gold-headed cane, was intrusted the task of inaugurating the work
undertaken by the Revolutionary Directory of the Clan-na-Gael. At
the time he set out all was enthusiasm in the ranks of the Clan,
and great things were promised. In one secret circular the F.C. (or
governing body) had informed the members “that it had no delicacy
or sentimentality about how it would strike the enemy, or when or
where.... They meant war, they meant that war to be unsparing and
unceasing. They meant it to be effective. Their policy would be to
make assaults in all directions, so that the suffering, bitterness,
and desolation which followed active measures should be felt in every
place.”
Under the pretence of taking a voyage to Europe for his health’s
sake, Gallaher set out in the steamship _Alaska_ on the 15th October
1882, reaching Liverpool in good time, and from thence travelling to
Glasgow, in order, as he explained, to see some relatives. Glasgow,
by the way, has always had a prominent representative of the British
branch of the Fenians in residence there. From Glasgow he came on to
the London Wall Hotel, and here he remained for a month spying out
the land and making the preliminary arrangements for the work which
was to follow. His work finished, he took a trip to Dublin, where
at the Gresham Hotel he lived as befitted a man of his position.
From thence he proceeded to Donegal to visit more “relatives.” From
Donegal he eventually made his way to Queenstown, where in the
_Bosnia_ he took passage for home on the 10th December, having, as he
subsequently reported, made all necessary arrangements for commencing
his branch of the “active work.”
He was with Sullivan in Chicago in the following month, and here he
and I met and had many chats together. We were fellow-doctors, and we
“chummed” together in a fashion very agreeable to me. He soon wearied
me, however, for I found he could talk of nothing but dynamite, its
production, its effectiveness, and the great weapon it was soon to
prove against the British Government. He spent the next couple of
months in communication with the powers that were, and placed them in
full possession of all he had done and all he hoped to do. They took
an equally sanguine view of the possibilities of success, and no time
was lost in enlisting the first dynamite band which visited Europe.
By the middle of March there were eight men embarked on the dangerous
enterprise, Gallaher being the leader and paymaster; and at this date
the first of them set out for England in the Cunarder _Parthia_.
Every precaution was taken to avert suspicion, and so much care was
exercised that some travelled as steerage passengers, while the rest,
like Gallaher, journeyed in gentlemanly fashion. The band was made up
of Gallaher and his brother Bernard, Dowd, Wilson, O’Connor, Curtin,
Whitehead, and Norman, all being Clan-na-Gael men, though none save
the doctor held any important position in the organisation.
The first arrivals of this precious assembly of dynamitards reached
Liverpool on the 27th of March, and, of course, separated at
once. Gallaher went to the Charing Cross Hotel, which he made his
head-quarters. His men were quickly put to work, and in a very short
time a nitro-glycerine factory was established in Birmingham, under
the superintendence of Whitehead. From here large quantities of
liquid were conveyed to some few points in London in rubber bags and
rubber shooting-stockings. All the elaborate arrangements, however,
were destined to come to naught, for before any “active” work
could be done, thanks to the vigilance of the police in London and
Birmingham, Gallaher and his associates were arrested, and the whole
of the nitro-glycerine seized. The month of May 1883 saw the trial
and conviction of the leader and three of his associates, Whitehead,
Curtin, and Wilson, the case for the Crown being completed by the
testimony of Norman, _alias_ Lynch, who played the _rôle_ which
never lacks an exponent in the case of an Irish conspiracy—that
of informer. All of the unfortunate prisoners were sentenced to
penal servitude for life. An interesting feature in connection with
Gallaher’s arrest was the discovery on his person of no less a sum
than £1400.
What the actual designs of this dynamite band were, are not, and
probably never will be known. Quite sufficient for the public must
be the fact that so enormous was the quantity of nitro-glycerine
discovered that according to experts, it was quite equal to the
blowing up of every house and street in London, from one end to the
other. Pleasant discovery this for the ordinary British citizen who
laughs at dynamite and pooh-poohs the existence of any condition
of things calling for a more elaborate Secret Service. The arrest
and discomfiture of the Gallaher band had one very useful result.
It effectively put an end to all idea of manufacturing dynamite on
English soil. Unfortunately, however, it did not put an end to the
Dynamite Campaign. It simply affected the weapon, not those who were
prepared to employ it.
The next group of dynamitards who visited England included
Cunningham, Burton, Mackay Lomasney, Luke Dillon, and a man known as
Ryan of Philadelphia. These men did not all come at the same time,
but they worked together in harmony so far as it was possible. During
their visit to London explosions occurred in October 1883 on the
Underground Railway; in February 1884, at Victoria Station; in May
1884, at Scotland Yard; in December 1884, at London Bridge; and in
January 1885, at the House of Commons and the Tower. The dynamite
employed in these cases was all brought from America, secreted about
the persons of the conspirators, and of women who were sent over with
it, as well as by an employé of one of the steamers of the National
Steamship Line, who belonged to the organisation. The explosive was
generally made up in slabs of Atlas powder, obtained from, amongst
other sources, the Atlas Company and the Repauno Chemical Company of
Philadelphia.
Of the second group, only two men were brought to trial, Cunningham
and Burton; and these men, for the attempts on the House of Commons
and the Tower, were sentenced to penal servitude for life. The
remainder, with the exception of Lomasney, escaped to America.
Lomasney, in company with a man supposed to be named Fleming, met his
fate under London Bridge in his attempt to blow up that structure.
Luckily for the Londoners, the bridge escaped without any injury,
but Mackay and his companion apparently came to their end by the
discharge of the explosive, for they were never seen more.
There were two other men whose part in the Dynamite Campaign of this
period deserves mention. These were “Jack” Daly, as he was called,
and his confederate, J. F. Egan, who were tried and sentenced at
Warwick in 1884, the former to imprisonment for life, and the latter
to penal servitude for twenty years. Daly was perhaps the most daring
and desperate criminal of all, and his intended crime merits special
reference. This was the blowing up of the House of Commons while in
session, by the throwing of bombs on to the table in front of the
Speaker. So ardent was Daly in planning this foul enterprise that he
twice gained admission to the Strangers’ Gallery of the House. When
arrested, some of these bombs were found upon him, and examination
showed that one of them, if used, would have been quite sufficient
to send every stick and stone, to say nothing of the members of the
House of Commons themselves, heavenwards or thereabouts. Luckily,
this desperate man was arrested in time, for assuredly his character
was quite sufficient to warrant the belief that he would have carried
out his intention.[3]
Of all the schemes indulged in by the dynamite men, none seems to
have been more far-fetched than that of the theft of a certain stone
from within the walls of Westminster Abbey. This was the famous
“Stone of Scone,” which serves as the seat of the Coronation-chair
in the Abbey. To an outsider the possession of such a stone as this
seems of no importance whatever. Yet, ludicrous as it may appear, the
idea of securing it gave rise to great enthusiasm and led to a very
generous subscription with this object. According to the originators
of the scheme, this “Stone of Destiny” was really the property of
Ireland for a thousand years before Christ, and upon it were crowned
the Irish kings, for hundreds of years, on the sacred Hill of Tara.
Its restoration to the land of its original and only lawful owners,
it was contended, would inspire confidence in the course then being
pursued, and the people would be strengthened by the well-known
tradition “that so long as this stone remained in Ireland, so long
would she remain a united nation,” while its loss to the English
would work wonders. Elaborate preparations were made for carrying
out the scheme. Men were sent from America to work in conjunction
with certain Fenians in London, and it was decided that some of the
conspirators should secrete themselves in the Abbey, and at night
seize the police, remove the stone, and pass it out through a window
to others who would be in waiting outside to take it to a place of
safety. For months these men waited and waited, but the opportunity
never came, for one of the group gave the whole thing away to the
police, and the detectives who surrounded the sacred edifice made the
seizure impossible. In the end the three principals had to leave the
country for fear of arrest, and the whole affair ended in smoke—as
usual!
The close of the year 1885 brought the announcement of Mr.
Gladstone’s conversion to Home Rule, and the termination of the
Dynamite Campaign for the time being. How the political situation
was viewed at this period, can best be represented by the following
extracts from a secret circular of the Clan-na-Gael, or United
Brotherhood, issued two days before Christmas:—
“The operations so far conducted have compelled the enemy to
recognise the Constitutional party, and we are now in a fair way
to reap the benefits and results of the heroic work of the members
of the U.S. (United Brotherhood).... We expect to resume active
operations after the present exigencies of the Constitutional
party are passed. We have purposely and advisedly abstained from
doing anything likely to embarrass them during the crisis of the
elections. It is to be hoped that during these operations, members
will abstain from making inquiries or discussing the subject in
any manner, for we cannot say when we undertake to answer members,
but that at the same time we are answering the inquiries of our
enemy, furnishing important information, and giving important clues
to detect and suppress our work. The mystery of an unknown power
striking in the dark, always able to avoid detection, is far more
terrible than the damage inflicted. We caution you, therefore,
above all things, to be silent; but if compelled to speak, disavow
all knowledge, or better still, mislead all inquirers. In the
meantime, we wish to impress on you the necessity of mutual
forbearance and faith.”
So, for the time, in deference to “the exigencies of the
Constitutional party,” the Dynamite Campaign was brought to a close,
leaving as its record little or no damage to the enemy, but no less
than twenty-five of the unfortunate instruments in prison, sixteen
undergoing life sentences, two, sentences of twenty years’ penal
servitude, and seven, sentences of seven years each. Of course, some
of these prisoners are not men from the American side. In many cases
those coming from America picked up colleagues in England, and,
unfortunately for these latter, the knowledge which the local police
possessed proved disastrous to them.
XLIX.
The secret convention of the Revolutionary organisation—or rather,
of the principal section which had remained faithful to Sullivan—met
in due course, in August 1886, but as I was not a delegate, I had
no personal knowledge of what took place. The spirit of the time,
however, was very fairly reflected in some circulars, issued prior
to its assembly, from which I take the following extracts:—
“The indications all point to the conclusion that the measure of
Home Rule offered will be emasculated and pared down in such a way
as to make it unacceptable to those for whom it is intended. We
are now preparing for those contingencies, and the estimates for
the cost of making a rigorous campaign with ‘delusion’ (dynamite)
will absorb more funds than are at present available from the
prescribed percentage. The Executive, therefore, in order to meet
the great outlay necessary at this crisis, take this occasion to
request that, in addition to the usual percentage, each camp at
once, by a vote of the camp, send on such additional funds as they
may deem proper.... It is suggested that in voting this fund it be
credited in forwarding it entirely to ‘delusion’ (dynamite). In the
meantime, in the next few months, important operations are likely
to take place; you are cautioned to use every device to mislead
those engaged in tracing our operations.”
And again:—
“We have some members who are opposed to the active operations of
the last few years, and who, therefore, favour a more enlarged
representation. It would seem to us that the operations objected to
are fully vindicated by the concessions wrung thereby from England.
However, we offer no suggestions as to what line of policy you
may see fit to pursue. It will be the business of your Convention
to frame that policy, and the business of the Executive Body to
execute them without regard to individual opinions....
“The silent secret warfare has been productive of results. It would
be well, therefore, to instruct your delegates as to your wishes on
those points fully and clearly. Having instructed your delegates
which of these policies you wish to pursue, the details will not be
difficult. It would be well, therefore, to put your instructions
to your delegates in one of the following general terms, with such
alterations as you deem proper:—
“Viz., ‘Our delegate is instructed to favour an active secret
policy, similar to recent operations;’ or, in the alternative of
favouring a return to open insurrectionary operations, as follows:—
“Viz., ‘Our delegate is instructed to favour the planting of
ploughs (distribution of arms) and an open insurrectionary
movement.’
“There can then be no insinuations of misrepresentation, and
whatever policy is adopted will have the overwhelming support of
the organisation at its back. It will be well, also, to embody such
changes as are desirable in the constitution in your instructions.
It is to be hoped that, in the short time intervening between this
and the Convention, you will fully, wisely, and carefully consider
the policy of the future, and the character, intelligence, and
experience of your delegates....
“The active operations of the U.S. (United Brotherhood) have
brought about the probable granting of Home Rule. It is desirable
that delegates to the National Convention shall be fully informed
of your desire to follow up these operations on the same lines, or
whether you desire to fall back on the old work of putting ploughs
in. The latter course does not seem to us fruitful of results
or practical. The former policy has been vindicated by great
destruction with little loss to us. It is for the Convention to
decide, however, what the future policy shall be.”
From the official report of the secret Convention which reached me
subsequently, I learnt that the votes in favour of dynamite had been
in the majority, for the policy of the late Executive had been
endorsed, and the new Executive given a free hand for the future.
What, however, was perhaps the most important proceeding of all
at this Convention of the Revolutionists, was the passing of the
following resolution:—
“Resolved:—That we maintain the same relations in the future to
open societies, working for the same purpose as ourselves, that we
have in the past.”
If further proof were wanted beyond that already given of the
“understanding” which existed between the open and secret
organisations, it could not be supplied in a more emphatic manner
than this.
Although the Executive were given full power to act as they thought
best, it was apparently considered undesirable to do anything during
the latter part of 1886, and so nothing of importance came to pass
up to the month of April 1887, when I made another trip to Europe,
without, however, any letters or credentials on this occasion. My
visit was, nevertheless, not of an uneventful character. I visited
the House of Commons more than once, and in the social intercourse
which took place between myself and some of the Irish M.P.’s, learnt
many facts of an interesting character. It was during this visit that
I set myself to find out some particulars regarding Dr. James G.
Fox, M.P. I was rather curious about this gentleman, who now failed
to recognise me in the House of Commons lobby, although we had met
on more than one occasion at Land League Conventions in the States,
where we had been brother delegates. His associations, his position
as State Executive for the League in New York, and his well-known
National proclivities as evinced during his fifteen years’ residence
at Troy and elsewhere in the States, all made me anxious to know
something of the man in his new position of M.P., and of how his
thoughts now inclined.
I learnt casually that he was in the habit of frequenting Gatti’s
Restaurant in the Adelaide Gallery, Strand, and there I determined
to renew my acquaintance with him. The opportunity for doing so was
not long wanting, for on an early day I found myself seated at the
same table with him, where he was deeply engaged in perusing the
_Irish World_. Making this fact an excuse for opening a conversation
with him, I asked, in an interested way, if I could obtain copies
of the paper he was reading at any place in London. I spoke with
a marked American accent, and my appearance did not belie the
suggestion I wished to convey as regards my nationality. He replied
that he thought not, explaining that he received it regularly from
the other side, asking me in conclusion if I was interested in the
publication. I replied in the affirmative, and then followed his
query as to whether I was not from the United States. To this I made
answer by producing my card, whereupon he looked intently at me as he
remarked, “Why, I ought to know you; I have met you in conventions.
My name is Fox.” The information was rather unnecessary as far as I
was concerned, but, maintaining a quiet face, I thought for a moment,
and in the end confessed to a recollection of him. We were soon on
familiar terms, and discussed American matters with great freedom.
There was one fact that I wanted particularly to discover, and that
was whether or not Fox was a member of the Clan-na-Gael. I had had
no opportunity of learning this at the open conventions at which we
had previously met, but yet my view very strongly inclined to the
belief that he was. In the course of our conversation, therefore,
I took occasion to give him the “hailing sign,” but he did not
return it, merely remarking significantly that he was not a member
of any secret society, a remark which, taken in connection with my
sign, tickled me not a little. I never ascertained the truth of the
matter, but I remembered the circumstance when, in June 1888, at
the Clan Convention in Chicago, a burly delegate near me mounted his
chair, announced himself from Troy—where Fox had lived—and in a
loud voice demanded recognition by the chair. On this being accorded
him, he said, holding up the _Times_ pamphlet, “Behind the Scenes
in America,” that he held in his hand a little book which had been
sent to him by a Member of Parliament who was a member of his camp.
This book was being sold by the thousand at the price of one penny,
and the information it contained could only have been supplied by
a traitor high up in the ranks of the organisation. He moved for a
committee to inquire into the matter. This committee was appointed,
but their inquiry ended in smoke, the “traitor,” as I was termed,
having another narrow escape.
While in England on this trip, the authorities learned of the
presence of General Millen in Paris, and to Paris I was despatched,
in order to find out if possible what Millen was doing. I found “le
brave Général” of the Clan-na-Gael very comfortably settled in the
_Hôtel des Anglais_ in the Cour de la Reine, accompanied by his wife
and two interesting daughters. I called upon him, representing that I
had heard of his being in Paris through the _Herald_ office, and was
anxious as an old friend to say “how do you do.” I did not, however,
gain very much by my visit, for the simple reason that at this time
Millen had not, as far as I believe, any close connection with the
dynamite business known as the Jubilee Plot, with which his name was
subsequently associated. At this point his business in Europe had to
do with the bringing about of a reconciliation between the British
and the American branches of the Revolutionary organisation.
The fact was, that for two or three years previously the relations
between the two sections of the conspirators had been of a very
strained character. Sullivan, finding that the home organisation was
not in favour of dynamite, when the campaign was started, had argued
that they should not have any more money to spend on organisation
and arms, which, for all that was known to the contrary, were simply
rusting away in Ireland; and, accordingly, supplies were stopped,
and the home Fenians were not notified of the last couple of
conventions, with the result that no envoys from Great Britain and
Ireland attended. This led to a very bitter feeling in Ireland, and
the contention was strongly urged that the conduct of the American
Executive was distinctly _ultra vires_. Now, when dissensions raged
in America, Sullivan, long-headed as usual, sought to strengthen his
section by the allegiance of the home organisation; and accordingly,
Millen was despatched to Europe to bring about a more satisfactory
condition of affairs. His mission, in this regard at least, was
unsuccessful.
As for Millen’s connection with the Jubilee explosion, I know very
little. The whole undertaking was shrouded in mystery, but it is
pretty certain that it was not a Clan-na-Gael affair alone. The
best description that could be given of it would be that it was in
its inception a Rossa undertaking financed by the Clan-na-Gael.
For political reasons the secret organisation could not openly
ally themselves with dynamite for the moment, because tactical
considerations dictated the giving of a free and untrammelled hand
to Mr. Parnell to hoodwink Mr. Gladstone and his supporters. As,
however, the circulars I quoted a few pages back showed, dynamite was
not by any means thrust aside; so, in order to keep a fair front to
the open movement, and yet a satisfactory stand in the eyes of the
fiery rank and file, Rossa was temporarily taken into the good graces
of the Executive, and some of his adherents despatched with funds
from the secret organisation to kick up a row in England. Millen,
at the time I saw him, was not in the plot, which at that moment
indeed had not been hatched; but on his return to America he fell in
with the scheme and returned to Europe to work it out. His bungling,
however, led to his being superseded by John J. Moroney, a tried and
trusted friend of Alexander Sullivan, who was despatched to London
with a large amount of money and distinct orders to show some value
for it. What happened is a matter of too recent history to need
recapitulation here. The introduction of Moroney and his colleagues
to the House of Commons by Mr. Joseph Nolan, M.P., and the facts
associated with the working of the conspiracy, are of too late a date
to be forgotten so soon.[4]