constitution, no Clan-na-Gael Convention took place in this
year—1883. In the ordinary course of events such an assembly should
have met in August 1883. For reasons best known to themselves,
however, Sullivan and his colleagues on the executive of the secret
organisation postponed the gathering, and in the end, by a system
of manipulation which Sullivan developed to a perfect science, in
connection with his management of Irish affairs, the approval of
the organisation was gained to certain changes which included the
putting off of the Convention to the following year, 1884. To allow
of these changes being approved of, it was necessary to hold a
series of district Conventions, and delegates were there elected to
represent the districts at the general Convention which would follow.
Sullivan’s adherents were generally in the majority at such district
assemblies, and so it was a matter of ease for him to have supporters
elected at almost every gathering, which, in other words, meant that
the delegates then elected were nothing more or less than ardent
Sullivanites, who in the future Convention would question nothing,
whereas ordinary delegates would undoubtedly prove curious, if not
embarrassing, in their search for information as to the conduct of
the affairs of the Clan-na-Gael.
All was not clear sailing, however, and murmurs were heard in several
quarters regarding this attempt to burk discussion and inquiry as
to the work of the past two years. Several of the camps eventually
ceased their allegiance and were immediately expelled, and the
organisation split up into two sections, the one being Sullivanite
and the other anti-Sullivanite. Devoy and his whole camp were amongst
those expelled from the Sullivan wing. The seceders formed a new
organisation under the old name, and the Sullivanites became known
as the U.S. Sullivan was still the strong man, and had the greatest
number of supporters; and, following my usual rule, I acted with the
majority and became a U.S. man. At the start a change was made as
regards the number and title of the governing body. Three members
formed the executive, and they were now known as the Triangle—a
name taken from the △ sign which was used by way of cypher signature
on all documents coming from head-quarters. The fight between the two
sections was now raging bitterly, and the oath of the U.S. was so
drawn as to exclude members of any other Revolutionary body, thereby
denying the right of any person to be a member of both organisations.
Meantime, under the plea of imminent danger of discovery, the books
of the organisation were all burnt, and no record whatever was left
in existence which would allow of investigation. This had driven
very many men to desperation, and loud and sweeping were the charges
which the seceders made against the Triangle for misappropriation of
funds and other like matters. None were more prominent in leading the
attack on Sullivan and his colleagues than Dr. Cronin, whose murder
has recently been the subject of such lengthy investigation. Indeed,
from this point onwards, almost down to the end of 1888, the history
of the Clan-na-Gael is the history of the dispute between Cronin and
Sullivan. And now, having purposely excluded all special mention of
Dr. Cronin from my story heretofore, in order that I might the more
fully and clearly deal with the matter in a compact form, I shall
proceed to sketch the life and career in Irish-American politics
of this last victim of political assassination. In explaining the
situations in Irish affairs as they affected or were affected by Dr.
Cronin, I shall have to travel rapidly over points already dealt
with; but I think it better to do this than to improperly represent
the ill-fated Cronin by omitting from my reference to his career the
points which told in favour of himself or his adversaries.
XLV.
Philip H. Cronin was born in Ireland, but when very young emigrated
to Canada. From thence when a young man he went to St. Louis,
Missouri, where he studied medicine at the St. Louis College of
Physicians and Surgeons. Before this he had been clerk in a chemist’s
store, and had thus acquired a very considerable practical knowledge
of medicine. He graduated with high honours, and became eventually
Professor of Materia Medica and Therapeutics in the college. He also
attended a medical college from which he secured the degree of M.A.
Cronin was a man of fine presence, good looking, almost six feet in
height, and very well formed. He was a clever man in every way, and a
good forcible speaker, though in style aggressive and combative to
a degree. Very ambitious, like his future enemy Alexander Sullivan,
he was never happy in a back seat, always thrusting himself forward
and fighting for the place of leader. In fact, so pronounced were his
ideas in favour of his supremacy, that where he could not rule he was
quite prepared to ruin.
He moved to Chicago in the latter part of 1881, and immediately
entered upon the practice of medicine, taking up his residence at 351
Clark Street, at the corner of Oak Street. At this time he was about
thirty-two years of age, so that he was only some forty years old at
the time of his murder. From the moment of his arrival in Chicago, he
went in enthusiastically for Irish politics, and took a leading part
in both Revolutionary and Land League matters. He identified himself
with the Clan-na-Gael, and was prominent at all gatherings of the
Irish of every kind. He was strong in social instincts, and was quite
a figure at social gatherings, where he used to great advantage the
fine tenor voice of which he was possessed, singing national songs
especially with great spirit and enthusiasm. As a consequence he
rapidly came to the front in Chicago, and in six months was better
known than an ordinary resident would have been in ten years. Towards
the Land League movement he was especially sympathetic, and he
took a very large part indeed in building it up. He was in a short
time elected President of the 18th Ward League, then known as the
“Banner League” of Chicago. Equally active in the secret movement,
he was a guiding spirit of Camp No. 96 of the Clan in Chicago,
publicly known as the “Columbia Literary Association,” and so great
was his influence that, on the appointment of the notorious Frank
Agneau to the position of district member, Cronin succeeded him as
Senior Guardian of the camp. This was the camp which held its weekly
meetings in the well-known Turner Hall on the north side of the city.
It was at this time that the policy of dynamite had been decided
upon, and that the campaign against English Government buildings and
persons was being inaugurated. Cronin (who was anything but a saint
in character) was an ardent advocate of the policy; and, owing to his
scientific attainments, he was appointed as chief instructor in the
use and handling of explosives, acting all this time, be it marked,
as the President of the Banner League (or Chicago branch of the Land
League) as well. In fact, he held the position of President of the
Land League branch down to the year 1888. Cronin, unfortunately for
himself, succeeded at a very early stage in falling foul of Alexander
Sullivan. Living as he did till 1887 at the corner of Clark and Oak
Streets, within a few doors of Sullivan himself, he gained such an
amount of prominence that he was rapidly throwing Sullivan into the
shade. He threatened to become more powerful than Sullivan, and this
Sullivan, equally ambitious and more unscrupulous, could not brook.
In a short time Sullivan and his adherents came to detest the Doctor,
and as I found—for I lived within a stone’s throw of each, knew them
both intimately, and saw them continuously—the relations between
them were becoming more strained and bitter every day.
In June 1881, as I have related, Sullivan obtained a victory over
all his rivals by being chosen President of the Clan-na-Gael, or
Revolutionary organisation, at the Dynamite Convention held that year
at the Palmer House, Chicago. It was after this that Cronin gave
the first pronounced sign of his enmity in public. The opportunity
for its display was brought about by the attack made by O’Meagher
Condon upon John Devoy, the principal of the three members of the
Revolutionary Directory, Devoy with his colleagues being charged with
responsibility for the failure of the many schemes of active warfare
proposed by Condon. Devoy, evidently jealous of Sullivan’s election,
indulged in a good deal of incrimination, not confining his attacks
to Condon alone, and he was afterwards supported by Cronin, who was
possessed of the same grievance. The two joined forces, but without
any effect, for Sullivan’s position was assured. From the dispute,
however, which occurred at this Convention, dates the commencement of
undisguised hostility between Sullivan and Cronin.
Early in 1883, when the call was issued for the Philadelphia
Convention (at which was formed the first branch of the American
National League as distinct from the Land League), a meeting of
Cronin’s branch of the League took place in Chicago for the election
of delegates to the Convention. Sullivan and his friends, determining
to crush Cronin if they could, packed this meeting, and had elected
as delegates Alexander Sullivan himself, his brother, and other
personal adherents, much to the disgust of Cronin and his supporters.
Sullivan was equally successful later on when, under the new
constitution, the Executive called district Conventions in lieu of
the general convention they had managed to postpone. The Convention
in Cronin’s district was held in Millionaire Smythe’s Hall in
Chicago—Smythe being Senior Guardian of Camp 458; Cronin, as Senior
Guardian of his own camp, attended in the capacity of delegate
therefrom. Mackay Lomasney, my old friend from Detroit, also attended
from his district in a like capacity. Although an attempt was made to
impeach Sullivan’s action, it was not successful. His friends were in
the majority, and his conduct was upheld. All attempts on the part
of Cronin to bring about a different state of things—and they were
not a few—were voted down, and Alexander Sullivan, in company with
Mackay Lomasney, the London Bridge dynamitard, was elected delegate
to the Triangle Convention of 1884.
Cronin, filled with fury, returned to his camp and made a series of
most sweeping charges against the Triangle. In return charges were
preferred against him of being a traitor, liar, &c. &c., Sullivan
of course being the instigator. A Trial Committee, of which I was
one, was appointed, and by it Cronin was promptly found guilty and
formally expelled. I voted, as I always did, on the side of the
winning party. Cronin on his expulsion immediately joined the ranks
of the seceders, which by this time included such well-known men as
Devoy, Dillon, M‘Cahey, and others, and he immediately obtained a
seat on the executive of the new body. And here, for the moment, I
must leave him.
XLVI.
The next matter of public importance in which I was interested was
the Boston Convention of the Irish National League of America, which
took place in the Fanieul Hall, Boston, on the 13th and following
days of August. Of course I went in my dual capacity as League
delegate and Revolutionary official. The same plan of campaign was
practised with the same successful results. The Rev. Dr. Betts
was again to the front as president of the secret caucuses, while
Egan, grown more bold by this, was a regular attendant. When the
nomination of officials of the League came up, Sullivan was named
for re-election as president. He, however, declined, and made way
for Patrick Egan. Egan, after some refusal on the ground that the
British Government probably knew of his connection with the secret
movement, and that his taking office might compromise Mr. Parnell,
eventually agreed, and so he took the chair vacated by Sullivan. This
Convention was attended by Mr. Thomas Sexton, M.P., and Mr. William
Redmond, M.P., on the part of the Parnellite party, and by P. J.
Tynan, the famous “No. 1” of the Phœnix Park murders—shall I say on
behalf of the Invincibles? Sullivan undoubtedly was the pet boy of
the period, for he was the object of the most adulatory references on
the part of Mr. Sexton. He was, we were told, a man who did honour
to the race from which he had sprung; a man of whom any race might
well be proud—and so on. Egan, however, came in for his fair share
of attention too. He was, according to another speaker, “that clean
handed, that patriotic, that heroic exile,” although, of course, no
reference was made to the reasons for his exile as supplied by the
Phœnix Park crimes.
If, however, no reason was given in public for his exile, Egan was
not slow to refer to the matter in private. I had journeyed in his
company to Boston, and had had a very exciting chat with him, in
which the question of his flight had largely figured. His description
of how he was enabled to get away from Dublin was most graphic. He
started off by boasting how he had got information from the Castle;
and to show how readily it could be obtained he said that, within
twenty minutes of the order being issued for the warrant for his
arrest, he knew of the fact. He was at his office at the time, and
at once proceeded to his house and packed his satchel. He had two
children sick then, and Dr. Kenny was attending them. He destroyed
a number of documents which he had in the house, some of them
pertaining to his connection with the Irish Republican Brotherhood,
and also some letters of James Carey. In fact he destroyed all papers
tending to incriminate him in case he was arrested. Fortunately for
him there happened to be in Dublin at the time a Scotch friend in
the Belfast flour trade, who assisted him in getting away. He gave
this friend his rug and valise, and instructed him to purchase a
ticket for Belfast at the Northern Terminus. He himself arrived at
the railway station one moment before the train started, took his
valise and rug from his Scotch friend, slipped into the train, and
that night was in Belfast. On his arrival at Belfast he found that he
could not get out by boat, and he went to an hotel, where he slept.
In the morning he purchased a return ticket to Leeds, travelled with
that as far as Manchester, and then got off the train. There he
purchased another ticket from Manchester to Hull, took the steamer
from Hull to Rotterdam, and thus got out of the country.
From the account of his own escape, he passed on to tell me how his
fellow-official Brennan, the Secretary of the Irish Land League, had
got away. Brennan, it appeared, gained the first hint of his being
implicated by reading the announcement of Carey’s evidence on a news
sheet displayed on the pavement in the Strand. He was accompanied by
Mr. Thomas Sexton, M.P., at the time, and on reading the announcement
they at once turned down a side street where arrangements were made
for Brennan’s flight. Brennan started off for his lodgings in order
to pack a valise, while Mr. Sexton, going to Charing Cross, purchased
a ticket for Paris. On this ticket he travelled to London Bridge,
and there by arrangement he met Brennan, who immediately proceeded
on the train to the French capital. Egan was very generous in his
confidences on this occasion, and amongst other things he told me
that he was satisfied the new Executive Body would continue the
“active work,” and it would be done by men who would not go further
than their orders, as Dr. Gallaher had done. This was news to me,
and I inquired how. “Why,” replied Egan, “he (Dr. G.) got in with
some of Rossa’s men, and MacDermott (a reputed informer) got it from
them, and gave him away.” Previously to this I had met Egan in camp
gatherings, and knew that he was now an actual member of the American
Revolutionary organisation. It was, by-the-bye, at a camp meeting in
Philadelphia in this year that Egan, addressing some sixty members,
said, “I have been reading up the records of the Italian banditti,
and from them I have come to believe in this rule: Let us meet our
enemies with smiling faces, and with a warm grasp of the hand, having
daggers up our sleeves ready to stab them to the heart.” Strange
words these, and yet I thought when I heard of their being uttered
of the smiling face and warm hand clasp which had puzzled me not a
little on that first night when I met the speaker on the staircase of
a Parisian hotel.
The Convention of the secret organisation followed immediately after
that of the National League, but as I was not a delegate I had no
intimate connection with it. It was at this Convention, as I learnt
subsequently from Sullivan, that arrangements were made—few, if any,
Anti-Sullivanites were present—for the destruction of the records
of which I have already spoken, and which gave rise to so much
bitterness on the part of the Cronin faction.
The principal fact worthy of notice in connection with the secret
Convention of 1884 was the acknowledgment by the “Triangle” of
118,000 dollars as the sum received and expended for dynamite
purposes from the date of the holding of the Convention of 1881. No
vouchers or detailed statements were forthcoming, and their absence
was sought to be explained on the ground that it was inexpedient
to supply information in view of the risk and exposure of brave men
engaged in the enterprises. No detailed statement of the expenditure
of this vast sum has ever been made to this day.
As one result of this unsatisfactory condition of things, a circular
was drawn up by Cronin and his friends, making definite and formal
charges against the “Triangle” of stealing the funds of the
organisation. Cronin was very aggressive in giving currency to these
charges in the most offensive language, and the feeling against him
on the part of Sullivan’s adherents became extremely embittered. As
it grew in intensity it spread to more than Cronin, and soon the
followers of both men were ranged in hostile camps, fighting a wordy
war of the deadliest type. All attempts to heal the breach proved
fruitless, although much outside influence of an important character
was brought to bear upon the different parties concerned.
XLVII.
While the contest raged between the opposing factions, I was up
and doing, travelling about, and gaining as much information as I
possibly could. I made many trips to various points of the country,
and so was enabled to gauge pretty accurately the condition of
public feeling and the probabilities of the future. My pretexts for
all this travelling were admirably adapted to divert suspicion from
my real object. When a journey for my health’s sake was not possible,
I got appointed (through Irish political influence) to a seat on
the Mississippi Valley Sanitary Commission; and when no more work
was to be done under this cover, I connected myself with one of the
largest pharmaceutical houses in the States, and travelled as their
representative in whatever direction suited me. So successful was I
in combining business development with my secret work, that I had
great difficulty in resigning this latter connection, the proprietors
strongly urging my continuance in it, and only parting with me after
many fruitless attempts to change my decision. When at home I was of
course an ardent politician, and a volunteer on every committee in
the Democratic interest. So prominent was I in local politics, that
on one occasion I ran for election for the House of Representatives,
only being defeated by a majority of 128 votes on a poll of several
thousands. It was the cry of “The Fenian General” that lost me the
seat with the English voters.
I was frequently in communication with Egan through all this period,
for he made many trips to Chicago, both for business purposes—he
had now embarked in the grain trade—and with the object of
consulting with Alexander Sullivan, whose worthy _fidus Achates_ he
proved. It was as the result of one of my interviews with him that
I received the following passport to the faithful, which proved of
such service in the way of corroboration when I appeared before the
Special Commission:—
[Illustration: (Passport)]
+----------------------------------------------------------+
| |
| Transcriber’s Note: the following is a transcription of |
| the handwritten text of this letter. |
| |
| Irish National League of America |
| OFFICES OF PRESIDENT AND SECRETARY |
| |
| Lincoln, Neb., November 24 1885 |
| |
| It affords me great pleasure to introduce to all |
| friends of the Irish National League with whom he |
| may come in contact during his visit in the south my |
| esteemed friend Dr. H Le Caron of Chicago. |
| |
| Dr. Le Caron although French by name and descent has |
| ever proved himself one of the most devoted friends of |
| the Irish National cause and since the formation of the |
| Land and National Leagues has been most indefatigable |
| in promoting the good of those organizations. |
| |
| Patrick Egan |
| President |
+----------------------------------------------------------+
Alexander Sullivan meantime occupied himself very busily in purely
American politics, and for the purpose of making his position in this
regard the more favourable, he caused it to be understood that he had
withdrawn from the Clan-na-Gael. This, of course, was only a blind,
for as a matter of fact, for twelve months at least after he had so
announced his withdrawal, his name continued to appear on circulars
and documents. This, however, is immaterial. What is important to
note is that Sullivan warmly advocated the election of J. F. Blaine
to the Presidency, and that he in secret circles made much of the
fact that Blaine’s foreign policy would do all that the Clan-na-Gael
desired. Mr. Blaine paid a high tribute in the public prints to the
services rendered him by Sullivan.
The year 1886 saw the introduction of the Home Rule Bill by Mr.
Gladstone, and consequent inactivity on the part of the American
conspirators. I therefore had rather an easy time of it. Enthusiasm
ran pretty high, because it was thought that with Home Rule granted
the way to complete separation would be cleared in a wondrous degree,
and that at last we were in sight of the point for which all had
struggled and many had bled, “the making of Ireland a nation once
again.” Mr. Parnell now appeared to have a distinct claim upon Irish
American indulgence, and particular pains were taken to prevent
anything happening which might unfairly affect his position in any
way. So complaisant were “the men beyond the sea” in America, that
the open Convention called for January 1886 was postponed in order
that Mr. Parnell might be present. The gathering eventually took
place in the month of August 1886, but there was no Mr. Parnell, his
place being taken by no less than four of the leading Parnellites
from the English side—Messrs. Michael Davitt, John E. Redmond, M.P.,
John Deasy, M.P., and William O’Brien, M.P. As usual, the whole
proceedings were governed by the Sullivanite wing of the secret
organisation. I was myself a delegate, attended the secret caucuses
presided over by Patrick Egan, and assisted in developing affairs in
the interests of the conspirators.
The fact that Devoy, Cronin, and others were now in opposition was
an element of danger in connection with the satisfactory working of
the intrigue to “nobble” the open movement; but by a system of proxy
voting success was achieved, and the adherents of the Croninites
driven from the field. The way in which this was accomplished was
remarkable, and very suggestive of the position which Egan, the
ex-Land League official, and friend and adviser of Mr. Parnell,
held in the Revolutionary organisation. By a circular issued by
the “Triangle” on the eve of the Convention, it was ordered that
each Senior Guardian should secure proxies for all branches of the
National League in his vicinity unable to send delegates to the open
Convention, and immediately forward such proxies to Patrick Egan.
Here was a clear confession of the close connection between the two
movements—open and secret—existing in the person of the present
United States minister to Chili, the then President of the Irish
National League of America.
XLVIII.
I have already touched at several points on the Dynamite Campaign,
and I will now pause in my narrative for the purpose of dealing in
some detail with the incidents attending the development of the
plot to “blow up England.” Although there had been several attempts
made by O’Donovan Rossa’s adherents to damage public buildings,
notably the Mansion House, London, the barracks at Chester, the
police-station and the Town Hall at Liverpool in 1881 and 1882, the
Dynamite Campaign as organised by the Clan-na-Gael did not really
commence till the latter end of 1882, or rather the beginning of
1883. Indeed the attempts on the part of Rossa’s people were simply
gunpowder explosions, and had no connection with dynamite at all.
They were of a very miserable character, and quite in keeping with
O’Donovan Rossa’s reputation in the States. With him experience
proved that it was always, as the homely phrase has it, a case of
“great cry and little wool.”