ii. pp. 1507 sqq.
[714] Balādhurī, p. 431.
[715] August Müller, vol. i. p. 520.
[716] Cahun, p. 150.
[717] Ibn al-Athīr, vol. viii. p. 396 (ll. 19–20.) Grenard, pp. 7 sq.,
42–3.
[718] Grenard, pp. 9–10. “D’une guerre d’ambition [la tradition] fait
une guerre sainte, elle attribue à Satoḳ Boghra Khân une conquête qui a
été accomplie réellement par son douzième successeur; par une confusion
absurde, elle donne le nom de ce dernier à l’oncle infidèle de Satoḳ.
Non contente de réduire deux personnages en un seul, elle prête au même
prince une marche sur Tourfân, c’est-à-dire contre les Ouigour, qui est
en effet l’œuvre d’un troisième.” (Id. p. 50.)
[719] Raverty, p. 905.
[720] This was the capital of the Khāns of Turkistan during the tenth
and eleventh centuries, but the exact site is uncertain.
[721] Narshakhī, pp. 234–5.
[722] Raverty, pp. 925–7.
[723] Grenard, p. 76.
[724] Raverty, p. 117.
[725] Bellew, p. 96.
[726] Id. pp. 15–16.
[727] Balādhurī, p. 402.
[728] August Müller, vol. ii. p. 29.
[729] Qurʼān, xix. 23.
[730] Ibn al-Athīr, vol. xii. pp. 233–4.
[731] William of Rubruck, pp. 182, 191. C. d’Ohsson, tome ii. p. 488.
[732] De Guignes, tome iii. pp. 200, 203.
[733] Id. vol. iii. p. 115.
[734] Id. p. 125. Cahun, p. 391.
[735] Klaproth, p. 204.
[736] C. d’Ohsson, tome ii. pp. 226–7. Cahun, p. 408 sq.
[737] Of this writer Yule says, “He gives an unfavourable account of
the literature and morals of their clergy, which deserves more weight
than such statements regarding those looked upon as schismatics
generally do; for the narrative of Rubruquis gives one the impression
of being written by a thoroughly honest and intelligent person.”
(Cathay and the Way Thither, vol. i. p. xcviii.)
[738] William of Rubruck, pp. 158–9.
[739] Maqrīzī (2), tome i. 1re partie, pp. 98, 106.
[740] The Chosen One—Muḥammad.
[741] Jūzjānī, pp. 448–50. Raverty, pp. 1288–90.
[742] So notoriously brutal was the treatment they received that even
the Chinese showmen in their exhibitions of shadow figures exultingly
brought forward the figure of an old man with a white beard dragged by
the neck at the tail of a horse, as showing how the Mongol horsemen
behaved towards the Musalmans. (Howorth, vol. i. p. 159.)
[743] Raverty, p. 1146. Howorth, vol. i. pp. 112, 273. This edict was
only withdrawn when it was found that it prevented Muhammadan merchants
from visiting the court and that trade suffered in consequence.
[744] Howorth, vol. i. p. 165.
[745] Jūzjānī, pp. 404–5. Raverty, p. 1160 sqq.
[746] De Guignes, vol. iii. p. 265.
[747] In the thirteenth century, three-fourths of the Mongol hosts were
Turks. (Cahun, p. 279.)
[748] C. d’Ohsson, vol. iii. p. 121.
[749] Rashīd al-Dīn, pp. 600–2.
[750] Blochet, pp. 74–7.
[751] It is of interest to note that Najm al-Dīn Mukhtār al-Zāhidī in
1260 compiled for Baraka Khān a treatise which gave the proofs of the
divine mission of the Prophet, a refutation of those who denied it, and
an account of the controversies between Christians and Muslims.
(Steinschneider, pp. 63–4.)
[752] Abu’l-Ghāzī, tome ii. p. 181.
[753] Jūzjānī, p. 447. Raverty, pp. 1283–4.
[754] Jūzjānī, p. 447. Raverty, pp. 1285–6.
[755] Maqrīzī (2), tome i. pp. 180–1, 187.
[756] Maqrīzī (2), tome i. p. 215.
[757] Id. p. 222.
[758] Waṣṣāf calls him Nikūdār before, and Aḥmad after, his conversion.
[759] Hayton. (Ramusio, tome ii. p. 60, c.)
[760] Qurʼān, vi. 125.
[761] Waṣṣāf, pp. 231–4.
[762] De Guignes, vol. iii. pp. 263–5.
[763] C. d’Ohsson, tome iv. pp. 141–2.
[764] Id. ib. p. 148.
[765] Id. ib. p. 365.
[766] Id. ib. pp. 148, 354. Cahun, p. 434.
[767] C. d’Ohsson, tome iv. pp. 128, 132.
[768] Hammer-Purgstall: Geschichte der Ilchanen, vol. ii. p. 182. It is
not improbable that the captive Muslim women took a considerable part
in the conversion of the Mongols to Islam. Women appear to have
occupied an honoured position among the Mongols, and many instances
might be given of their having taken a prominent part in political
affairs, just as already several cases have been mentioned of the
influence they exercised on their husbands in religious matters.
William of Rubruck tells us how he found the influence of a Muslim wife
an obstacle in the way of his proselytising labours: “On the day of
Pentecost a certain Saracen came to us, and while in conversation with
us, we began expounding the faith, and when he heard of the blessings
of God to man in the incarnation, the resurrection of the dead, the
last judgment, and the washing away of sins in baptism, he said he
wished to be baptised; but while we were making ready to baptise him,
he suddenly jumped on his horse saying he had to go home to consult
with his wife. And the next day talking with us he said he could not
possibly venture to receive baptism, for then he could not drink
cosmos” (mare’s milk). (Rubruck, pp. 90–1.)
[769] Ibn Baṭūṭah, vol. ii. p. 57.
[770] Jūzjānī, pp. 381, 397. Raverty, pp. 1110, 1145–6.
[771] Rashīd al-Dīn, pp. 173–4, 188.
[772] Abu’l-Ghāzī, tome ii. p. 159.
[773] Ibn Baṭūṭah, tome iii. p. 47.
[774] Abu’l-Ghāzī, tome ii. pp. 166–8. Muḥammad Ḥaydar, pp. 13–15.
[775] When the power of the Chaghatāy Khāns declined, a portion of the
eastern division of their realm became practically independent under
the name of Mughalistān, a pastoral country suited to the habits of
nomad herdsmen, in what is now known as Chinese Turkistan.
[776] Muḥammad Ḥaydar, pp. 57–8.
[777] In the reign of ʻAbd al-Karīm, who was Khān of Kāshgar from A.H.
983 to 1003 (A.D. 1575–1594).
[778] Martin Hartmann: Der Islamische Orient, vol. i. p. 203. (Berlin,
1899.)
[779] Id. p. 202.
[780] Assemani, tome iii. pars. ii. p. cxvi.
[781] Ibn Baṭūṭah, vol. iii. p. 40.
[782] Rashīd al-Dīn, p. 600, l. 1.
[783] Cahun, p. 410.
[784] Howorth, vol ii. p. 1015.
[785] Abū’l-Ghāzī, tome ii. p. 184.
[786] De Guignes, vol. iii. p. 351.
[787] Karamsin, vol. iv. pp. 391–4.
[788] Hammer-Purgstall: Geschichte der Goldenen Horde in Kiptschak, p.
290.
[789] De Baschkiris quae memoriae prodita sunt ab Ibn-Foszlano et
Jakuto, interprete C. N. Fraehnio. (Mémoires de l’Académie Impériale
des Sciences de St. Pétersbourg, tome viii. p. 626. 1822.)
[790] Abū ʻUbayd al-Bakrī, pp. 470–1.
[791] Karamsin, tome i. pp. 259–71.
[792] Bobrovnikoff, p. 13.
[793] Reclus, tome v. p. 831. R. du M. M., tome iii. pp. 76, 78.
[794] Relation des Tartares, par Jean de Luca, p. 17. (Thevenot, tome
i.)
[795] Islam and Missions, p. 257.
[796] Gasztowtt, pp. 321–3. R. du M. M., xi. (1910), pp. 287 sqq.
[797] The Russian Policy regarding Central Asia. An historical sketch.
By Prof. V. Grigorief. (Eugene Schuyler: Turkistan, vol. ii. pp. 405–6.
5th ed. London, 1876); Franz von Schwarz: Turkestan, p. 58. (Freiburg,
1910.)
[798] Islam and Missions, pp. 251–2, 255.
[799] D. Mackenzie Wallace: Russia, vol. i. pp. 242–4. (London, 1877,
4th ed.) R. du M. M., vol. ix. (1909), p. 249. Bobrovnikoff, p. 5 sqq.
[800] W. Hepworth Dixon: Free Russia, vol. ii. p. 284. (London, 1870.)
[801] E.g. “En 1883, des paysans Tatars du village d’Apozof étaient
poursuivis, devant le tribunal de Kazan, pour avoir abandonné
l’orthodoxie. Les accusés déclaraient avoir toujours été musulmans;
sept d’entre eux n’en furent pas moins condamnés, comme apostats, aux
travaux forcés.... Beaucoup de ces relaps ont été déportés en Sibérie.”
Anatole Leroy-Beaulieu: L’Empire des Tsars et les Russes, tome iii. p.
645. (Paris, 1889–93.)
[802] D. Mackenzie Wallace: Russia, vol. i. p. 245.
[803] Palmieri, pp. 85–6. R. du M. M., i. (1907), pp. 162 sq.
[804] R. du M. M., ix. (1909), p. 294.
[805] Id. x. (1910), p. 413. Id. i. (1907), p. 273.
[806] Id. ix. p. 252.
[807] Id. p. 249.
[808] Bobrovnikoff, p. 12.
[809] Reclus, tome v. pp. 746, 748.
[810] Eruslanov, pp. 3, 6.
[811] Id. pp. 7–8.
[812] Id. pp. 5–6.
[813] Eruslanov, pp. 9, 13.
[814] Id. pp. 17, 20, 36.
[815] Id. pp. 38–9.
[816] Bobrovnikoff, p. 22.
[817] Id. pp. 21–2, 31.
[818] Id. p. 13. Islam and Missions, p. 257.
[819] G. F. Müller: Sammlung Russischer Geschichte, vol. vii. p. 191.
[820] Id. vol. vii. pp. 183–4.
[821] Radloff, vol. i. p. 147.
[822] Jadrinzew, p. 138. Radloff, vol. i. p. 241.
[823] Radloff, vol. i. pp. 472, 497.
[824] Census of India, 1891. General Report by J. A. Baines, p. 167.
(London, 1893.)
[825] Id. pp. 126, 207.
[826] Elliot, vol. ii. p. 448.
[827] Muḥammad b. Qāsim invited the Hindu princes to embrace Islam, and
the invaders who followed him were probably equally observant of the
religious law. (Elliot, vol. i. pp. 175, 207.)
[828] Or Baran, the old name of Bulandshahr.
[829] Elliot, vol. ii. pp. 42–3.
[830] Gazetteer of the N.W.P., vol. iii. part ii. p. 85.
[831] “The military adventurers, who founded dynasties in Northern
India and carved out kingdoms in the Dekhan, cared little for things
spiritual; most of them had indeed no time for proselytism, being
continually engaged in conquest or in civil war. They were usually
rough Tartars or Moghals; themselves ill-grounded in the faith of
Mahomed, and untouched by the true Semitic enthusiasm which inspired
the first Arab standard bearers of Islam. The empire which they set up
was purely military, and it was kept in that state by the half success
of their conquests and the comparative failure of their spiritual
invasion. They were strong enough to prevent anything like religious
amalgamation among the Hindus, and to check the gathering of tribes
into nations; but so far were they from converting India, that among
the Mahommedans themselves their own faith never acquired an entire and
exclusive monopoly of the high offices of administration.” (Sir Alfred
C. Lyall: Asiatic Studies, p. 289.) (London, 1882.)
[832] Firishtah, vol. i. p. 184.
[833] Ibn Baṭūṭah, tome iii. p. 197.
[834] Elliot, vol. iii. p. 386.
[835] Mankind and the Church, p. 286. (London, 1907.)
[836] Sir Richard Temple: India in 1880, p. 164. (London, 1881.) Punjab
States Gazetteers, vol. xxxvi A, Bahawalpur, p. 183.
[837] Manual of Titles for Oudh, p. 78. (Allahabad, 1889.)
[838] Gazetteer of the Province of Oudh, vol. i. p. 466.
[839] Gazetteer of the N.W.P., vol. iii. part ii. p. 46.
[840] Gazetteer of the N.W.P., vol. xiv. part ii. p. 119. In the
Cawnpore district, the Musalman branch of the Dikhit family observes
Muhammadan customs at births, marriages, and deaths, and, though they
cannot, as a rule, recite the prayers (namāz), they perform the
orthodox obeisances (sijdah). But at the same time they worship Chachak
Devī to avert small-pox, and keep up their friendly intercourse with
their old caste brethren, the Thakurs, in domestic occurrences, and are
generally called by common Hindu names. (Gazetteer of the N.W.P., vol.
vi. p. 64.)
[841] Ibbetson, p. 163.
[842] Gazetteer of the N.W.P., vol. vi. p. 64. Compare also id. vol.
xiv. part iii. p. 47. “Muhammadan cultivators are not numerous; they
are usually Nau-Muslims. Most of them assign the date of their
conversion to the reign of Aurangzeb, and represent it as the result
sometimes of persecution and sometimes as made to enable them to retain
their rights when unable to pay revenue.”
[843] Ibbetson, p. 163.
[844] Indeed Firishtah distinctly says: “Zealous for the faith of
Mahommed, he rewarded proselytes with a liberal hand, though he did not
choose to persecute those of different persuasions in matters of
religion.” (The History of Hindostan, translated from the Persian, by
Alexander Dow, vol. iii. p. 361.) (London, 1812.)
[845] The Bombay Gazetteer, vol. xxii. p. 222; vol. xxiii. p. 282.
[846] Innes, pp. 72–3, 190.
[847] Sir W. W. Hunter: The Religions of India. (The Times, February
25th, 1888.)
[848] Gazetteer of the N.W.P., vol. vi. p. 518.
[849] Gazetteer of the N.W.P., vol. v. part i. pp. 302–3.
[850] Sir Alfred C. Lyall: Asiatic Studies, p. 236.
[851] A tomb in the cemetery of Pantalāyini Kollam bears an inscription
with the date A.H. 166. (Innes, p. 436.)
[852] Zayn al-Dīn, pp. 34–5.
[853] Id. p. 36 (init.).
[854] Id. p. 21.
[855] The modern Madāyi.
[856] Zayn al-Dīn, pp. 23–4.
[857] Id. p. 25.
[858] Innes, p. 41.
[859] Id. p. 398.
[860] Ibn Baṭūṭah, tome iv. pp. 82, 88, etc.
[861] Innes, p. 190.
[862] Oboardo Barbosa, p. 310.
Similarly it has been conjectured that but for the arrival of the
Portuguese, Ceylon might have become a Muhammadan kingdom. For before
the Portuguese armaments appeared in the Indian seas, the Arab
merchants were undisputed masters of the trade of this island (where
indeed they had formed commercial establishments centuries before the
birth of the Prophet), and were to be found in every sea-port and city,
while the facilities for commerce attracted large numbers of fresh
arrivals from their settlements in Malabar. Here as elsewhere the
Muslim traders intermarried with the natives of the country and spread
their religion along the coast. But no very active proselytising
movement would seem to have been carried on, or else the Singhalese
showed themselves unwilling to embrace Islam, as the Muhammadans of
Ceylon at the present day appear mostly to be of Arab descent. (Sir
James Emerson Tennent: Ceylon, vol. i. pp. 631–3.) (5th ed., London,
1860.)
[863] Qurʼān, xvi. 126.
[864] ʻAbd al-Razzāq: Maṭlaʻ al-saʻdayn, fol. 173.
[865] They are found chiefly in the Tamil-speaking districts of Madura,
Tinnevelly, Coimbatore, North Arcot and the Nilgiris.
[866] The Imperial Gazetteer of India (vol. xxiv. p. 47) spells his
name Nādir Shāh; Qādir Ḥusayn Khān calls him Nathad Vali.
[867] Madras District Gazetteers. Trichinopoly, vol. i. p. 338.
(Madras, 1907.) Qādir Ḥusayn Khān: South Indian Musalmans, p. 36.
(Madras, 1910.)
[868] Qādir Ḥusayn Khān, pp. 36–8.
[869] Qādir Ḥusayn Khān, op. cit. pp. 39–42. Madras District
Gazetteers. Anantapur, vol. i. pp. 193–4. (Madras, 1905.)
[870] Zayn al-Dīn, pp. 33 (l. 4), 36 (l. 1).
[871] Innes, p. 190. Census of India, 1911. Vol. xii. Part. I. p. 54.
[872] Report on the Census of the Madras Presidency, 1871, by W. R.
Cornish, pp. 71, 72, 109. (Madras, 1874.)
[873] Report of the Second Decennial Missionary Conference held at
Calcutta 1882–3 (pp. 228, 233, 248). (Calcutta, 1883.)
[874] Ibn Baṭūṭah, tome iv. p. 128. Ibn Baṭūṭah resided in the Maldive
Islands during the years 1343–4 and married “the daughter of a Vizier
who was grandson of the Sulṭān Dāʼūd, who was a grandson of the Sulṭān
Aḥmad Shanūrāzah” (tome iv. p. 154); from this statement the date A.D.
1200 has been conjectured.
[875] H. C. P. Bell: The Maldive Islands, pp. 23–5, 57–8, 71. (Colombo,
1883.)
[876] Memoir on the Inhabitants of the Maldive Islands. By J. A. Young
and W. Christopher. (Transactions of the Bombay Geographical Society
from 1836 to 1838, p. 74. Bombay, 1844.)
[877] Innes, pp. 485, 492.
[878] Masʻūdī, tome ii. pp. 85–6.
[879] The Bombay Gazetteer, vol. x. p 132; vol. xvi. p. 75.
[880] Id. vol. xxiii. p. 282.
[881] Sometimes called Sayyid Makhdūm Gīsūdarāz.
[882] The Bombay Gazetteer, vol. xviii. p. 501; vol. xxi. pp. 218, 223.
[883] Id. vol. xiii. part i. p. 231.
[884] Id. vol. xxii. p. 242.
[885] Id. vol. xvi. pp. 75–6.
[886] Id. vol. xxi. p. 203.
[887] At the time of the Arab conquest the dominions of the Hindu ruler
of Sind extended as far north as this city, which is now no longer
included in this province.
[888] Balādhurī, p. 441 (fin.)
[889] Elliot, vol. i. pp. 185–6.
[890] Probably the Sindān in Abrāsa, the southern district of Cutch.
[891] Balādhurī, p. 446.
[892] Iṣṭakhrī, pp. 173–4.
[893] Balādhurī, p. 446.
[894] Iṣṭakhrī, loc. cit. Ibn Ḥawqal, p. 230 sq. Idrīsī (Géographie
d’Édrisi, traduite par P. A. Jaubert, vol. i. p. 175 sqq.).
[895] Masʻūdī, vol. i. p. 207.
[896] Elliot, vol. i. p. 273.
[897] Bombay Gazetteer, vol. i. p. 93.
[898] Khojā Vṛttānt, p. 208. Sir Bartle Frere: The Khojas: the
Disciples of the Old Man of the Mountain. Macmillan’s Magazine, vol.
xxxiv. pp. 431, 433–4. (London, 1876.)
[899] Bombay Gazetteer, vol. ix. part ii. p. 26.
[900] K. B. Fazalullah Lutfullah conjectures that Nūr Satāgar came to
India rather later, in the reign of Bhīma II (A.D. 1179–1242.) (Bombay
Gazetteer, vol. ix. part ii. p. 38.)
[901] Khojā Vṛttānt, p. 154–8.
[902] Nūr Allāh al-Shūshtarī: Majālis al-Muʼminīn, fol. 65. (India
Office MS. No. 1400.)
[903] A town ten miles south-west of Ahmadabad.
[904] Bombay Gazetteer, vol. ix. part ii. pp. 66, 76.
[905] Bombay Gazetteer, vol. v. p. 89.
[906] Id. vol. ii. p. 378; vol. iii. pp. 36–7.
[907] So Firishtah, but see H. Blochmann: Contributions to the
Geography and History of Bengal. (J. A. S. B., vol. xlii. No. 1, pp.
264–6. 1873.)
[908] J. H. Ravenshaw: Gaur: its ruins and inscriptions, p. 99.
(London, 1878.) Firishtah, vol. iv. p. 337.
[909] Wise, p. 29.
[910] Census of India, 1901, vol. vi. part i. p. 170.
[911] Id. p. 30.
[912] Charles Stewart: The History of Bengal, p. 176. (London, 1813.)
H. Blochmann: Contributions to the Geography and History of Bengal. (J.
A. S. B., vol. xlii. No. 1, p. 220. 1873.)
[913] The Indian Evangelical Review, p. 278. (January 1883.)
[914] Sir W. W. Hunter: The Religions of India. (The Times, February
25, 1888.) See also Wise, p. 32.
[915] Wise, p. 37.
[916] Blochmann, op. cit. p. 260.
[917] Wise, pp. 48–55.
[918] Ghulām Sarwar: Khazīnat al-Aṣfīyā, vol. ii. p. 230.
[919] Otherwise known as Shaykh Bahā al-Dīn Zakariyyā.
[920] Ibbetson, p. 163.
[921] Aṣghar ʻAlī: Jawāhir-i-Farīdī (A.H. 1033), p. 395. (Lahore,
1884.)
[922] Elliot, vol. ii. p. 548.
[923] Punjab States Gazetteers, vol. xxxvi A. Bahawalpur State.
(Lahore, 1908), p. 160 sqq. The names of some of the tribes who ascribe
their conversion to Makhdūm-i-Jahāniyān are given on p. 162.
[924] Id. p. 171.
[925] Ibn Baṭūṭah, tome iv. p. 217. Yule, p. 515.
[926] The Indian Evangelical Review, vol. xvi, pp. 52–3. (Calcutta,
1889–90.) The Contemporary Review, February 1889, p. 170. The
Spectator, October 15, 1887, p. 1382.
[927] Garcin de Tassy: La Langue et la Littérature Hindoustanies de
1850 à 1869, p. 343. (Paris, 1874.)
[928] Mawlavī Ḥasan ʻAlī furnished me with these figures some years
before his death in 1896. In an obituary notice published in “The
Moslem Chronicle” (April 4, 1896), the following quaint account is
given of his life: “In private and school life, he was marked as a very
intelligent lad and made considerable progress in his scholastic career
within a short time. He passed Entrance at a very early age and
received scholarship with which he went up to the First Art, but
shortly after his innate anxiety to seek truth prompted him to go
abroad the world, and abandoning his studies he mixed with persons of
different persuasions, Fakirs, Pandits, and Christians, entered
churches, and roamed over wilderness and forests and cities with
nothing to help him on except his sincere hopes and absolute reliance
on the mercy of the Great Lord; for one year he wandered in various
regions of religion until in 1874 he accepted the post of a head master
in a Patna school.... As he was born to become a missionary of the
Moslem faith, he felt an imperceptible craving to quit his post, from
which he used to get Rs. 100 per mensem. He tendered his resignation,
much to the reluctance of his friends, and maintained himself for some
time by publishing a monthly journal, ‘Noorul Islam.’ He gave several
lectures on Islam at Patna, and then went to Calcutta, where he
delivered his lecture in English, which produced such effect on the
audience that several European clergymen vouchsafed the truth of Islam,
and a notable gentleman, Babu Bepin Chandra Pal, was about to become
Musalman. He was invited by the people at Dacca, where his preachings
and lectures left his name imbedded in the hearts of the citizens. His
various books and pamphlets and successive lectures in Urdu and in
English in the different cities and towns in India gave him a historic
name in the world. Some one hundred men became Musalmans on hearing his
lectures and reading his books.” His missionary zeal manifested itself
up to the last hour of his life, when he was overheard to say, “Abjure
your religion and become a Musalman.” On being questioned, he said he
was talking to a Christian.
[929] Bombay Gazetteer, vol. xii. p. 126.
[930] Id. vol. xvi. p. 81.
[931] Tuḥfat al-Hind, p. 3. (Dehli, A.H. 1309.)
[932] The Indian Evangelical Review, 1884, p. 128. Garcin de Tassy: La
Langue et la Littérature Hindoustanies de 1850 à 1869, p. 485. (Paris,
1874.) Garcin de Tassy: La Langue et la Littérature Hindoustanies en
1871, p. 12. (Paris, 1872.)
[933] Ibbetson, p. 184.
[934] The Rajputana Gazetteer, vol. i. p. 90; vol. ii. p. 47.
(Calcutta, 1879.)
[935] On these as they affect the Muhammadans, see the Census of India,
1901. Vol. vi. p. 172.
[936] E. T. Dalton, p. 324.
[937] For an account of such Hinduising of the aboriginal tribes see
Sir Alfred Lyall: Asiatic Studies, pp. 102–4.
[938] E. T. Dalton, p. 89.
[939] The Missionary Review of the World, N.S. vol. xiii, pp. 72–3.
(New York, 1900.)
[940] Sir Alfred Lyall (Asiatic Studies, p. 29) speaks of the
perceptible proclivity towards the faith of Islam occasionally
exhibited by some of the Hindu chiefs.
[941] Gazetteer of the Province of Oudh, vol. i. p. xix.
[942] To give one instance only: in Ghātampur, in the district of
Cawnpore, one branch of a large family is Muslim in obedience to the
vow of their ancestor, Ghātam Deo Bais, who while praying for a son at
the shrine of a Muhammadan saint, Madār Shāh, promised that if his
prayer were granted, half his descendants should be brought up as
Muslims. (Gazetteer of the N.W.P., vol. vi. pp. 64, 238.)
The worship of Muhammadan saints is so common among certain low-caste
Hindus that in the Census of 1891, in the North-Western Provinces and
Oudh alone, 2,333,643 Hindus (or 5·78 per cent. of the total Hindu
population of these provinces) returned themselves as worshippers of
Muhammadan saints. (Census of India, 1891, vol. xvi. part i. pp. 217,
244.) (Allahabad, 1894.)
[943] Instances of such causes of conversion are given in the Census of
India, 1901. Vol. vi. Bengal, part. i, Appendix II.
[944] Report on the Census of the N.W.P. and Oudh, 1881, by Edward
White, p. 62. (Allahabad, 1882.)
[945] Id. p. 63.
[946] Gazetteer of the Province of Oudh, vol. i. p. xix.
[947] Gazetteer of the Province of Oudh, vol. i. pp. xxiii–xxiv.
[948] Khojā Vṛttānt, p. 141.
[949] Or Shams al-Dīn, according to another account, see Muḥammad
Haydar, p. 433 (n. 2).
[950] Firishtah, vol. iv. pp. 464, 469.
[951] F. Drew: The Jummoo and Kashmir Territories, pp. 58, 155.
(London, 1875.)
[952] Drew, op. cit. p. 359.
[953] On this word see Yule’s Marco Polo, vol. i. p. 290.
[954] Aḥmad Shāh: Four years in Tibet, pp. 45, 74. (Benares, 1906.)
[955] Broomhall, p. 206. Tu Wen-siu, the leader of the Panthay
rebellion from 1856 to 1873, who for sixteen years was practically
Sultan of half the province of Yunnan, issued a proclamation in Lhasa
itself, at the outset of his revolt, in order to gain Muhammadan
recruits. (Id. p. 132.)
[956] Mission d’Ollone, pp. 207, 226, 233.
[957] Broomhall, p. 206.
[958] A. Bastian: Die Geschichte der Indochinesen, p. 159. (Leipzig,
1866.)
[959] R. du M. M., tome i. p. 275. (1907.)
[960] Kanz al-ʻUmmāl, vol. v. p. 202.
[961] Bretschneider (2), p. 6.
[962] On the origin of this name, see Devéria, p. 311; Mission
d’Ollone, p. 420 sqq.
[963] De Thiersant, vol. i. pp. 19–20.
[964] D’Ollone gives the following warning as to the uncertainty of our
knowledge of Islam in China:—“Or rien n’est moins connu que l’Islam
chinois. On ne sait exactement ni comment il s’est propagé dans
l’Empire, ni combien d’adeptes il a réunis, ni si sa doctrine est pure,
ni quelle est son organisation, ni s’il possède des relations avec le
reste du monde musulman.” (Mission d’Ollone, p. 1.) The references to
China in Arabic and Persian writers have been collected by Schefer,
“Notice sur les relations des peuples musulmans avec les Chinois.”
[965] Chavannes, p. 172.
[966] De Thiersant, vol. i. pp. 70–1.
[967] This legend has been exhaustively discussed by Broomhall: Islam
in China, cap. iv, vii.
[968] Thus the people of Khotan claim that Islam was first brought to
their land by Jaʻfar, a cousin of the Prophet (Grenard: Mission
Dutreuil de Rhins, t. iii. p. 2), and the Chams of Cambodia ascribe
their conversion to one of the fathers-in-law of Muḥammad. (R. du M.
M., vol. ii. p. 138.)
[969] De Thiersant, vol. i. p. 153.
[970] Reinaud: Relation des Voyages faits par les Arabes et les Persans
dans l’Inde et à la Chine, i. pp. 13, 64. (Paris, 1845.)
[971] Id. p. 58.
[972] That there was some migration westward also of Chinese into the
conquered countries of Islam, where they would come within the sphere
of its religious influence, we learn from the diary of a Chinese monk
who travelled through Central Asia to Persia in the years 1221–4;
speaking of Samarqand, he says, “Chinese workmen are living
everywhere.” (Bretschneider (1), vol. i. p. 78.)
[973] Howorth, vol. i. p. 161.
[974] For Chinese biographies of Sayyid Ajall, see R. du M. M., viii.
p. 344 sqq. and xi. p. 3 sqq.; Mission d’Ollone, p. 25 sqq.
[975] Broomhall, p. 127.
[976] Mission d’Ollone, pp. 435–6.
[977] Howorth, vol. i. p. 257.
[978] Marco Polo, vol. i. pp. 219, 274; vol. ii. p. 66.
[979] Rashīd al-Dīn (Yule’s Cathay, p. 9).
[980] Vol. iv. pp. 270, 283.
[981] Id. p. 258.
[982] ʻAbd al-Razzāq al-Samarqandī: Maṭlaʻ al-saʻdayn, foll. 60–1.
(Blochet, pp. 249–52.)
[983] Zenker, pp. 798–9. Mélanges Orientaux, p. 65. (Publications de
l’École des Langues Orientales Vivantes, Sér. ii. t. 9.) (Paris, 1883.)
[984] Schefer, pp. 29–30. Zenker, p. 796.
[985] De Thiersant, tome i. pp. 154–6.
[986] Broomhall, p. 92 sqq. Devéria: Musulmans et Manichéens chinois.
(J. A. 9me Sér., tome x. p. 447 sqq.)
[987] De Thiersant, tome i. pp. 163–4.
[988] The Muhammadans are said to be more prolific than the ordinary
Chinese, and the Chinese census, which counts according to families,
estimates six for a Muhammadan family and five for the ordinary
Chinese. (Broomhall, pp. 197, 203.)
[989] Broomhall, in chap. xii. of his Islam in China, gives the total
as between five and ten millions. D’Ollone puts it as low as four
millions (p. 430).
[990] Vide infra, pp. 309–310.
[991] Clark Abel: Narrative of a journey in the interior of China, p.
361. (London, 1818.)
[992] De Thiersant, tome ii. pp. 361–3.
[993] One missionary, writing from Peking in 1721, says, “La secte des
Mahométans s’étend de plus en plus.” (Lettres édifiantes et curieuses,
tome xix. p. 140.)
[994] J. B. du Halde: Description géographique, historique,
chronologique, politique et physique de l’Empire de la Chine, tome iii.
p. 64. (Paris, 1735.)
[995] Anderson, p. 151. Grosier, tome iv. p. 507.
[996] Thamarāt al-Funūn, 17th Shawwāl, p. 3. (Bayrūt, A.H. 1311.)
[997] Mission d’Ollone, p. 279. R. du M. M., tome ix. pp. 577, 578.
[998] Broomhall, p. 226. Grosier, tome iv. p. 508.
[999] Vasil’ev, p. 15.
[1000] Broomhall, p. 237.
[1001] Id. pp. 186, 228.
[1002] Arminius Vambéry: Travels in Central Asia, p. 404. (London,
1864.)
[1003] Vasil’ev, p. 16.
[1004] De Thiersant, tome ii. pp. 367, 372.
[1005] De Thiersant, tome i. p. 247. Thamarāt al-Funūn, 28th Shaʻbān,
p. 3.
[1006] Broomhall, p. 224.
[1007] Du Halde, loc. cit. Broomhall, p. 282.
[1008] Mission d’Ollone, pp. 210, 431.
[1009] Broomhall, pp. 274, 282.
[1010] P. 307.
[1011] Broomhall, pp. 231–2.
[1012] W. J. Smith, p. 175. Mission d’Ollone, p. 407 sqq.
[1013] Thamarāt al-Funūn, loc. cit.
[1014] Broomhall, p. 240.
[1015] The Missionary Review of the World, vol. xxv. p. 786 (1912).
[1016] Mission d’Ollone, p. 431.
[1017] R. du M. M., iii. p. 124 (1907).
[1018] Broomhall, pp. 242, 286, 292 sqq.
[1019] Vasil’ev, pp. 3, 5, 14, 17.
[1020] For a longer list of Muhammadan insurrections, see Mission
d’Ollone, p. 436.
[1021] Sayyid ʻAlī Akbar: Khitāy Nāmah, p. 83. “If the emperor of China
embraces Islam, his subjects must inevitably become Muslims too,
because they all worship him to such an extent that they accept
whatever he says, and when that light coming from the West grows in
strength, the unbelievers of the East will come flocking into Islam
without showing any contention, because they are free from all
fanaticism in matters of religion.”
[1022] Thamarāt al-Funūn, 26th Shawwāl, p. 3. (A.H. 1311.)
[1023] An excellent map of the extent of Islam in Africa is to be found
in “The International Review of Missions,” vol. i. p. 652.
[1024] Fournel, vol. i. p. 271.
[1025] i.e. the diviner or priestess; her real name is unknown.
[1026] Fournel, vol. i. p. 224.
[1027] Makkarī, vol. i. p. 253.
[1028] Makkarī, vol. i. p. lxv.
[1029] Fournel, vol. i. p. 270.
[1030] For these and the heretical movements that reveal survivals of
the earlier Berber faith, see Goldziher, Materialien zur Kenntniss der
Almohadenbewegung in Nordafrika (Z D M G, vol. xli, p. 37 sqq.).
[1031] On this word, see Doutté, Notes sur l’Islam maghribin. (Revue de
l’histoire des religions, tom. xli. p. 24–6.)
[1032] Ibn abī Zarʻ, pp. 168–73. A. Müller, vol. ii. pp. 611–13.
[1033] Ibn abī Zarʻ, p. 250. Goldziher, op. laud., p. 71.
[1034] Leo Africanus. (Ramusio, tom. i. p. 11.)
[1035] مرابط.
[1036] Doutté, xl. p. 354; xli. pp. 26–7.
[1037] Depont et Coppolani, p. 127 sq.
[1038] It is not the place here to deal with the rise and political
history of the various kingdoms of the Western Sudan; this has been
done most fully for the English reader by Lady Lugard in her work
entitled, “A Tropical Dependency. An Outline of the Ancient History of
the Western Sudan, with an Account of the Modern Settlement of Northern
Nigeria.” (London, 1905.) See also H. F. Helmolt: The World’s History,
vol. iii. chap. ix. (London, 1903.)
[1039] Blau, p. 322.
[1040] Leo Africanus. (Ramusio, tom. i. pp. 7, 77.)
[1041] Meyer, p. 91.
[1042] Taʼrīkh al-Sūdān, p. 3.
[1043] Jinnī or Dienné.
[1044] So Meyer following Barth; the Taʼrīkh al-Sūdān (p. 12) places
the date about three centuries earlier.
[1045] Félix Dubois gives a plan and reconstruction of this mosque,
which was destroyed by order of Shaykhu Aḥmadu about 1830, in
“Tombouctou la Mystérieuse,” chap. ix.
[1046] Taʼrīkh al-Sūdān, pp. 12–13.
[1047] Taʼrīkh al-Sūdān, p. 21.
[1048] Ibn Baṭūṭah, tome iv. pp. 421–2.
[1049] Ramusio, tom. i. p. 78.
[1050] Winwood Reade describes them as “a tall, handsome,
light-coloured race, Moslems in religion, possessing horses and large
herds of cattle, but also cultivating cotton, ground-nuts, and various
kinds of corn. I was much pleased with their kind and hospitable
manners, the grave and decorous aspect of their women, the cleanliness
and silence of their villages.” (W. Winwood Reade: African Sketchbook,
vol. i. p. 303.)
[1051] Waitz, IIer Theil, pp. 18–19.
[1052] Palmer (p. 59) places its introduction into Kano between A.D.
1349 and 1385, another Hausa chronicle makes the reign of the first
Muhammadan king of Zozo begin about 1456. (Journal of the African
Society, vol. ix. p. 161.)
[1053] For the various enumerations of these, see Meyer, p. 27.
[1054] As in other parts of the Muslim world, tradition places the
first introduction of Islam in the lifetime of the founder and gives
the name of al-Fazāzī, a reputed companion of the Prophet, as the
apostle of the Hausa people. (J. Lippert: Sudanica. MSOS, iii. part 3,
p. 204. Berlin, 1900.)
[1055] Mischlich and Lippert, pp. 138–9.
[1056] Meyer, loc. cit. Artin Pasha (p. 62) puts the beginning of this
infiltration of Muslim Arabs as early as the eighth century.
[1057] Becker, Geschichte des östlichen Sūdān, p. 162–3. Blau, p. 322.
Oppel, p. 289. At the close of the fourteenth century ʻUmar b. Idrīs
moved his capital to the west of Lake Chad in the territory of Bornu,
by which name the kingdom of Kanem became henceforth known.
[1058] Maurice Delafosse, p. 87.
[1059] Becker: Geschichte des östlichen Sūdān, pp. 161–2.
[1060] R. C. Slatin Pasha: Fire and Sword in the Sudan, pp. 38, 40–2.
(London, 1896.)
[1061] Westermann, p. 628.
[1062] Oppel, p. 292. Meyer, pp. 36–7. Westermann, pp. 629–30.
[1063] Fulbe (sing. Pul) is the name by which these people call
themselves; upwards of a hundred variants are applied to them by their
neighbours, the commonest of which are Fulah and Fulani. (Meyer, p.
28.)
[1064] Francis Moore, pp. 75–7.
[1065] R. E. Dennett: Nigerian Studies, pp. 12, 75. (London, 1910.)
[1066] Islam and Missions, pp. 71–3. The Moslem World, pp. 296–7, 351.
[1067] Church Missionary Review (1908), p. 640.
[1068] A town on the Niger, just south of the northern boundary of
Southern Nigeria.
[1069] Church Missionary Society Intelligencer (1902), p. 353.
[1070] Rinn, pp. 403–4.
[1071] Le Chatelier (1), pp. 231–3.
[1072] Le Chatelier (2), pp. 89–91.
[1073] Rinn, p. 175.
[1074] Bonet-Maury, p. 239.
[1075] Id. p. 230.
[1076] Le Chatelier (2), pp. 100–9.
[1077] Rinn, p. 174.
[1078] Oppel, pp. 292–3. Blyden, p. 10. Le Chatelier (3), p. 167 sqq.
[1079] Delle Navigationi di Messer Alvise da Ca da Mosto. (A.D. 1454.)
Ramusio, tome i. p. 101.
[1080] Blyden, pp. 357–60.
[1081] This has been set forth in detail by Le Chatelier (3), p. 225
sqq.
[1082] Le Chatelier (3), p. 237. “Samory n’intervint pas directement
dans la question religieuse.” L. G. Binger arrived at the same
conclusion, as the result of personal acquaintance with Samory. (Le
Péril de l’Islam, p. 20.) (Paris, 1906.)
[1083] Le Chatelier (3), pp. 238–40.
[1084] Le Chatelier (2), p. 112. R. du M. M., vol. xii. p. 22.
[1085] “The Fulanis are all fervent Mohammedans. Wherever there are
Fulanis there will be found a mosque.” (Haywood, p. 200.)
[1086] Le Chatelier (3), pp. 231, 273, 303. Westermann, pp. 632–3.
[1087] Muḥammad b. ʻUthmān al Ḥashāʼishī, p. 84 sqq.
[1088] In 1895 Sīdī al-Mahdī, the son and successor of Sīdī Muḥammad
al-Sanūsī, migrated to Kufra, as being more central than Jaghabūb
(Muḥammad b. ʻUthmān al-Ḥashāʼishī, pp. 111–15), but later went further
south to the region of Borku and Tibesti, where he died in 1902. The
head of the order in 1908 was Sīdī Aḥmad, a relative of the founder.
(J. C. E. Falls: Drei Jahre in der Libyschen Wüste, p. 274.) (Freiburg,
1911.)
[1089] Riedel (1), pp. 7, 59, 162.
[1090] G. Nachtigal: Sahara und Sudan, vol. ii. p. 175. (Berlin,
1879–81.)
[1091] Duveyrier, p. 45.
[1092] Paulitschke, p. 214.
[1093] H. Duveyrier: La Confrérie musulmane de Sîdi Mohammed Ben ʼAlî
Es-Senousî, passim. (Paris, 1886.) Louis Rinn: Marabouts et Khouans,
pp. 481–513. N. Slousch: Les Senoussiya en Tripolitaine. (R. du M. M.,
vol. i. p. 169 sqq.). For a bibliography of the Sanūsiyyah movement,
see Der Islam, iii. pp. 141–2, 312.
[1094] R. du M. M., vol. i. p. 181; vol. viii. pp. 64–5.
[1095] Joseph Thomson (2), p. 185.
[1096] Oppel, p. 303.
[1097] In the Muri Province of Northern Nigeria.
[1098] Journal of the African Society, vol. vii. pp. 379–81.
[1099] Haywood, p. 33.
[1100] Claude George: The Rise of British West Africa, pp. 120–1.
(London, 1902.)
[1101] Islam and Missions, pp. 73–4.
[1102] Lippert: Über die Bedeutung der Haussanation für unsere Togo-
und Kamerunkolonie, p. 200. MSOS, Band x. (1907), Abteilung III.
[1103] Waitz: IIer Theil, p. 250.
[1104] C. S. Salmon, p. 891.
[1105] Pierre Bouche, p. 256.
[1106] Blyden, p. 357.
[1107] C. S. Salmon, p. 887.
[1108] Blyden, p. 202. Westermann, pp. 633–4.
[1109] Situated on an island about 2° S. of Zanzibar.
[1110] “Hum Mouro chamado Zaide, que foi neto de Hocem filho de Ale o
sobrinho de Mahamed.” (De Barros, Dec. i. Liv. viii. cap. iv. p. 211.)
[1111] Ibn Khaldūn, vol. iii. pp. 98–100.
[1112] Possibly a mistake for al-Ḥasā. See Ibn Baṭūṭah, tome ii. pp.
247–8.
[1113] Or (to give it its Arabic name) Maqdishū.
[1114] J. de Barros: Dec. i. Liv. viii. cap. iv. pp. 211–12.
[1115] De Barros, id. pp. 224–5. See also Justus Strandes: Die
Portugiesenzeit von Deutsch- und Englisch-Ostafrika, p. 81 sqq.
(Berlin, 1899.)
[1116] Kitāb ʻajāʼib al-Hind ou Livre des Merveilles de l’Inde, publié
par P. A. van der Lith, pp. 51–60. (Leiden, 1883.)
[1117] Mohammedanism in Central Africa, by Joseph Thomson, p. 877.
[1118] Roscoe, p. 229 sq.
[1119] Zwemer, p. 236. Gairdner (p. 26) gives the number of Muhammadans
as 200,000 out of a population of four millions, but he does not state
from what source he derives these figures. Roscoe (p. 6) gives the
total population of Uganda as about one million only.
[1120] Richter, pp. 146–7, 154. Merensky, p. 156. Klamroth, p. 4.
[1121] R. du M. M., vol. ix. (1909), p. 322.
[1122] Oscar Baumann: Usambara und seine Nachbargebiete, pp. 141, 153.
(Berlin, 1891.)
[1123] Becker, Islam in Deutsch-Ostafrika, p. 10.
[1124] Id. p. 13 sqq. Klamroth, pp. 14–28.
[1125] Id. p. 53.
[1126] Klamroth, pp. 21, 25, 54.
[1127] Id. pp. 23–4.
[1128] Id. p. 26.
[1129] Id. p. 67.
[1130] Becker: Islam in Deutsch-Ostafrika, p. 14. The Moslem World,
vol. ii. p. 3 sqq.
[1131] A contemporary Ethiopic account of these tribes,—Geschichte der
Galla. Bericht eines abessinischen Mönches über die Invasion der Galla
in sechzehnten Jahrhundert. Text und Übersetzung hrsg. von A. W.
Schleichler (Berlin, 1893),—seems certainly to represent them as
heathen, though no detailed account is given of their religion. Reclus
(tome x. p. 330), however, supposes them to have been Muhammadan at the
time of their invasion.
[1132] Henry Salt: A Voyage to Abyssinia, p. 299. (London, 1814.)
[1133] James Bruce: Travels to discover the source of the Nile, 2nd ed.
vol. iii. p. 243. (Edinburgh, 1805.)
[1134] Munzinger, p. 408.
[1135] I. L. Krapf: Reisen in Ost-Africa, ausgeführt in den Jahren
1837–55, vol. i. p. 106. (Kornthal, 1858.)
[1136] Arabia Deserta, vol. ii. p. 168.
[1137] Id., vol. ii. p. 109.
[1138] Morié, vol. ii. p. 248.
[1139] Reclus, tome. x. p. 309. Basset, pp. 270–1.
[1140] When the Roman Catholics opened a mission among the Gallas in
1846, Abba Baghibò said to them: “Had you come thirty years ago, not
only I, but all my countrymen might have embraced your religion; but
now it is impossible.” (Massaja, vol. iv. p. 103.)
[1141] Da Zeila alle frontiere del Caffa, vol. ii. p. 160. (Rome,
1886–7.) Massaja, vol. iv. p. 103; vol. vi. p. 10.
[1142] Massaja, vol. iv. p. 102.
[1143] Speaking of the failure of Christian missions, Cecchi says: “di
ciò si deve ricercare la causa nello espandersi che fece quaggiù in
questi ultimi anni l’islamismo, portato da centinaja di preti e
mercanti musulmani, cui non facevano difetto i mezzi, l’astuzia e la
piena conoscenza della lingua.” (Op. cit. vol. ii. p. 342.)
[1144] Id., p. 343.
[1145] Reclus, tome xiii. p. 834.
[1146] The Lega are found in long. 9° to 9° 30′ and lat. E. 34° 35′ to
35°.
[1147] Reclus, tome x. p. 350.
[1148] Paulitschke, pp. 330–1.
[1149] Ibn Ḥawqal, p. 41.
[1150] Abu’l-Fidā, tome ii. 1re partie, pp. 231–2.
[1151] Documents sur l’histoire, la géographie et le commerce de
l’Afrique Orientale, recueillis par M. Guillain. Deuxième partie, tome
i. p. 399. (Paris, 1856.)
[1152] R. F. Burton: First Footprints in East Africa, pp. 76, 404.
(London, 1856.)
[1153] R. du M. M., vi. p. 288. (1908.)
[1154] The Cape of Good Hope was in the possession of the Dutch from
1652 to 1795; restored to them after the Peace of Amiens in 1802, it
was re-occupied by the British as soon as war broke out again.
[1155] Among these was Shaykh Yūsuf, a religious teacher of great
influence in Java and the last champion of the independence of Bantam;
in 1694 he was removed by the Dutch to Cape Colony as a prisoner of
state, together with his family and numerous attendants; his tomb is
still regarded as a holy place. (G. M. Theal: History and Ethnography
of Africa south of the Zambesi, vol. ii. p. 263.) (London, 1909.)
[1156] M. J. de Goeje: Mohammedaansche Propaganda, pp. 2, 6.
(Overgedrukt uit de Nederlandsche Spectator, No. 51, 1881.)
[1157] Attention was drawn to them in 1814 by a Mr. Campbell. See
William Adams: The Modern Voyager and Traveller, vol. i. p. 93.
(London, 1834.)
[1158] Sir T. E. Colebrooke: The Life of H. T. Colebrooke, p. 335.
(London, 1873.)
[1159] F. Coillard: Au Cap de Bonne Espérance. (Journal des missions
évangéliques, avril 1899, p. 265.)
[1160] Kumm, p. 233.
[1161] C. Snouck Hurgronje (3), vol. ii. pp. 296–7.
[1162] Jacques Bonzon: Les Missionaires de l’Islam en Afrique. (Revue
Chrétienne, tome xiii. p. 295.) (Paris, 1893.)
[1163] G. Ferrand, Les Musulmans à Madagascar, pp. 19, 50 sqq., 138.
(Paris, 1891.) Id. Les Migrations musulmanes et juives à Madagascar.
(Revue de l’Histoire des Religions, vol. lii. p. 381 sqq.)
[1164] Richard F. Burton (1), vol. i. p. 256.
[1165] Travels in the Interior of Africa, chap. xxv. ad fin.
[1166] D. J. East, pp. 118–20. W. Winwood Reade, vol. i. p. 312.
Blyden, pp. 13, 202.
[1167] Bishop Crowther on Islam in Western Africa. (Church Missionary
Intelligencer, p. 254, April 1888.)
[1168] D. J. East, pp. 112–13. Blyden, p. 202.
[1169] It is said that over a thousand missionaries of Islam leave
Tripoli every year to work in the Sudan. (Paulitschke, p. 331.)
[1170] For a detailed examination of these points of contact, see
Forget, p. 28 sqq. Merensky, p. 155.
[1171] Sir Bartle Frere (1), pp. 18–19.
[1172] E. W. Blyden, pp. 18–24. E. Allégret, p. 200. Westermann, pp.
644–5.
In a very interesting, but now forgotten, debate before the
Anthropological Society of London, on the Efforts of Missionaries among
Savages, a case was mentioned of a Christian missionary in Africa who
married a negress: the feeling against him in consequence was so strong
that he had to leave the colony. The Muslim missionary labours under no
such disadvantage. (Journal of the Anthropological Society of London,
vol. iii. 1865.)
The contrast between the way in which Christianity and Islam present
themselves to the African is well brought out by one who is himself a
Negro, in the following passage:—“Tandis que les missions renvoient à
une époque indéfinie l’établissement du pastorat indigène, les prêtres
musulmans pénètrent dans l’intérieur de l’Afrique, trouvent un accès
facile chez les païens et les convertissent à l’islam. De sorte
qu’aujourd’hui les nègres regardent l’islam comme la religion des
noirs, et le christianisme comme la religion des blancs. Le
christianisme, pensent-ils, appelle le nègre au salut, mais lui assigne
une place tellement basse que, découragé, il se dit: ‘Je n’ai ni part
ni portion dans cette affaire.’ L’islam appelle le nègre au salut et
lui dit: ‘Il ne dépend que de toi pour arriver aussi haut que
possible.’ Alors, le nègre enthousiasmé se livre corps et âme au
service de cette religion.” L’islam et le christianisme en Afrique
d’après un Africain. (Journal des Missions Évangéliques. 63e année, p.
207.) (Paris, 1888.)
[1173] E. D. Morel: Nigeria, its people and its problems, pp. 216–17.
(London, 1911.)
[1174] Ibn Khallikān, vol. i. p. 18.
[1175] “Extracts from the Koran form the earliest reading lessons of
children, and the commentaries and other works founded upon it furnish
the principal subjects of the advanced studies. Schools of different
grades have existed for centuries in various interior negro countries,
and under the provision of law, in which even the poor are educated at
the public expense, and in which the deserving are carried on many
years through long courses of regular instruction. Nor is the system
always confined to the Arabic language, or to the works of Arabic
writers. A number of native languages have been reduced to writing,
books have been translated from the Arabic and original works have been
written in them. Schools also have been kept in which native languages
are taught.” Condition and Character of Negroes in Africa. By Theodore
Dwight. (Methodist Quarterly Review, January 1869.)
Dr. Blyden (pp. 206–7) mentions the following books as read by Muslims
in Western Africa: Maqāmāt of Ḥarīrī, portions of Aristotle and Plato
translated into Arabic, an Arabic version of Hippocrates, and the
Arabic New Testament and Psalms issued by the American Bible Society.
For the literature of the Muslims in East Africa, see Becker: Islam in
Deutsch Ostafrika, p. 18 sqq.
[1176] Mohammedanism in Africa, by R. Bosworth Smith. (The Nineteenth
Century, December 1887, pp. 798–800.)
[1177] Le Chatelier, (3), p. 348.
[1178] Forget, p. 95. Merensky, p. 156. (“Den Vertretern des Islam aber
stand ihr Vorteil, der Gewinn, den die Unterdrückung der Eingeborenen
bringt, höher als die Ausbreitung ihres Glaubens. Hätte man die Völker
Afrikas durch die Macht geistiger Waffen unter gütigem Entgegenkommen
zu Mohammedanern gemacht, so wären sie Glaubensgenossen,
gleichberechtigte Brüder, die man nicht mehr berauben, zu Sklaven
machen, oder als Sklaven nur Arbeit ausnutzen könnte.”)
[1179] Westermann, p. 643. L. de Contenson, p. 244. Kumm, p. 122.
[1180] Thus Merensky, discussing the failure of Islam to dominate the
whole of Africa after centuries of occupation says:—“Wir sehen die
Ursache für diese merkwürdige Erscheinung in den Beziehungen, in denen
bei den Mohammedanern die äussere Gewalt zum Islam und zur Ausbreitung
des Islam steht. Beides steht und fällt miteinander, dringt miteinander
vor und geht miteinander auch wieder zurück.” (p. 156.)
[1181] Niemann, p. 337.
[1182] Reinaud: Géographie d’Aboulféda, tome i. p. cccxxxix.
[1183] Groeneveldt, pp. 14, 15.
[1184] Ibn Baṭūṭah, tome iv. pp. 66, 80.
[1185] Veth (3), vol. i. p. 231. Ibn Baṭūṭah, tome iv. p. 89.
[1186] Ibn Baṭūṭah, tome iv. pp. 230, 234.
[1187] Snouck Hurgronje (1), pp. 8–9.
[1188] Padre Gainza, quoted by C. Semper, p. 67.
[1189] Crawfurd (2), vol. ii. p. 265.
[1190] Snouck Hurgronje: L’Arabie et les Indes Néerlandaises. (Revue de
l’Histoire des Religions, vol. lvii. p. 69 sqq.)
[1191] De Hollander, vol. i. p. 581. Veth (1), p. 60.
[1192] This vague reference would fit either Arabia, Persia or India;
but if such a person as Jūhan Shāh ever existed, he probably came from
the Coromandel or Malabar coast. (Chronique du Royaume d’Atcheh,
traduite du Malay par Ed. Dulaurier, p. 7.)
[1193] Marco Polo, vol. ii. p. 284.
[1194] Veth (1), p. 61.
[1195] Yule’s Marco Polo, vol. ii. pp. 294, 303.
[1196] Ibn Baṭūṭah, tome iv. pp. 230–6.
[1197] Groeneveldt, p. 94.
[1198] At the height of its power, it stretched from 2° N. to 2° S. on
the west coast, and from 1° N. to 2° S. on the east coast, but in the
sixteenth century it had lost its control over the east coast. (De
Hollander, vol. i. p. 3.)
[1199] Marsden, p. 343.
[1200] J. H. Moor. (Appendix, p. 1.)
[1201] Marsden, p. 355.
[1202] Godsdienstige verschijnselen en toestanden in Oost-Indië. (Uit
de Koloniale Verslagen van 1886 en 1887.) Med. Ned. Zendelinggen. vol.
xxxii. pp. 175–6. (1888.) In 1909, out of a total of 500,000 Bataks,
300,000 were still pagan, but 125,000 were Muslim and 80,000 Christian.
(R. du M. M., vol. viii. p. 183.)
[1203] J. Warneck: Die Religion der Batak, p. 122. (Leipzig, 1909.)
[1204] G. R. Simon: Die Propaganda des Halbmondes. Ein Beitrag zur
Skizzierung des Islam unter den Batakken, pp. 425, 429–430. (Allgemeine
Missions-Zeitschrift, vol. xxvii. 1900.)
[1205] R. du M. M., vol. viii. (1909), p. 183.
[1206] A. L. van Hassalt, pp. 55, 68.
[1207] Med. Ned. Zendelinggen. id. p. 173. (Koloniaal Verslag van 1911,
p. 26; 1912, p. 17.)
[1208] Uit het Koloniaal Verslag van 1889. (Med. Ned. Zendelinggen.
vol. xxxiv. p. 168.) (1890.)
[1209] Koloniaal Verslag van 1910, p. 30.
[1210] De Hollander, vol. i. p. 703.
[1211] Koloniaal Verslag van 1904, p. 80; 1905, p. 46; 1909, p. 47;
1910, p. 33; 1911, p. 29; 1912, p. 21.
[1212] Canne, p. 510.
[1213] Marsden, p. 301.
[1214] Niemann, pp. 356–9.
[1215] J. H. Moor, p. 255.
[1216] “Depois que estes de induzidos por os Mouros Parseos, e
Guzarates (que alli vieram residir por causa do commercio), de Gentios
os convertêram á secta de Mahamed. Da qual conversão por alli
concorrerem varias nações, começou laurar esta inferna peste pela
virzinhança de Malaca.” (De Barros, Dec. ii. Liv. vi. cap. i. p. 15.)
[1217] Aristide Marre: Malâka. Histoire des rois malays de Malâka.
Traduit et extrait du Livre des Annales malayses, intitulé en arabe
Selâlet al Selâtyn, p. 8. (Paris, 1874.)
[1218] Crawfurd (1), pp. 241–2.
[1219] De Barros, Dec. iv. Liv. ii. cap. 1.
[1220] Barbosa, writing in 1516, speaks of the numerous Muhammadan
merchants that frequented the port of Queda. (Ramusio, tom. i. p. 317.)
[1221] The form مزلف does not actually occur in the Qurʼān; reference
is probably made to some such passage as xxvi. 90: وَأزْلِفَتِ آلْجَنَّةُ
اِلْمُتَّقِينَ “And paradise shall be brought near the pious.”
[1222] A translation of the Keddah Annals, by Lieut.-Col. James Low,
vol. iii. pp. 474–7.
[1223] A translation of the Keddah Annals, by Lieut.-Col. James Low,
vol. iii. p. 480.
[1224] Newbold, vol. i. p. 252.
[1225] McNair, pp. 226–9.
[1226] J. H. Moor, p. 242.
[1227] Newbold, vol. ii. pp. 106, 396.
[1228] R. du M. M., tome ii (1907), pp. 137–8.
[1229] Snouck Hurgronje (1), p. 9.
[1230] Veth (3), vol. i. p. 215. Raffles (ed. of 1830), vol. ii. pp.
103, 104, 183.
[1231] The situation of Chermen is not certain. Veth (3), vol. i. p.
230, conjectures that it may have been in India, but Rouffaer (p. 115n)
gives good reasons for placing it in Sumatra.
[1232] A description of the present condition of these tombs, on one of
which traces of an inscription in Arabic characters are still visible,
is given by J. F. G. Brumund, p. 185.
[1233] Groeneveldt, pp. vii. 49–50.
[1234] Kern, p. 21.
[1235] Veth (3), vol. i. pp. 233–42. Raffles, vol. ii. pp. 113–33.
[1236] Rouffaer, however, places this Champa, not in Cambodia, but on
the north coast of Atjeh and identifies it with the modern Djeumpa.
(Encyclopaedie van N.-I., vol. iv. p. 206.)
[1237] Remains of minarets and Muhammadan tombs are still to be found
in Champa. (Bastian, vol. i. pp. 498–9.)
[1238] This genealogical table will make clear these relationships, as
well as others referred to later in the text:—
King of Champa.
|
+---------+----------+
| |
a daughter a daughter = an
named Arab missionary
A concubine = Angka Wijāya = Dārāwati |
| king of Majapahit | |
| | |
| Arya Damar |
| | Raden Raḥmat.
| Raden Ḥusayn |
| |
| +--------------------------------------+-----+
| | |
| --- a daughter =
| | Raden Paku
Raden Patah = a daughter
[1239] The memory of this woman is held in great honour by the
Javanese, and many come to pray by her grave. See Brumund, p. 186.
[1240] Veth (3), vol. i. pp. 235–6.
[1241] This mosque is still standing and is looked upon by the Javanese
as one of the most sacred objects in their island.
[1242] There seems little doubt that this date is too early. A study of
the Portuguese authorities points to the conclusion that Majapahit did
not fall until forty years later. (Rouffaer, p. 144.)
[1243] The people of the Bali to the present day have resisted the most
zealous efforts of the Muhammadans to induce them to accept the faith
of Islam, though from time to time conversions have been made and a
small native Muhammadan community has been formed, numbering about 3000
souls out of a population of over 862,000. The favourable situation of
the island for purposes of trade has always attracted a number of
foreigners to its shores, who have in many cases taken up a permanent
residence in the island. While some of these settlers have always held
themselves aloof from the natives of the country, others have formed
matrimonial alliances with them and have consequently become merged
into the mass of the population. It is owing to the efforts of the
latter that Islam has made this very slow but sure progress, and the
Muhammadans of Bali are said to form an energetic and flourishing
community, full of zeal for the promotion of their faith, which at
least impresses their pagan neighbours, though not successful in
persuading them to deny their favourite food of swine’s flesh for the
sake of the worship of Allāh. (Liefrinck, pp. 241–3.)
[1244] Encyclopaedie van N.-I., vol. ii. p. 523.
[1245] Veth (3), vol. i. pp. 245, 284.
[1246] Raffles, vol. ii. p. 316.
[1247] Veth (3), vol. i. pp. 285–6.
[1248] Veth (3), vol. i. pp. 305, 318–9.
[1249] A traveller in Java in 1596 mentions two or three heathen
kingdoms with a large heathen population. (Niemann, p. 342.)
[1250] Raffles, vol. ii. pp. 132–3.
[1251] Metzger, p. 279.
[1252] L. W. C. van den Berg (1), pp. 35–6. C. Poensen, pp. 3–8.
[1253] De Barros, Dec. iii. Liv. v. Cap. v. pp. 579–80. Argensola, p.
11 B.
[1254] At this period, the Moluccas were for the most part under the
rule of four princes, viz. those of Ternate, Tidor, Gilolo and Batjan.
The first was by far the most powerful: his territory extended over
Ternate and the neighbouring small islands, a portion of Halemahera, a
considerable part of the Celebes, Amboina and the Banda islands. The
Sultan of Tidor ruled over Tidor and some small neighbouring islands, a
portion of Halemahera, the islands lying between it and New Guinea,
together with the west coast of the latter and a part of Ceram. The
territory of the Sultan of Gilolo seems to have been confined to the
central part of Halemahera and to a part of the north coast of Ceram;
while the Sultan of Batjan ruled chiefly over the Batjan and Obi
groups. (De Hollander, vol. i. p. 5.)
[1255] Massimiliano Transilvano. (Ramusio, tom. i. p. 351 D.)
[1256] P. J. B. C. Robidé van der Aa, p. 18.
[1257] Pigafetta, tome i. pp. 365, 368.
[1258] “Segundo a conta que elles dam, ao tempo que os nossos
descubriram aquellas Ilhas, haveria pouco mais de oitenta annos, que
nellas tinha entrada esta peste.” (J. de Barros: Da Asia, Dec. iii.
Liv. v. Cap. v. p. 580.)
[1259] De Barros, id. ib.
[1260] Simon, p. 13.
[1261] Bokemeyer, p. 39.
[1262] Simon, p. 13.
[1263] Argensola, pp. 3–4.
[1264] Id. p. 15 B.
[1265] Id. pp. 97, 98.
[1266] Id. pp. 155 and 158, where he calls Ternate “este receptaculo de
setas, donde tienen escuela todas las apostasias; y particularmente los
torpes sequazes de Mahoma. Y desde el anno de mil y quinientos y
ochenta y cinco, en que los Holandeses tentaron aquellos mares, hasta
este tiempo no han cessado de traer sectarios, y capitanes pyratas.
Estos llevan las riquezas de Assia, y en su lugar dexan aquella falsa
dotrina, con que hazen infrutuosa la conversion de tantas almas.”
[1267] Their descendants are still to be found in the province of
Cavité in the island of Luzon. (Crawfurd (1), p. 85.)
[1268] W. F. Andriessen, p. 222.
[1269] T. Forrest, p. 68.
[1270] Pigafetta. (Ramusio, vol. i. p. 366.)
[1271] Campen, p. 346. Koloniaal Verslag van 1910, p. 56; 1911, p. 52.
[1272] Dulaurier, p. 528.
[1273] Damak, on the north coast of Java, opposite the south of Borneo.
[1274] Hageman, pp. 236–9.
[1275] Pigafetta. (Ramusio, tom. i. pp. 363–4.)
[1276] This kingdom had been founded by a colony from the Hindu kingdom
of Majapahit (De Hollander, vol. ii. p. 67), and would naturally have
come under Muslim influence after the conversion of the Javanese.
[1277] Dozy (1), p. 386.
[1278] Veth (2), vol. i. p. 193.
[1279] Olivier de Noort. (Histoire générale des voyages, vol. xiv. p.
225.) (The Hague, 1756.)
[1280] i.e. Pure in Religion; he died about 1677; his father does not
seem to have taken a Muhammadan name, at least he is only known by his
heathen name of Panembahan Giri-Kusuma. (Netscher, pp. 14–15.)
[1281] Thomas Forrest, p. 371.
[1282] Essay towards an account of Sulu, p. 557.
[1283] B. Panciera, p. 161.
[1284] J. Hageman, p. 224.
[1285] Veth (2), vol. i. p. 179.
[1286] De Hollander, vol. ii. p. 61.
[1287] Coolsma, p. 556. Koloniaal Verslag van 1911, pp. 38, 41; 1912,
p. 30.
[1288] Med. Ned. Zendelinggen. vol. xxxii. p. 177; vol. xxxiv. p. 170.
[1289] i.e. Atjeh.
[1290] A Compleat History of the Rise and Progress of the Portugeze
Empire in the East Indies. Collected chiefly from their own Writers.
John Harris: Navigantium atque Itinerantium Bibliotheca, vol. i. p.
682. (London, 1764.)
[1291] Crawfurd (1), p. 91. The Encyclopaedie van N.-I. (vol. i. p.
216) gives 1606 as the date.
[1292] Fernandez Navarette, a Spanish priest, who went to the
Philippine Islands in 1646. (Collection of Voyages and Travels, p. 236.
London, 1752.)
Tavernier, who visited Macassar in 1648. (Travels in India, p. 193.)
(London, 1678.)
Itinerarium Orientale R. P. F. Philippi à SSma. Trinitate Carmelitae
Discalceati ab ipso conscriptum, p. 267. (Lugduni, 1649.)
[1293] Crawfurd (2), vol. ii. pp. 385–9.
[1294] “No extraordinary exertion seems for a long time to have been
made on behalf of the new religion. An abhorrence of innovation and a
most pertinacious and religious adherence to ancient custom,
distinguish the people of Celebes beyond all the other tribes of the
Eastern isles; and these would, at first, prove the most serious
obstacles to the dissemination of Mahometanism. It was this, probably,
which deferred the adoption of the new religion for so long a period,
and till it had recommended itself by wearing the garb of antiquity.”
(Crawfurd (2), vol. ii. p. 387.)
[1295] Crawfurd (1), p. 75. De Hollander, vol. ii. p. 212.
[1296] Id. vol. ii. p. 666. Riedel (2), p. 67.
[1297] To the east of Minahassa, between long. 124° 45′ and 123° 20′,
with a population that has been variously estimated at 35,000 and
50,000. (De Hollander, vol. ii. p. 247.)
[1298] Wilken (1), pp. 42–4.
[1299] Wilken (2), pp. 276–9. Koloniaal Verslag van 1910, p. 52; 1911,
p. 47.
[1300] Zollinger (2), pp. 126, 169.
[1301] Med. Ned. Zendelinggen. xxxii. p. 177; xxxiv. p. 170.
[1302] Zollinger (1), p. 527.
[1303] De Hollander (in 1882) gave the numbers as 20,000 Balinese and
380,000 Sasaks. (Vol. i. p. 489.)
[1304] Encyclopaedie van N.-I. vol. ii. pp. 432–4, 524.
W. Cool: With the Dutch in the East. An outline of the military
operations in Lombok, 1894. (London, 1897.)
[1305] Captain Thomas Forrest, writing in 1775, says that Arabs came to
the island of Mindanao 300 years before and that the tomb of the first
Arab, a Sharīf from Mecca, was still shown—“a rude heap of coral rock
stones” (pp. 201, 313).
[1306] N. N. Saleeby: Studies in Moro History, Law and Religion, pp.
24–5, 53–5. (Manila, 1905.)
[1307] Relatione di Ivan Gaetan del discoprimento dell’Isole Molucche.
(Ramusio, tom. i. p. 375 E.)
[1308] “Se muestran tan obstinados á la gracia de Dios y tan aferrados
á sus creencias, que es casi moralmente imposible su conversion al
cristianismo.” (Cartas de los PP. de la Compañia de Jesús de la Missión
de Filipinas, 1879, quoted by Montero y Vidal, tom. i. p. 21.)
[1309] Crawfurd (2), vol. ii. pp. 274–280.
[1310] “Ils sont peu soigneux de satisfaire au devoir du Christianisme
qu’ils ont receu, et il les y faut contraindre par la crainte du
chastiment, et gouverner comme des enfans à l’escole.” Relation des
Isles Philippines, Faite par un Religieux, p. 7. (Thevenot, vol. i.)
[1311] “A Mindanao, les Tagal de l’Est, fuyant le joug abhorré de leurs
maîtres catholiques, se groupent chaque jour davantage autour des chefs
des dynasties nationales. Plus de 360,000 sectateurs du coran y
reconnaissent un sultan indépendant. Aux jésuites chassés de l’île, aux
représentants du culte officiel, se substituent comme maîtres religieux
et éducateurs de la population, les missionnaires musulmans de la Chine
et de l’Inde, qui rénovent ainsi la propagande, commencée par les
invasions arabes.” (A. le Chatelier (2), p. 45.)
[1312] Montero y Vidal, vol. i. p. 86.
[1313] Situated three miles west of Jolo, the present capital.
[1314] N. M. Saleeby: The History of Sulu, pp. 150, 158–9. (Manila,
1908.)
[1315] N. M. Saleeby: The History of Sulu, pp. 150, 162–3.
[1316] J. H. Moor. (Appendix, p. 37.)
[1317] Dalrymple, p. 549.
[1318] R. du M. M., vii. pp. 115–16. (1909.)
[1319] The Missionary Review of the World, N.S., vol. xiv. p. 877. (New
York, 1901.)
[1320] The first prince of Batjan who became a Muhammadan was a certain
Zayn al-ʻĀbidīn, who was reigning in 1521 when the Portuguese first
came to the Moluccas.
[1321] Robidé van der Aa, pp. 350, 352–3.
[1322] Id. p. 147 (Misool), “De strandbewoners zijn allen
Mahomedanen.... De bergbewoners zijn heidenen.” Id. p. 53 (Salawatti),
“Een klein deel der bevolking van het eiland belijdt de leer van
Mahomed. Het grootste deel bestaat echter uit Papoesche heidenen,
eenige tot het Mahomedaansche geloof zijn overgegaan, althans den
schijn daarvan aannemen.” Id. p. 290 (Waigyu).
Some of the Papuans of the island of Gebi, between Waigyu and
Halemahera, have been converted by the Muhammadan settlers from the
Moluccas. (Crawfurd (1), p. 143.)
[1323] Robidé van der Aa, p. 352.
[1324] Captain Forrest, however, in 1775, tells us that “Many of the
Papuas turn Musselmen.” (Voyage to New Guinea, p. 68.)
[1325] Robidé van der Aa, p. 71. “De Papoe is te woest van aard, om
behoefte aan godsdienst te gevoelen. Evenmin als de Christelijke leer
tot nog toe ingang bij hem heeft kunnen vinden, zou de Mahomedaansche
godsdienst slagen, wanneer daartoe bij deze volksstammen poging gedaan
werd. Voorzoover mij is gebleken op vijf reizen naar dit land, hebben
noch Tidoreezen, noch Cerammers of anderen ooit ernstige pogingen
gedaan, om de leer van Mahomed hier in te voeren.... Slechts zeer
weinige hoofden, zooals de Radja Ampat van Waigeoe, Salawatti, Misool
en Waigama, mogen als belijders van die leer aangemerkt worden; zij en
eenige hunner bloedverwanten vervullen sommige geloofsvormen, doordien
zij meermalen te Tidor geweest zijn en daar niet gaarne als gewone
Papoes beschouwd worden. Onder de eigenlijke bevolking is nooit
gepoogd, den Islam intevoeren, misschien wel uit eerbied voor dien
godsdienst, die te verheven is voor de Papoes.”
[1326] Robidé van der Aa, p. 319.
[1327] Koloniaal Verslag van 1906, p. 70; 1911, p. 52.
[1328] The Journal of the Indian Archipelago, vol. vii. pp. 64, 71.
(Singapore, 1853.)
[1329] G. W. W. C. Baron von Hoëvell, p. 120. Krieger, p. 436.
[1330] Encyclopaedie van N.-I., vol. ii. p. 210.
[1331] Crawfurd (2), pp. 275, 307.
[1332] Buckle’s Miscellaneous and Posthumous Works, edited by Helen
Taylor, vol. i. p. 594. (London, 1872.)
[1333] Neimann, pp. 406–7.
[1334] C. Snouck Hurgronje: De hadji-politiek der Indische Regeering,
p. 12. (Overdruk uit Onze Eeuw, 1909.)
[1335] Id.: Notes sur le mouvement du pèlerinage de la Mecque aux Indes
Néerlandaises. (R. du M. M., vol. xv. pp. 409, 412.)
[1336] Report of Centenary Conference on Protestant Missions, vol. i.
p. 21. Niemann, p. 407.
[1337] Med. Ned. Zendelinggen. vols. xxxii., xxxiv. passim.
[1338] Snouck Hurgronje (3), vol. ii. pp. xv. 339–393. Encyclopaedie
van N.-I., vol. ii. pp. 576–9.
[1339] e.g. the Qādiriyyah, Naqshbandiyyah and Sammāniyyah. (C. Snouck
Hurgronje (2), p. 186.) Id. (3) vol. ii. p. 372, etc.
[1340] J. G. F. Riedel (1), pp. 7, 59, 162.
[1341] Snouck Hurgronje (3), vol. ii. p. 323.
[1342] Hauri, p. 313. Encyclopaedie van N.-I., vol. ii. p. 524.
[1343] Organisations based on the model of Christian missionary
societies do not begin to make their appearance until the twentieth
century; some account of these is given in Appendix III.
[1344] “À tout musulman, quelque mondain qu’il soit, le prosélytisme
semble être en quelque sorte inné.” (Snouck Hurgronje, Revue de
l’Histoire des Religions, vol. lvii. p. 66.) “Der Muslim ist von Natur
Missionär ... Er treibt Mission auf eigne Faust und Kosten.”
(Munzinger, p. 411.) Snouck Hurgronje (1), p. 8; Lüttke (2), p. 30;
Julius Richter, p. 152; Merensky, p. 154.
[1345] Qurʼān, xvi. 126.
[1346] See the interesting letter addressed by Mawlāʼī Ismāʻīl, Sharīf
of Morocco, in 1698 to King James II, inviting him to embrace Islam.
(Revue de l’Histoire des Religions, vol. xlvii. p. 174 sqq.)
[1347] Anjuman Ḥimāyat-i-Islām kā māhwārī risālah, pp. 5–13. (Lahore,
October 1889.)
[1348] Duveyrier, p. 17.
[1349] Klamroth, p. 12.
[1350] Massaja, vol. xi. pp. 124–5.
[1351] Artin, p. 119.
[1352] R. du M. M., ix. (1909), p. 252.
[1353] Ghulām Sarwar: Khazīnat al-Aṣfīyā, vol. ii. p. 407–8.
[1354] Goldziher, vol. ii. pp. 303–4.
[1355] The Pechenegs at that time occupied the country between the
lower Danube and the Don, to which they had migrated from the banks of
the Ural at the end of the ninth century. (Karamsin, vol. i. pp.
180–1.)
[1356] Abū ʻUbayd al-Bakrī (died 1094), pp. 467–8.
[1357] Ghulām Sarwar: Khazīnat al-Aṣfīyā, vol. i. p. 613.
[1358] D. Crawford: Thinking Black, p. 202. (London, 1913.)
[1359] Doughty, vol. ii. p. 39.
[1360] This was emphasised by Marracci in the seventeenth century. “Si
ethnicus mysteria humani intellectus captum excedentia, vel naturali
conditioni et imbecillitati difficillima, si non impossibilia, cum
Alcoranica doctrina comparaverit, statim ab his refugiet, et ad illa
obviis ulnis accurret.” (Alcorani textus ... translatus, p. 9. Patavii,
1698.)
[1361] Edouard Montet: La propagande chrétienne et ses adversaires
musulmans, pp. 17–18. (Paris, 1890.)
[1362] Mankind and the Church, p. 283–4. (London, 1907.)
[1363] Qurʼān, ii. 118–26.
[1364] Qurʼān, xlix. 10.
[1365] W. H. Macnaghten: Principles and Precedents of Moohummudan Law,
p. 312. (Madras, 1882.)
[1366] Arabia Deserta, vol. i. pp. 554–5.
[1367] De l’Esprit des Lois, livre xxv. chap. 2.
[1368] Qur., chap. xvi. v. 92.
[1369] Goldziher, Saʻīd b. Ḥasan d’Alexandrie. (Revue des Études
Juives, tome xxx. pp. 17–18.) (Paris, 1895.)
[1370] Ernest Renan: L’Islamisme et la Science, p. 19. (Paris, 1883.)
This has been emphasised by many observers, but it will be enough here
to quote the words of an eminent Christian bishop. “No one who comes in
contact for the first time with Mohammedans can fail to be struck by
this aspect of their faith.... Wherever one may be, in open street, in
railway station, in the field, it is the most ordinary thing to see a
man, without the slightest touch of Pharisaism or parade, quietly and
humbly leaving whatever pursuit he may be at the moment engaged in, in
order to say his prayers at the appointed hour. On a larger scale, no
one who has ever seen the courtyard of the Great Mosque at Delhi on the
last Friday in the fast-month (Ramazan) filled to overflowing with,
perhaps, 15,000 worshippers, all wholly absorbed in prayer, and
manifesting the profoundest reverence and humility in every gesture,
can fail to be deeply impressed by the sight, or to get a glimpse of
the power which underlies such a system; while the very regularity of
the daily call to prayer, as it rings out at earliest dawn, before
light commences, or amid all the noise and bustle of the business
hours, or again as the evening closes in, is fraught with the same
message.” (Dr. G. A. Lefroy: Mankind and the Church, pp. 287–8.
(London, 1907.))
[1371] “One may notice and admire the kind of chivalrous pride which
the average Mohammedan takes in his faith.” (Bishop Lefroy: Mankind and
the Church, p. 289.)
[1372] A. Kuenen: National Religions and Universal Religions, p. 35.
(London, 1882.)
[1373] e.g. The persecution, under al-Mutawakkil, by the orthodox
reaction against all forms of deviation from the popular creed: in
Persia and other parts of Asia about the end of the thirteenth century
in revenge for the domineering and insulting behaviour of the
Christians in the hour of their advancement and power under the early
Mongols. (Maqrīzī (2), Tome i. Première Partie, pp. 98, 106.) Assemani
(tom. iii. pars. ii. p.c.), speaking of the causes that have excited
the persecution of the Christians under Muhammadan rule, says:—“Non
raro persecutionis procellam excitarunt mutuae Christianorum ipsorum
simultates, sacerdotum licentia, praesulum fastus, tyrannica magnatum
potestas, et medicorum praesertim scribarumque de supremo in gentem
suam imperio altercationes.” During the crusades the Christians of the
East frequently fell under the suspicion of favouring the invasions of
their co-religionists from the West, and in modern Turkey the movement
for Greek Independence and the religious sympathies it excited in
Christian Europe contributed to make the lot of the subject Christian
races harder than it would have been, had they not been suspected of
disloyalty and disaffection towards their Muhammadan ruler. De Gobineau
has expressed himself very strongly on this question of the toleration
of Islam: “Si l’on sépare la doctrine religieuse de la nécessité
politique qui souvent a parlé et agi en son nom, il n’est pas de
religion plus tolérante, on pourrait presque dire plus indifférente sur
la foi des hommes que l’Islam. Cette disposition organique est si forte
qu’en dehors des cas où la raison d’État mise en jeu a porté les
gouvernements musulmans à se faire arme de tout pour tendre à l’unité
de foi, la tolérance la plus complète a été la règle fournie par le
dogme.... Qu’on ne s’arrête pas aux violences, aux cruautés commises
dans une occasion ou dans une autre. Si on y regarde de près, on ne
tardera pas à y découvrir des causes toutes politiques ou toutes de
passion humaine et de tempérament chez le souverain ou dans les
populations. Le fait religieux n’y est invoqué que comme prétexte et,
en réalité, il reste en dehors.” (A. de Gobineau (1), pp. 24–5.)
[1374] For a biography of him, see Ibn Khallikān, vol. ii. pp. 111–15.
[1375] Barhebræus (2), pp. 417–18.
[1376] C. d’Ohsson, vol. iv. p. 281.
[1377] Tavernier (1), p. 160.
[1378] Viaggio di Iosafa Barbero nella Persia. (Ramusio, vol. ii. p.
111.)
[1379] If indeed by Azi is meant Ḥājī.
[1380] Makīn, p. 260. Similarly, about a century before, al-Muqtadir
(A.D. 908–932) gave orders for the rebuilding of some churches at
Ramlah in Palestine which had been destroyed by Muhammadans during a
riot, the cause of which is not recorded. (Eutychius, ii. p. 82.) Abū
Ṣāliḥ makes mention of the rebuilding of a great many churches and
monasteries in Egypt which had either been destroyed in time of war
(e.g. during the invasion of the Ghuzz and the Kurds in 1164) (pp. 91,
96, 112, 120), been wrecked by fanatics (pp. 85–6, 182, and Maqrīzī
quoted in the Appendix pp. 327–8), or fallen into decay (pp. 5, 87,
103–4).
[1381] A. de la Jonquière, pp. 203, 213, 312.
[1382] E. Charvériat: Histoire de la Guerre de Trente Ans, tome ii. pp.
615, 625. (Paris, 1878.)
[1383] In Ioannis Evangelium Tractatus, xxv. § 10.
[1384] C. Merivale: The Conversion of the Northern Nations, p. 102.
(London, 1866.)
[1385] Mārī b. Sulaymān, p. 62 (ll. 4, 6, 13). The learned Maronite,
Yūsuf Simʻān al-Simʻānī, in the eighteenth century, thus expressed his
horror at such a concession to Muslim sentiment: “Mahometi eiusque
sectariorum laudes persequitur, et quod sine horrore dici nequit,
illius pseudo-prophetae nomen es adiuncto praeconio memorat, quo
Mahometani solent, nimirum عليه السّلام.” (Assemani, tom. iii, pars. i.
p. 585.)
[1386] Mārī b. Sulaymān, p. 65 (l. 16).
[1387] Methods of Mission Work among Moslems, p. 62.
[1388] Id. pp. 61–4.
[1389] Laurent, p. 131.
[1390] Historia Rerum Anglicarum Willelmi Parvi de Newburgh, ed. Hans
Claude Hamilton, vol. ii. p. 158. (London, 1856.)
[1391] Frederick Denison Maurice was giving expression to one of the
most commonly received opinions regarding this faith when he said, “It
has been proved that Mahometanism can only thrive while it is aiming at
conquest.” (The Religions of the World, p. 28.) (Cambridge, 1852.)
[1392] Similarly, the Spanish editor of the controversial letters that
passed between Alvar and “the transgressor” (a Christian convert to
Judaism), adds the following note after Epist. xv.: “Quatuordecim in
hac pagina ita abrasae sunt liniae, ut nec verbum unum legi possit.
Folium subsequens exsecuit possessor codicis, ne transgressoris
deliramenta legerentur.” (Migne, Patr. Lat., tom. cxxi. p. 483.)
[1393] Richter, pp. 164–5.
[1394] Artin, p. 35.
[1395] The Moslem World, vol. i. p. 441.
R. du M. M., vol. xv. p. 374; vol. xviii. pp. 216, 224.
[1396] Rajputana Herald, April 17, 1889.
[1397] Mohammedan World of To-day, p. 183.
[1398] A list of these is given on p. 19 of the Annual Report for the
year 1328 H.