CHAPTER XIII.

CONCLUSION.

To the modern Christian world, missionary work implies missionary

societies, paid agents, subscriptions, reports and journals; and

missionary enterprise without a regularly constituted and continuous

organisation seems a misnomer. The ecclesiastical constitution of the

Christian Church has, from the very beginning of its history, made

provision for the propagation of Christian teaching among unbelievers;

its missionaries have been in most cases, regularly ordained priests or

monks; the monastic orders (from the Benedictines downwards) and the

missionary societies of more modern times have devoted themselves with

special and concentrated attention to the furthering of a department of

Christian work that, from the first, has been recognised to be one of

the prime duties of the Church. But in Islam the absence of any kind of

priesthood or any ecclesiastical organisation whatever has caused the

missionary energy of the Muslims to exhibit itself in forms very

different to those that appear in the history of Christian missions:

there are no missionary societies, [1343] no specially trained agents,

very little continuity of effort. The only exception appears to be

found in the religious orders of Islam, whose organisation resembles to

some extent that of the monastic orders of Christendom. But even here

the absence of the priestly ideal, of any theory of the separateness of

the religious teacher from the common body of believers or of the

necessity of a special consecration and authorisation for the

performance of religious functions, makes the fundamental difference in

the two systems stand out as clearly as elsewhere.

Whatever disadvantages may be entailed by this want of a priestly

class, specially set apart for the work of propagating the faith, are

compensated for by the consequent feeling of responsibility resting on

the individual believer. There being no intermediary between the Muslim

and his God, the responsibility of his personal salvation rests upon

himself alone: consequently he becomes as a rule much more strict and

careful in the performance of his religious duties, he takes more

trouble to learn the doctrines and observances of his faith, and thus

becoming deeply impressed with the importance of them to himself, is

more likely to become an exponent of the missionary character of his

creed in the presence of the unbeliever. The would-be proselytiser has

not to refer his convert to some authorised religious teacher of his

creed who may formally receive the neophyte into the body of the

Church, nor need he dread ecclesiastical censure for committing the sin

of Korah. Accordingly, however great an exaggeration it may be to say,

as has been said so often, [1344] that every Muhammadan is a

missionary, still it is true that every Muhammadan may be one, and few

truly devout Muslims, living in daily contact with unbelievers, neglect

the precept of their Prophet: “Summon them to the way of thy Lord with

wisdom and with kindly warning.” [1345] Thus it is that, side by side

with the professional propagandists,—the religious teachers who have

devoted all their time and energies to missionary work,—the annals of

the propagation of the Muslim faith contain the record of men and women

of all ranks of society, from the sovereign [1346] to the peasant, and

of all trades and professions, who have laboured for the spread of

their faith,—the Muslim trader, unlike his Christian brother, showing

himself especially active in such work. In a list of Indian

missionaries published in the journal of a religious and philanthropic

society of Lahore [1347] we find the names of schoolmasters, Government

clerks in the Canal and Opium Departments, traders (including a dealer

in camel-carts), an editor of a newspaper, a book-binder and a workman

in a printing establishment. These men devote the hours of leisure left

them after the completion of the day’s labour, to the preaching of

their religion in the streets and bazaars of Indian cities, seeking to

win converts both from among Christians and Hindus, whose religious

beliefs they controvert and attack.

It is interesting to note that the propagation of Islam has not been

the work of men only, but that Muslim women have also taken their part

in this pious task. Several of the Mongol princes owed their conversion

to the influence of a Muslim wife, and the same was probably the case

with many of the pagan Turks when they had carried their raids into

Muhammadan countries. The Sanūsiyyah missionaries who came to work

among the Tūbū, to the north of Lake Chad, opened schools for girls,

and took advantage of the powerful influence exercised by the women

among these tribes (as among their neighbours, the Berbers), in their

efforts to win them over to Islam. [1348] In German East Africa, the

pagan natives who leave their homes for six months or more, to work on

the railways or plantations, are converted by the Muhammadan women with

whom they contract temporary alliances; these women refuse to have

anything to do with an uncircumcised kāfir, and to escape the disgrace

attaching to such an appellation, their husbands become circumcised and

thus receive an entry into Muslim society. [1349] The progress of Islam

in Abyssinia during the first half of the last century has been said to

be in large measure due to the efforts of Muhammadan women, especially

the wives of Christian princes, who had to pretend a conversion to

Christianity on the occasion of their marriage, but brought up their

children in the tenets of Islam and worked in every possible way for

the advancement of that faith. [1350] On the western frontier of

Abyssinia, there is a pagan tribe called the Boruns; some of these men

who had enlisted in a negro regiment, under the Anglo-Egyptian

government of the Sudan, were converted to Islam by the wives of the

black soldiers while the battalion was returning to Khartum. [1351] The

Tatar women of Kazan are said to be especially zealous as propagandists

of Islam. [1352] The professed devotee, because she happens to be a

woman, is not thereby debarred from taking her place with the male

saint in the company of the preachers of the faith. The legend of the

holy women, descended from ʻAlī, who are said to have flown through the

air from Karbalāʼ to Lahore, and there by the influence of their devout

lives of prayer and fasting to have won the first converts from

Hinduism to Islam, [1353] could hardly have originated if the influence

of such holy women were a thing quite unknown. One of the most

venerated tombs in Cairo is that of Nafīsah, the great-granddaughter of

Ḥasan (the martyred son of ʻAlī), whose theological learning excited

the admiration even of her great contemporary, Imām al-Shāfiʻī, and

whose piety and austerities raised her to the dignity of a saint: it is

related of her that when she settled in Egypt, she happened to have as

her neighbours a family of dhimmīs whose daughter was so grievously

afflicted that she could not move her limbs but had to lie on her back

all day. The parents of the poor girl had to go one day to the market

and asked their pious Muslim neighbour to look after their daughter

during their absence. Nafīsah, filled with love and pity, undertook

this work of mercy; and when the parents of the sick girl were gone,

she lifted up her soul in prayer to God on behalf of the helpless

invalid. Scarcely was her prayer ended than the sick girl regained the

use of her limbs and was able to go to meet her parents on their

return. Filled with gratitude, the whole family became converts to the

religion of their benefactor. [1354]

Even the Muslim prisoner will on occasion embrace the opportunity of

preaching his faith to his captors or to his fellow-prisoners. The

first introduction of Islam into Eastern Europe was the work of a

Muslim jurisconsult who was taken prisoner, probably in one of the wars

between the Byzantine empire and its Muhammadan neighbours, and was

brought to the country of the Pechenegs [1355] in the beginning of the

eleventh century. He set before many of them the teachings of Islam and

they embraced the faith with sincerity, so that it began to be spread

among this people. But the other Pechenegs who had not accepted the

Muslim religion, took umbrage at the conduct of their fellow-countrymen

and finally came to blows with them. The Muslims, who numbered about

twelve thousand, successfully withstood the attack of the unbelievers,

though they were more than double their number, and the remnant of the

defeated party embraced the religion of the victors. Before the close

of the eleventh century the whole nation had become Muhammadan and had

among them men learned in Muslim theology and jurisprudence. [1356] In

the reign of the Emperor Jahāngīr (1605–1628) there was a certain Sunnī

theologian, named Shaykh Aḥmad Mujaddid, who especially distinguished

himself by the energy with which he controverted the doctrines of the

Shīʻahs: the latter, being at this time in favour at court, succeeded

in having him imprisoned on some frivolous charge; during the two years

that he was kept in prison he converted to Islam several hundred

idolaters who were his companions in the same prison. [1357] In more

recent times, an Indian mawlavī, who had been sentenced to

transportation for life to the Andaman Islands by the British

Government, because he had taken an active part in the Wahhābī

conspiracy of 1864, converted many of the convicts before his death. In

Central Africa, an Arab chief condemned to death by the Belgians, spent

his last hours in trying to convert to Islam the Christian missionary

who had been sent to bring him the consolations of religion. [1358]

Such being the missionary zeal of the Muslims, that they are ready to

speak in season and out of season,—as Doughty, with fine insight, says,

“Their talk is continually (without hypocrisy) of religion, which is of

genial devout remembrance to them,” [1359]—let us now consider some of

the causes that have contributed to their success.

Foremost among these is the simplicity [1360] of the Muslim creed,

There is no god but God; Muḥammad is the Apostle of God. Assent to

these two simple doctrines is all that is demanded of the convert, and

the whole history of Muslim dogmatics fails to present any attempt on

the part of ecclesiastical assemblies to force on the mass of believers

any symbol couched in more elaborate and complex terms. This simple

creed demands no great trial of faith, arouses as a rule no particular

intellectual difficulties and is within the compass of the meanest

intelligence. Unencumbered with theological subtleties, it may be

expounded by any, even the most unversed in theological expression. The

first half of it enunciates a doctrine that is almost universally

accepted by men as a necessary postulate, while the second half is

based on a theory of man’s relationship to God that is almost equally

wide-spread, viz. that at intervals in the world’s history God grants

some revelation of Himself to men through the mouthpiece of inspired

prophets. This, the rationalistic character of the Muslim creed, and

the advantage it reaps therefrom in its missionary efforts, have

nowhere been more admirably brought out than in the following sentences

of Professor Montet:—

“Islam is a religion that is essentially rationalistic in the widest

sense of this term considered etymologically and historically. The

definition of rationalism as a system that bases religious beliefs on

principles furnished by the reason, applies to it exactly. It is true

that Muḥammad, who was an enthusiast and possessed, too, the ardour of

faith and the fire of conviction, that precious quality he transmitted

to so many of his disciples,—brought forward his reform as a

revelation: but this kind of revelation is only one form of exposition

and his religion has all the marks of a collection of doctrines founded

on the data of reason. To believers, the Muhammadan creed is summed up

in belief in the unity of God and in the mission of His Prophet, and to

ourselves who coldly analyse his doctrines, to belief in God and a

future life; these two dogmas, the minimum of religious belief,

statements that to the religious man rest on the firm basis of reason,

sum up the whole doctrinal teaching of the Qurʼān. The simplicity and

the clearness of this teaching are certainly among the most obvious

forces at work in the religion and the missionary activity of Islam. It

cannot be denied that many doctrines and systems of theology and also

many superstitions, from the worship of saints to the use of rosaries

and amulets, have become grafted on to the main trunk of the Muslim

creed. But in spite of the rich development, in every sense of the

term, of the teachings of the Prophet, the Qurʼān has invariably kept

its place as the fundamental starting-point, and the dogma of the unity

of God has always been proclaimed therein with a grandeur, a majesty,

an invariable purity and with a note of sure conviction, which it is

hard to find surpassed outside the pale of Islam. This fidelity to the

fundamental dogma of the religion, the elemental simplicity of the

formula in which it is enunciated, the proof that it gains from the

fervid conviction of the missionaries who propagate it, are so many

causes to explain the success of Muhammadan missionary efforts. A creed

so precise, so stripped of all theological complexities and

consequently so accessible to the ordinary understanding, might be

expected to possess and does indeed possess a marvellous power of

winning its way into the consciences of men.” [1361]

Bishop Lefroy considers that the “secret of the extraordinary power for

conquest and advance which Islam has in its best ages evinced” is to be

found in its recognition of the Existence of God rather than the Unity

of God. “Not so much that God is one as that God IS—that His existence

is the ultimate fact of the universe—that His will is supreme—His

sovereignty absolute—His power limitless ... the conviction that,

amidst all the chaos and confusion and disorders of the world which so

fearfully obscure it, there is nevertheless, an ultimate Will,

resistless, supreme, and that man is called to be a minister of that

Will, to promulgate it, to compel—if necessary by very simple and

elementary means indeed—obedience to that Will—this it was which welded

the Mohammedan hosts into so invincible an engine of conquest, which

inspired them with a spirit of military subordination and discipline,

as well as with a contempt of death, such as has probably never been

surpassed in any system—this it is which, so far as it is still in any

true sense operative amongst Mohammadans, gives at once that backbone

of character, that firmness of determination and strength of will, and

also that uncomplaining patience and submission in the presence of the

bitterest misfortune, which characterise and adorn the best adherents

of the creed.” [1362]

When the convert has accepted and learned this simple creed, he has

then to be instructed in the five practical duties of his religion: (1)

recital of the creed, (2) observance of the five appointed times of

prayer, (3) payment of the legal alms, (4) fasting during the month of

Ramaḍān, and (5) the pilgrimage to Mecca.

The observance of this last duty has often been objected to as a

strange survival of idolatry in the midst of the monotheism of the

Prophet’s teaching, but it must be borne in mind that to him it

connected itself with Abraham, whose religion it was his mission to

restore. [1363] But above all—and herein is its supreme importance in

the missionary history of Islam—it ordains a yearly gathering of

believers, of all nations and languages, brought together from all

parts of the world, to pray in that sacred place towards which their

faces are set in every hour of private worship in their distant homes.

No fetch of religious genius could have conceived a better expedient

for impressing on the minds of the faithful a sense of their common

life and of their brotherhood in the bonds of faith. Here, in a supreme

act of common worship, the Negro of the west coast of Africa meets the

Chinaman from the distant east; the courtly and polished Ottoman

recognises his brother Muslim in the wild islander from the farthest

end of the Malayan Sea. At the same time throughout the whole

Muhammadan world the hearts of believers are lifted up in sympathy with

their more fortunate brethren gathered together in the sacred city, as

in their own homes they celebrate the festival of ʻĪd al-Aḍḥạ̄ or (as it

is called in Turkey and Egypt) the feast of Bayrām. Their visit to the

sacred city has been to many Muslims the experience that has stirred

them up to “strive in the path of God,” and in the preceding pages

constant reference has been made to the active part taken by the ḥājīs

in missionary work.

Besides the institution of the pilgrimage, the payment of the legal

alms is another duty that continually reminds the Muslim that “the

faithful are brothers” [1364]—a religious theory that is very

strikingly realised in Muhammadan society and seldom fails to express

itself in acts of kindness towards the new convert. Whatever be his

race, colour or antecedents he is received into the brotherhood of

believers and takes his place as an equal among equals.

It is not, however, true, as some European writers have maintained,

that if an unbeliever is the slave of a Muslim his conversion to Islam

procures for him his manumission, for, according to Muhammadan law, the

conversion of a slave does not affect the prior state of bondage;

[1365] and the condition of the Muslim slave has varied much according

to the character of his master. But freedom is in many instances the

reward of conversion, and devout minds have even recognised in

enslavement God’s guidance to the true faith, as the negroes from the

Upper Nile countries, whom Doughty met in Arabia. “In those Africans

there is no resentment that they have been made slaves ... even though

cruel men-stealers rent them from their parentage. The patrons who paid

their price have adopted them into their households, the males are

circumcised and—that which enfranchises their souls, even in the long

passion of home-sickness—God has visited them in their mishap; they can

say ‘it was His grace,’ since they be thereby entered into the saving

religion. This, therefore, they think is the better country, where they

are the Lord’s free men, a land of more civil life, the soil of the two

Sanctuaries, the land of Mohammed:—for such they do give God thanks

that their bodies were sometime sold into slavery!” [1366]

Very effective also, both in winning and retaining, is the ordinance of

the daily prayers five times a day. Montesquieu [1367] has well said,

“Une religion chargée de beaucoup de pratiques attache plus à elle

qu’une autre qui l’est moins; on tient beaucoup aux choses dont on est

continuellement occupé.” The religion of the Muslim is continually

present with him and in the daily prayer manifests itself in a solemn

and impressive ritual, which cannot leave either the worshipper or the

spectator unaffected. Saʻīd b. Ḥasan, an Alexandrian Jew, who embraced

Islam in the year 1298, speaks of the sight of the Friday prayer in a

mosque as a determining factor in his own conversion. During a severe

illness he had had a vision in which a voice bade him declare himself a

Muslim. “And when I entered the mosque” (he goes on) “and saw the

Muslims standing in rows like angels, I heard a voice speaking within

me, ‘This is the community whose coming was announced by the prophets

(on whom be blessings and peace!)’; and when the preacher came forth

clad in his black robe, a deep feeling of awe fell upon me ... and when

he closed his sermon with the words, ‘Verily God enjoineth justice and

kindness and the giving of gifts to kinsfolk, and He forbiddeth

wickedness and wrong and oppression. He warneth you; haply ye will be

mindful.’ [1368] And when the prayer began, I was mightily uplifted,

for the rows of the Muslims appeared to me like rows of angels, to

whose prostrations and genuflections God Almighty was revealing

Himself, and I heard a voice within me saying, ‘If God spake twice unto

the people of Israel throughout the ages, verily He speaketh unto this

community in every time of prayer,’ and I was convinced in my mind that

I had been created to be a Muslim.” [1369]

If Renan could say, “Je ne suis jamais entré dans une mosquée sans une

vive émotion, le dirai-je? sans un certain regret de n’être pas

musulman,” [1370] it can be readily understood how the sight of the

Muslim trader at prayer, his frequent prostrations, his absorbed and

silent worship of the Unseen, would impress the heathen African, endued

with that strong sense of the mysterious such as generally accompanies

a low stage of civilisation. Curiosity would naturally prompt inquiry,

and the knowledge of Islam thus imparted might sometimes win over a

convert who might have turned aside had it been offered unsought, as a

free gift. Of the fast during the month of Ramaḍān, it need only be

said that it is a piece of standing evidence against the theory that

Islam is a religious system that attracts by pandering to the

self-indulgence of men. As Carlyle has said, “His religion is not an

easy one: with rigorous fasts, lavations, strict complex formulas,

prayers five times a day, and abstinence from wine, it did not succeed

by being an easy religion.”

Bound up with these and other ritual observances, but not encumbered or

obscured by them, the articles of the Muslim creed are incessantly

finding outward manifestation in the life of the believer, and thus,

becoming inextricably interwoven with the routine of his daily life,

make the individual Musalman an exponent and teacher of his creed far

more than is the case with the adherents of most other religions.

[1371] Couched in such short and simple language, his creed makes but

little demand upon the intellect, and the definiteness, positiveness,

and minuteness of the ritual leave the believer in no doubt as to what

he has to do, and these duties performed, he has the satisfaction of

feeling that he has fulfilled all the precepts of the Law. In this

union of rationalism and ritualism, we may find, to a great extent, the

secret of the power that Islam has exercised over the minds of men. “If

you would win the great masses give them the truth in rounded form,

neat and clear, in visible and tangible guise.” [1372]

Many other circumstances might be adduced that have contributed towards

the missionary success of Islam—circumstances peculiar to particular

times and countries. Among these may be mentioned the advantage that

Muhammadan missionary work derives from the fact of its being so

largely in the hands of traders, especially in Africa and other

uncivilised countries where the people are naturally suspicious of the

foreigner. For, in the case of the trader, his well-known and harmless

avocation secures to him an immunity from any such feelings of

suspicion, while his knowledge of men and manners, his commercial

savoir-faire, gain for him a ready reception, and remove that feeling

of constraint which might naturally arise in the presence of the

stranger. He labours under no such disadvantages as hamper the

professed missionary, who is liable to be suspected of some sinister

motive, not only by people whose range of experience and mental horizon

are limited and to whom the idea of any man enduring the perils of a

long journey and laying aside every mundane occupation for the sole

purpose of gaining proselytes, is inexplicable, but also by more

civilised men of the world who are very prone to doubt the sincerity of

the paid missionary agent.

The circumstances are very different when Islam has not to appear as a

suppliant in a foreign country, but stands forth proudly as the

religion of the ruling race. In the preceding pages it has been shown

that the theory of the Muslim faith enjoins toleration and freedom of

religious life for all those followers of other faiths who pay tribute

in return for protection, and though the pages of Muhammadan history

are stained with the blood of many cruel persecutions, still, on the

whole, unbelievers have enjoyed under Muhammadan rule a measure of

toleration, the like of which is not to be found in Europe until quite

modern times. Forcible conversion was forbidden, in accordance with the

precepts of the Qurʼān:—“Let there be no compulsion in religion” (ii.

257). “Wilt thou compel men to become believers? No soul can believe

but by the permission of God” (x. 99, 100). The very existence of so

many Christian sects and communities in countries that have been for

centuries under Muhammadan rule is an abiding testimony to the

toleration they have enjoyed, and shows that the persecutions they have

from time to time been called upon to endure at the hands of bigots and

fanatics, have been excited by some special and local circumstances

rather than inspired by a settled principle of intolerance. [1373]

At such times of persecution, the pressure of circumstances has driven

many unbelievers to become—outwardly at least—Muhammadans, and many

instances might be given of individuals who, on particular occasions,

have been harassed into submission to the religion of the Qurʼān. But

such oppression is wholly without the sanction of Muhammadan law,

either religious or civil. The passages in the Qurʼān that forbid

forced conversion and enjoin preaching as the sole legitimate method of

spreading the faith have already been quoted above (Introduction, pp.

5–6), and the same doctrine is upheld by the decisions of the

Muhammadan doctors. When Moses Maimonides, who under the fanatical rule

of the Almohads had feigned conversion to Islam, fled to Egypt and

there openly declared himself to be a Jew, a Muslim jurisconsult from

Spain denounced him for his apostasy and demanded that the extreme

penalty of the law should be inflicted on him for this offence; but the

case was quashed by al-Qāḍī al-Fāḍil, ʻAbd al-Raḥīm b. ʻAlī, [1374] one

of the most famous of Muslim judges, and the prime minister of the

great Saladin, who authoritatively declared that a man who had been

converted to Islam by force could not be rightly considered to be a

Muslim. [1375] In the same spirit, when Ghāzān (1295–1304) discovered

that the Buddhist monks who had become Muhammadans at the beginning of

his reign (when their temples had been destroyed) only made a pretence

of being converted, he granted permission to all those who so wished to

return to Tibet, where among their Buddhist fellow-countrymen they

would be free once more to follow their own faith. [1376] Tavernier

tells us a similar story of some Jews of Ispahan who were so grievously

persecuted by the governor “that either by force or cunning he caused

them to turn Mahometans; but the king (Shāh ʻAbbās II) (1642–1667),

understanding that only power and fear had constrained them to turn,

suffer’d them to resume their own religion and to live in quiet.”

[1377] A story of a much earlier traveller [1378] in Persia, in 1478,

shows how even in those turbulent times a Muhammadan governor set

himself to severely crush an outburst of fanaticism of the same

character. A rich Armenian merchant of the city of Tabrīz was sitting

in his shop one day when a Ḥājī, [1379] with a reputation for sanctity,

coming up to him importuned him to become a Musalman and abandon his

Christian faith; when the merchant expressed his intention of remaining

steadfast in his religion and offered the fellow alms with the hope of

getting rid of him, he replied that what he wanted was not his alms but

his conversion; and at length, enraged at the persistent refusal of the

merchant, suddenly snatched a sword out of the hand of a bystander and

struck the merchant a mortal blow on the head and then ran away. When

the Governor of the city heard the news, he was very angry and ordered

the murderer to be pursued and captured; the culprit having been

brought into his presence, the governor stabbed him to death with his

own hand and ordered his body to be cast forth to be devoured by dogs,

saying: “What! is this the way in which the religion of Muḥammad

spreads?” At nightfall, the common people took up the body and buried

it, whereupon the Governor, enraged at this contempt of his order, gave

up the place for three or four hours to be sacked by his soldiers and

afterwards imposed a fine as a further penalty; also he called the son

of the merchant to him and comforted him and caressed him with good and

kindly words. Even the mad al-Ḥākim (996–1020), whose persecutions

caused many Jews and Christians to abandon their own faith and become

Musalmans, afterwards allowed these unwilling converts to return again

to their own religion and rebuild their ruined places of worship.

[1380] Neglected as the Eastern Christians have been by their Christian

brethren in the West, unarmed for the most part and utterly

defenceless, it would have been easy for any of the powerful rulers of

Islam to have utterly rooted out their Christian subjects or banished

them from their dominions, as the Spaniards did the Moors, or the

English the Jews for nearly four centuries. It would have been

perfectly possible for Salīm I (in 1514) or Ibrāhīm (in 1646) to have

put into execution the barbarous notion they conceived of exterminating

their Christian subjects, just as the former had massacred 40,000

Shīʻahs with the aim of establishing uniformity of religious belief

among his Muhammadan subjects. The muftis who turned the minds of their

masters from such a cruel purpose, did so as the exponents of Muslim

law and Muslim tolerance. [1381]

Still, though the principle that found so much favour in Germany in the

seventeenth century [1382]—Cuius regio eius religio,—was never adopted

by any Muhammadan potentate, it is obvious that the fact of Islam being

the state religion could not fail to have had some influence in

increasing the number of its adherents. Persons on whom their religious

faith sat lightly would be readily influenced by considerations of

worldly advantage, and ambition and self-interest would take the place

of more laudable motives for conversion. St. Augustine made a similar

complaint in the fifth century, that many entered the Christian Church

merely because they hoped to gain some temporal advantage thereby:

“Quam multi non quaerunt Iesum, nisi ut illis faciat bene secundum

tempus! Alius negotium habet, quaerit intercessionem clericorum; alius

premitur a potentiore, fugit ad ecclesiam; alius pro se vult

interveniri apud eum apud quem parum valet: ille sic, ille sic;

impletur quotidie talibus ecclesia.” [1383]

Moreover, to the barbarous and uncivilised tribes that saw the glory

and majesty of the empire of the Arabs in the heyday of its power,

Islam must have appeared as imposing and have exercised as powerful a

fascination as the Christian faith when presented to the Barbarians of

Northern Europe, when “They found Christianity in the

Empire—Christianity refined and complex, imperious and

pompous—Christianity enthroned by the side of kings, and sometimes

paramount above them.” [1384]

Added to this must often have been the slow, persistent influence of

daily contact with Muslim life and thought, such as led even a

Nestorian writer of the twelfth century to add words of blessing to the

mention of the name of the Prophet and the early caliphs, [1385] and to

pray for the mercy of God on the caliph ʻUmar b. ʻAbd al-ʻAzīz. [1386]

In modern times Christian missionaries complain that the system of

public instruction in Egypt under the British occupation, according to

which “Christian boys are often compelled to sit and listen to the

Koran and Dîn (religious teaching) being taught to their Moslem

companions when there is no room where they can be separated,” [1387]

tends to give the Muhammadans a preponderating influence over their

Christian fellow-students. One of the most active of the followers of

the late Muftī Muḥammad ʻAbduh was originally a Coptic medical student,

who had been won over to Islam through the influence of the religious

instruction he had heard given in school hours. [1388]

But the recital of such motives as little accounts for all cases of

conversion in the one religion as in the other, and they should not

make us lose sight of other factors in the missionary life of Islam,

whose influence has been of a more distinctly religious character.

Foremost among these is the influence of the devout lives of the

followers of Islam. Strange as it may appear to a generation accustomed

to look upon Islam as a cloak for all kinds of vice, it is nevertheless

true that in earlier times many Christians who have come into contact

with a living Muslim society have been profoundly impressed by the

virtues exhibited therein; if these could so strike the traveller and

the stranger, they would no doubt have some influence of attraction on

the unbeliever who came in daily contact with them. Ricoldus de Monte

Crucis, a Dominican missionary who visited the East at the close of the

thirteenth century, thus breaks out in praise of the Muslims among whom

he had laboured: “Obstupuimus, quomodo in lege tante perfidie poterant

opera tante perfectionis inveniri. Referemus igitur hic breviter opera

perfectionis Sarracenorum.... Quis enim non obstupescat, si diligenter

consideret, quanta in ipsis Sarracenis sollicitudo ad studium, devocio

in oratione, misericordia ad pauperes, reverencia ad nomen Dei et

prophetas et loca sancta, gravitas in moribus, affabilitas ad

extraneos, concordia et amor ad suos?” [1389] William Petit of Newburgh

in similar manner, towards the end of the twelfth century, praised the

sobriety of the Saracens as the outcome of the teaching of their

Prophet and as inspiring them with a sense of moral superiority over

the Christians: “Gulosos vero atque ebriosos, orbi terrarum graves

abominatus, sobrietatem docuit, ciborum delicias sugillavit, vini usum,

praeterquam paucis certisque diebus solemnibus, interdixit [Macometus].

Inde est, quod cum Sarraceni in fluxu libidinum de sui, ut dictum est,

seductoris indulgentia probentur esse spurcissimi; nostris, proh dolor!

in frugalitate superiores esse videntur, nobisque, proh pudor!

comessationum et ebrietatum sordes improperant. Denique malleus

Christiani nominis Saladinus ante annos aliquot, cum nostrorum mores

explorans, audisset quod pluribus in prandio ferculis uterentur,

dixisse fertur, ‘tales Terra Sancta indignos esse.’ Unde constat, quod

luxus nostrorum conspectus Agarenos, de frugalitate gloriantes, contra

nos incitet animetque tanquam dicentes; ‘Deus dereliquit crapulatos

istos, persequamur et comprehendamus, quia non est qui eripiat.’”

[1390]

The literature of the Crusades is rich in such appreciations of Muslim

virtues, while the Ottoman Turks in the early days of their rule in

Europe received many a tribute of praise from Christian lips, as has

already been shown in a former chapter.

At the present day there are two chief factors (beyond such of the

above-mentioned as still hold good) that make for missionary activity

in the Muslim world. The first of these is the revival of religious

life which dates from the Wahhābī reformation at the end of the

eighteenth century; though this new departure has long lost all

political significance outside the confines of Najd, as a religious

revival its influence is felt throughout Africa, India and the Malay

Archipelago even to the present day, and has given birth to numerous

movements which take rank among the most powerful influences in the

Islamic world. In the preceding pages it has already been shown how

closely connected many of the modern Muslim missions are with this

wide-spread revival: the fervid zeal it has stirred up, the new life it

has infused into existing religious institutions, the impetus it has

given to theological study and to the organisation of devotional

exercises, have all served to awake and keep alive the innate

proselytising spirit of Islam.

Side by side with this reform movement, is another of an entirely

different character—for, to mention one point of difference only, while

the former is strongly opposed to European civilisation, the latter is

rather in sympathy with modern thought and offers a presentment of

Islam in accordance therewith,—viz. the Pan-Islamic movement, which

seeks to bind all the nations of the Muslim world in a common bond of

sympathy. Though in no way so significant as the other, still this

trend of thought gives a powerful stimulus to missionary labours; the

effort to realise in actual life the Muslim ideal of the brotherhood of

all believers reacts on collateral ideals of the faith, and the sense

of a vast unity and of a common life running through the nations

inspirits the hearts of the faithful and makes them bold to speak in

the presence of the unbelievers.

What further influence these two movements will have on the missionary

life of Islam, the future only can show. But their very activity at the

present day is a proof that Islam is not dead. The spiritual energy of

Islam is not, as has been so often maintained, commensurate with its

political power. [1391] On the contrary, the loss of political power

and worldly prosperity has served to bring to the front the finer

spiritual qualities which are the truest incentives to missionary work.

Islam has learned the uses of adversity, and so far from a decline in

worldly prosperity being a presage of the decay of this faith, it is

significant that those very Muslim countries that have been longest

under Christian rule show themselves most active in the work of

proselytising. The Indian and Malay Muhammadans display a zeal and

enthusiasm for the spread of the faith, which one looks for in vain in

Turkey or Morocco.

APPENDIX I.

LETTER OF AL-HĀSHIMĪ INVITING AL-KINDĪ TO EMBRACE ISLAM.

The following is the text of al-Hāshimī’s letter inviting al-Kindī to

embrace Islam:—“In the name of God, the Merciful, the Compassionate. I

have begun this letter with the salutation of peace and blessing after

the fashion of my lord and the lord of the prophets, Muḥammad, the

Apostle of God (may the peace and mercy of God be upon him!). For those

trustworthy, righteous and truthful persons who have handed down to us

the traditions of our Prophet (peace be upon him!) have related this

tradition concerning him that such was his habit and that whenever he

began to converse with men he would commence with the salutation of

peace and blessing and made no distinction of dhimmīs and illiterate,

between Muslims and polytheists, saying ‘I am sent to be kind and

considerate to all men and not to deal roughly or harshly with them,’

and quoting the words of God, ‘Verily God is kind and merciful to

believers.’ Likewise I have observed that those of our Khalīfahs that I

have met, followed the footsteps of their Prophet in courtesy,

nobility, graciousness and beneficence, and made no distinctions in

this matter and preferred none before another. So I have followed this

excellent way and have begun my letter with the salutation of peace and

blessing, that I be blamed of none who sees my letter.

“I have been guided therein by my affection towards you because my lord

and prophet, Muḥammad (may the peace and mercy of God be upon him!)

used to say that love of kinsmen is true piety and religion. So I have

written this to you in obedience to the Apostle of God (may the peace

and mercy of God be upon him!), feeling bound to show gratitude for the

services you have done us, and because of the love and affection and

inclination that you show towards us, and because of the favour of my

lord and cousin the Commander of the Faithful (may God assist him!)

towards you and his trust in you and his praise of you. So in all

sincerity desiring for you what I desire for myself, my family and my

parents, I will set forth the religion that we hold, and that God has

approved of for us and for all creatures and for which He has promised

a good reward in the end and safety from punishment when unto Him we

shall return.... So I have sought to gain for you what I would gain for

myself; and seeing your high moral life, vast learning, nobility of

character, your virtuous behaviour, lofty qualities and your extensive

influence over your co-religionists, I have had compassion on you lest

you should continue in your present faith. Therefore I have determined

to set before you what the favour of God has revealed to us and to

expound unto you our faith with good and gentle speech, following the

commandment of God, ‘Dispute not with the people of the book except in

the best way.’ (xxix. 45.) So I will discuss with you only in words

well-chosen, good and mild; perchance you may be aroused and return to

the true path and incline unto the words of the Most High God which He

has sent down to the last of the Prophets and lord of the children of

Adam, our Prophet Muḥammad (the peace and blessing of God be upon

him!). I have not despaired of success, but had hope of it for you from

God who showeth the right path to whomsoever He willeth, and I have

prayed that He may make me an instrument to this end. God in His

perfect book says ‘Verily the religion before God is Islam’ (iii. 17),

and again, confirming His first saying, ‘And whoso desireth any other

religion than Islam, it shall by no means therefore be accepted from

him, and in the next world he shall be among the lost’ (iii. 79), and

again He confirms it decisively, when He says, ‘O believers, fear God

as He deserveth to be feared; and die not without having become

Muslims.’ (iii. 97.)

“And you know—(May God deliver you from the ignorance of unbelief and

open your heart to the light of faith!)—that I am one over whom many

years have passed and I have sounded the depths of other faiths and

weighed them and studied many of their books especially your books.”

[Here he enumerates the chief books of the Old and New Testaments, and

explains how he has studied the various Christian sects.] “I have met

with many monks, famous for their austerities and vast knowledge, have

visited many churches and monasteries, and have attended their

prayers.... I have observed their extraordinary diligence, their

kneeling and prostrations and touching the ground with their cheeks and

beating it with their foreheads and humble bearing throughout their

prayers, especially on Sunday and Friday nights, and on their festivals

when they keep watch all night standing on their feet praising and

glorifying God and confessing Him, and when they spend the whole day

standing in prayer, continually repeating the name of the Father, Son,

and Holy Ghost, and in the days of their retreats which they call Holy

Week when they stand barefooted in sackcloth and ashes, with much

weeping and shedding of tears continually, and wailing with strange

cries. I have seen also their sacrifices, with what cleanliness they

keep the bread for it, and the long prayers they recite with great

humility when they elevate it over the altar in the well-known church

at Jerusalem with those cups full of wine, and I have observed also the

meditations of the monks in their cells during their six fasts,—i.e.

the four greater and the two less, etc. On all such occasions I have

been present and observant of the people. Also I have visited their

Metropolitans and Bishops, renowned for their learning and their

devotion to the Christian faith and extreme austerity in the world, and

have discussed with them impartially, seeking for the truth, laying

aside all contentiousness, ostentation of learning and imperiousness in

altercation and bitterness and pride of race. I have given them

opportunity to maintain their arguments and speak out their minds

without interruption or browbeating, as is done by the vulgar and

illiterate and foolish persons among our co-religionists who have no

principle to work up to or reasons on which to rest, or religious

feeling or good manners to restrain them from rudeness; their speech is

but browbeating and proud altercation and they have no knowledge or

arguments except taking advantage of the rule of the government.

Whenever I have held discussions with them and asked them to speak

freely as their reason, their creed and their conclusion prompted, they

have spoken openly and without deception of any kind, and their inward

feelings have been laid bare to me as plainly as their outward

appearance. So I have written at such length to you (may God show you

the better way!) after long consideration and profound inquiry and

investigation, so that none may suspect that I am ignorant of the

things whereof I write and that all into whose hands this letter may

come, may know that I have an accurate knowledge of the Christian

faith.

“So, now (may God shower His blessings upon you!) with this knowledge

of your religion and so long-standing an affection (for you), I invite

you to accept the religion that God has chosen for me and I for myself,

assuring you entrance into Paradise and deliverance from Hell. And it

is this,—You shall worship the one God, the only God, the Eternal, He

begetteth not, neither is He begotten, who hath no consort and no son,

and there is none like unto Him. This is the attribute wherewith God

has denominated Himself, for none of His creatures could know Him

better than He Himself. I have invited you to the worship of this the

One God, whose attribute is such, and in this my letter I have added

nothing to that wherewith He has denominated Himself (high and exalted

be His name above what they associate with Him!). This is the religion

of your father and our father, Abraham (may the blessings of God rest

upon him!), for he was a Ḥanīf and Muslim.

“Then I invite you (may God have you in His keeping!) to bear witness

and acknowledge the prophetic mission of my lord and the lord of the

sons of Adam, and the chosen one of the God of all worlds and the seal

of the prophets, Muḥammad ... sent by God with glad tidings and

warnings to all mankind. ‘He it is who hath sent His Apostle with the

guidance and a religion of the truth, that He may make it victorious

over every other religion, albeit they who assign partners to God be

averse from it.’ (ix. 33.) So he invited all men from the East and from

the West, from land and sea, from mountain and from plain, with

compassion and pity and good words, with kindly manners and gentleness.

Then all these people accepted his invitation, bearing witness that he

is the apostle of God, the Creator of the worlds, to those who are

willing to give heed to admonition. All gave willing assent when they

beheld the truth and faithfulness of his words, and sincerity of his

purpose, and the clear argument and plain proof that he brought, namely

the book that was sent down to him from God, the like of which cannot

be produced by men or Jinns. ‘Say: Assuredly if mankind and the Jinns

should conspire to produce the like of this Qurʼān, they could not

produce its like, though the one should help the other.’ (xvii. 91.)

And this is sufficient proof of his mission. So he invited men to the

worship of the One God, the only God, the Self-sufficing, and they

entered into his religion and accepted his authority without being

forced and without unwillingness, but rather humbly acknowledging him

and soliciting the light of his guidance, and in his name becoming

victorious over those who denied his divine mission and rejected his

message and scornfully entreated him. So God set them up in the cities

and subjected to them the necks of the nations of men, except those who

hearkened to them and accepted their religion and bore witness to their

faith, whereby their blood, their property and their honour were safe

and they were exempt from humbly paying jizyah.” [He then enumerates

the various ordinances of Islam, such as the five daily prayers, the

fast of Ramaḍān, Jihād; expounds the doctrine of the resurrection of

the dead and the last judgment, and recounts the joys of Paradise and

the pains of Hell.] “So I have admonished you: if you believe in this

faith and accept whatever is read to you from the revealed Word of God,

then you will profit from my admonition and my writing to you. But if

you refuse and continue in your unbelief and error and contend against

the truth, I shall have my reward, having fulfilled the commandment.

And the truth will judge you.” [He then enumerates various religious

duties and privileges of the Muslim, and concludes.] “So now in this my

letter I have read to you the words of the great and high God, which

are the words of the Truth, whose promises cannot fail and in whose

words there is no deceit. Then give up your unbelief and error, of

which God disapproves and which calls for punishment, and speak no more

of Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, these words that you yourself admit to

be so confusing: and give up the worship of the cross which brings loss

and no profit, for I wish you to turn away from it, since your learning

and nobility of soul are degraded thereby. For the great and high God

says: ‘Verily, God will not forgive the union of other gods with

Himself; but other than this will He forgive to whom He pleaseth. And

whoso uniteth gods with God, hath devised a great wickedness.’ (iv.

51.) And again: ‘Surely now are they infidels who say, “God is the

Messiah, Son of Mary;” for the Messiah said, “O children of Israel!

worship God, my Lord and your Lord.” Verily, those who join other gods

with God, God doth exclude from Paradise, and their abode the Fire; and

for the wicked no helpers! They surely are infidels who say, “God is a

third of three:” for there is no god but one God; and if they refrain

not from what they say, a grievous chastisement shall assuredly befall

such of them as believe not. Will they not, therefore, turn unto God,

and ask pardon of Him? since God is Forgiving, Merciful! The Messiah,

Son of Mary, is but an Apostle; other Apostles have flourished before

him; and his mother was a just person; they both ate food.’ (v. 76–9.)

Then leave this path of error and this long and stubborn clinging to

your religion and those burdensome and wearisome fasts which are a

constant trouble to you and are of no use or profit and produce nothing

but weariness of body and torment of soul. Embrace this faith and take

this, the right and easy path, the true faith, the ample law and the

way that God has chosen for His favoured ones and to which He has

invited the people of all religions, that He may show His kindness and

favour to them by guiding them into the true path by means of His

guidance, and fill up the measure of His goodness unto men.

“So I have advised you and paid the debt of friendship and sincere

love, for I have desired to take you to myself, that you and I may be

of the same opinion and the same faith, for I have found my Lord saying

in his perfect Book: ‘Verily the unbelievers among the people of the

Book and among the polytheists, shall go into the fire of Hell to abide

therein for ever. Of all creatures they are the worst. But they verily

who believe and do the things that are right—these of all creatures are

the best. Their recompense with their Lord shall be gardens of Eden,

’neath which the rivers flow, in which they shall abide for evermore.

God is well pleased with them, and they with Him. This, for him who

feareth his Lord.’ (xcviii. 5–8.) ‘Ye are the best folk that hath been

raised up for mankind. Ye enjoin what is just, and ye forbid what is

evil, and ye believe in God: and if the people of the book had

believed, it had surely been better for them. Believers there are among

them, but most of them are disobedient.’ (iii. 106.) So I have had

compassion upon you lest you might be among the people of Hell who are

the worst of all creatures, and I have hoped that by the grace of God

you may become one of the true believers with whom God is well pleased

and they with Him, and they are the best of all creatures, and I have

hoped that you will join yourself to that religion which is the best of

the religions raised up for men. But if you refuse and persist in your

obstinacy, contentiousness and ignorance, your infidelity and error,

and if you reject my words and refuse the sincere advice I have offered

you (without looking for any thanks or reward)—then write whatever you

wish to say about your religion, all that you hold to be true and

established by strong proof, without any fear or apprehension, without

curtailment of your proofs or concealment of your beliefs; for I

purpose only to listen patiently to your arguments and to yield to and

acknowledge all that is convincing therein, submitting willingly

without refusing or rejecting or fear, in order that I may compare your

account and mine. You are free to set forth your case; bring forward no

plea that fear prevented you from making your arguments complete and

that you had to put a bridle on your tongue, so that you could not

freely express your arguments. So now you are free to bring forward all

your arguments, that you may not accuse me of pride, injustice or

partiality: for that is far from me.

“Therefore bring forward all the arguments you wish and say whatever

you please and speak your mind freely. Now that you are safe and free

to say whatever you please, appoint some arbitrator who will

impartially judge between us and lean only towards the truth and be

free from the empery of passion: and that arbitrator shall be Reason,

whereby God makes us responsible for our own rewards and punishments.

Herein I have dealt justly with you and have given you full security

and am ready to accept whatever decision Reason may give for me or

against me. For ‘there is no compulsion in religion’ (ii. 257) and I

have only invited you to accept our faith willingly and of your own

accord and have pointed out the hideousness of your present belief.

Peace be with you and the mercy and blessings of God!”

There can be very little doubt but that this document has come down to

us in an imperfect condition and has suffered mutilation at the hands

of Christian copyists: the almost entire absence of any refutation of

such distinctively Christian doctrines as that of the Blessed Trinity,

and the references to such attacks to be found in al-Kindī’s reply,

certainly indicate the excision of such passages as might have given

offence to Christian readers. [1392]

APPENDIX II.

CONTROVERSIAL LITERATURE BETWEEN MUSLIMS AND

THE FOLLOWERS OF OTHER FAITHS.

Although Islam has had no organised system of propaganda, no tract

societies or similar agencies of missionary work, there has been no

lack of reasoned presentments of the faith to unbelievers, particularly

to Christians and Jews. Of these it is not proposed to give a detailed

account here, but it is of importance to draw attention to their

existence if only to remove the wide-spread misconception that mass

conversion is the prevailing characteristic of the spread of Islam and

that individual conviction has formed no part of the propagandist

schemes of the Muslim missionary. The beginnings of Muhammadan

controversy against unbelievers are to be found in the Qurʼān itself,

but from the ninth century of the Christian era begins a long series of

systematic treatises of Muhammadan Apologetics, which has been actively

continued to the present day. The number of such works directed against

the Christian faith has been far more numerous than the Christian

refutations of Islam, and some of the ablest of Muslim thinkers have

employed their pens in their composition, e.g. Abū Yūsuf b. Isḥāq

al-Kindī (A.D. 813–873), al-Masʻūdī (ob. A.D. 958), Ibn Ḥazm (A.D.

994–1064), al-Ghazālī (ob. A.D. 1111), etc. It is interesting also to

note that several renegades have written apologies for their change of

faith and in defence of the Muslim creed, e.g. Ibn Jazlah in the

eleventh century, Yūsuf al-Lubnānī and Shaykh Ziyādah b. Yaḥyạ̄ in the

thirteenth, ʻAbd Allāh b. ʻAbd Allāh in the fifteenth, Darwesh ʻAlī in

the sixteenth, Aḥmad b. ʻAbd Allāh, an Englishman born at Cambridge, in

the seventeenth century, etc. These latter were all Christians before

their conversion, but Jewish renegades also, though fewer in number,

have been among the apologists of Islam. In India, besides many

Muhammadan books written against the Christian religion, there is an

enormous number of controversial works against Hinduism: as to whether

the Muhammadans have been equally active in other heathen countries, I

have no information.

The reader will find a vast store of information on Muslim

controversial literature in the following writings: Moritz

Steinschneider: Polemische und apologetische Litteratur in arabischer

Sprache, zwischen Muslimen, Christen und Juden. (Leipzig, 1877); Ignaz

Goldziher: Über Muhammedanische Polemik gegen Ahl al-kitâb (Z.D.M.G.,

vol. 32, p. 341 ff. 1878); Martin Schreiner: Zur Geschichte der Polemik

zwischen Juden und Muhammedanern (Z.D.M.G., vol. 42, p. 591 ff. 1888);

W. A. Shedd: Islam and the Oriental Churches, pp. 252–3; Carl

Güterbock: Der Islam in Lichte der byzantinischen Polemik. (Berlin,

1912.)

APPENDIX III.

MUSLIM MISSIONARY SOCIETIES.

The formation of societies for carrying on a propaganda in an organised

and systematic manner is a recent development in the missionary history

of Islam—as indeed it is comparatively recent in the history of

Christian missions. Such Muslim missionary societies would appear to

have been formed in conscious imitation of similar organisations in the

Christian world, and are not in themselves the most characteristic

expressions of the missionary spirit in Islam. In the Western world

there is very little to note. No attempt seems to have been made to

form such a society before the latter half of the nineteenth century,

and the earliest efforts were attended with little success. When H. M.

Stanley in 1875 urged in the English Press the sending of a Christian

mission to King Mutesa of Uganda, the wide-spread attention paid to his

appeal led to the formation of a missionary society in Constantinople

for the propagation of Islam in that country, but no Muhammadan

missionaries were ever sent to Uganda, and the outbreak of the

Russo-Turkish war in 1878 diverted the attention of the Turks from any

such enterprise. [1393] A similar failure to establish organised

missionary effort was manifested when the Anglo-Egyptian Government of

the Sudan marked out zones of influence for various Christian

missionary societies in districts the natives of which were heathen;

some Muslims of Cairo claimed that a part of the territory should be

allotted to the followers of Islam; whereupon the Government replied

that all they had to do was to send the missionaries and the same

facilities would be afforded to them as to the Christian missionaries;

but the necessary organisation was lacking and the matter was allowed

to drop. [1394] In 1910 Shaykh Rashīd, the editor of al-Manār, founded

a missionary society in Cairo, the object of which is to establish a

college (entitled Dār al-daʻwah waʼl-irshād) for the training of

missionaries and apologists for Islam, who are to be sent primarily

into heathen and Christian lands, but also into those Muhammadan

countries in which attempts are being made to induce the Muhammadans to

abandon their faith. [1395]

But it is in India that there has been the greatest expansion of such

organisations. One of the best organised of these is probably the

Anjuman Ḥimāyat-i-Islām of Lahore, but propagandist work forms only a

small part of the wide field of its activities and it cannot therefore

be described as a missionary society pure and simple. The original

purpose for which the Anjuman Ḥāmī Islām of Ajmer was founded was to

answer the objections urged against Islam by the members of the Ārya

Samāj, but it included among its objects the preaching of Islam and the

providing of food and clothing to new converts. [1396] The Anjuman

Waʻz̤-i-Islām, as its name denotes, concentrated its efforts on the

preaching of Islam, and, while Mawlavī Baqā Ḥusayn Khān (p. 283) was

its Secretary, published lists of the converts gained—as did also the

Anjuman-i-Islām and the Anjuman Tablīgh-i-Islām (which aimed at the

conversion of the Hindu untouchables) established in Ḥaydarabad

(Deccan), but it does not appear that either of these societies

continues to exist. [1397] Among the societies that have been

established in the twentieth century are the Madrasa Ilāhiyyāt at

Cawnpore, for the training of missionaries and the publication of

tracts in defence of Islam and in refutation of attacks made upon it;

and the Anjuman Ishāʻat wa Taʻlīm-i-Islām at Baṭālah in the Panjāb,

with similar objects. But the largest of these organisations is the

Anjuman Hidāyat al-Islām of Dehlī, to which as many as twenty-four

other societies, [1398] in various parts of India, are affiliated; this

Anjuman sends out missionaries to preach the doctrines of Islam and to

hold controversies with non-Muslims, and publishes controversial

literature, especially in refutation of the attacks made by the members

of the Ārya Samāj.

TITLES OF WORKS CITED BY ABBREVIATED REFERENCES.

(The Titles, etc., of books quoted once only, are given in full in the

foot-notes.)

Aa (P. J. B. Robidé van der): Reizen naar Nederlandsch Nieuw-Guinea,

met Geschied- en Aardrijkskundige Toelichtingen. (The Hague, 1879.)

ʻAbd al-Razzāq al-Samarqandi: Maṭlaʻ al-saʻdayn wa majmaʻ al-baḥrayn.

(India Office MS. No. 2704.)

Abh. f. d. K. d. M. hrsg. v. d. D. M. G.: Abhandlungen für die Kunde

des Morgenlandes, herausgegeben von der Deutschen Morgenländischen

Gesellschaft. (Leipzig.)

Abu’l-Fidā: Géographie d’Aboulféda, traduite par M. Reinaud. (Paris,

1848.)

Abu’l-Ghāzī: Histoire des Mogols et des Tartares par Aboul-Ghâzi

Behâdour Khan, traduite par le Baron Desmaisons. (St. Petersburg,

1871–4.)

Abū Ṣāliḥ: The Churches and Monasteries of Egypt, edited and translated

by B. T. A. Evetts. (Oxford, 1895.)

Abū Shāmah: Arabische Quellenbeiträge zur Geschichte der Kreuzzüge

übersetzt und herausgegeben von E. P. Goergens und R. Röhricht. Erster

Band: Zur Geschichte Ṣalâḥ ad-dîn’s. (Berlin, 1879.)

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