expression from the lips of excited patriots, while quarrelsome
delegates destroy all decorum. There is little purpose in our waiting
further. One hour will be but the repetition of the other. As we rise
to leave, however, one figure catches the eye and impresses itself
upon us. It is that of the arch-plotter Sullivan, who, through all
this din and turmoil, sits and makes no sign. He knows that later on
he will be the candidate for the highest place amongst them, and so
he takes no side. There is no possibility of your missing him as you
pass him by. There he sits, quiet, watchful, and alert. You cannot
mistake the man. There is a sense of power and intelligence in that
clean cut, clean shaven face of his, lit up by its bright daring
eyes. Had you but heard him speak, the lesson of his presence would
have been complete. His clear trumpet voice, rising and falling with
the play of a practised orator, his choice finished diction, his
well-reasoned, well-arranged argument, and the graceful gesture and
movement of his whole body would prove to you that there at least was
a man gifted to command and competent to control.
And so we terminate our flying visit to the Eighty-one Convention of
the Clan-na-Gael, wherein there were assembled forty lawyers, eight
doctors, two judges, clergymen of both leading religions, merchants,
manufacturers, and working men, all mixed up in glorious confusion,
almost all reduced to the level of the whisky bottle, and none
removed from the struggles of personal avarice and ambition.
XLII.
Nothing of a very stirring character happened for the next couple
of months, and so, much to my satisfaction, I was permitted to
attend for a little without interruption to my private affairs.
They sadly lacked some notice on my part, for business was growing,
my drug-stores were increasing in number, and so was my family.
Patients were very numerous too, but expenses were not without their
increase, for I had to employ a regularly qualified M.D. to take my
place in my absence. If I could have settled down and simply minded
my own business from this henceforth, I would have been in a very
satisfactory position to-day. But ’twas not to be. I was constantly
on the move, and living at high pressure right through. To keep
myself thoroughly posted I had to be here, there, and everywhere,
and, in the end, my ordinary business had to take a very secondary
place. Even at this time my leisure from political affairs was to be
of very short duration, for, in my capacity as Senior Guardian, I
received the following in the month of November 1881:—
“_Private._
“For S. G. alone.
“HEAD-QUARTERS, K.,
“_November 21, 1881_.
“S.G. of D.
“DEAR SIR AND BROTHER,—It is the desire of the F.C. that as many
members of the V.C. as can possibly attend the Irish National
Convention at Chicago, November 30, 1881, will do so without
entailing expense on the organisation.
“You will therefore make every effort to get the members of the
V.C. elected as delegates from any Irish society that may have an
existence in your neighbourhood, whether it be as representative of
the Land League Club, the A.O.H., or any other organisation.
“The F.C. particularly desires your presence as a delegate, if it
is possible for you to attend as such.
“Fraternally yours,
“K.G.N. OF THE V.C.”
I thoroughly knew what this meant. Under the new _régime_ of Sullivan
there was to be no more of the “Buffalo business,” and to prevent
it things were to to done in a thoroughly practical manner. The
members of the secret revolutionary organisation were to capture the
representation at the coming Land League Convention, to act unitedly
in the development of a policy in harmony with the Clan-na-Gael, and
to officer the future executive in such a way as to prevent further
misunderstanding. In order to do all this, the Clan-na-Gael men
were to obtain election as League, or Ancient Order of Hibernian,
delegates, the latter organisation being a purely benevolent body,
whose branches had largely affiliated with the League or open
movement from the start. This was accordingly done; and thus it came
about that, when I met my fellow-delegates to the open Land League
Convention of 1881, I found almost every second man a brother from
the camps of the Clan-na-Gael.
The whole scheme worked in the most perfect manner. On arrival
in Chicago each Clan-na-Gael man reported himself to the chief
officer of the district, to whom credentials were presented.
Official intimation was then given as to what would happen, and each
conspirator learned that, prior to the sessions of the convention,
caucuses of the Brotherhood would be held in the hall of Camp
16, Twenty-second Street, Chicago. The usual precautions were
taken, and admission only gained by passwords exchanged on each
occasion. As the chairman at the first gathering—the Rev. George
C. Betts—humorously put it, “our object was to make things easy for
the Land Leaguers, and to save them as much trouble as possible.” At
each meeting the plan of procedure at the coming session was decided
upon, and the election of temporary and permanent officers arranged.
Nominations for various committees were fixed, and no opportunity
neglected for adapting the constitution and officials to our
requirements. The resolutions subsequently adopted in open convention
were drafted by our committees.
It therefore came about that John F. Finerty of Chicago, the
well-known dynamite advocate and prominent member of the Clan,
“called the convention to order,” and made the opening speech.
William J. Hynes of the Revolutionary Directory, and the chairman of
the late Clan-na-Gael Convention, was appointed temporary chairman,
and Joseph E. Ronayne, who had acted in a similar capacity at the
Dynamite Convention, was appointed secretary, while T. V. Powderly
of the Clan Executive, whose fiery speech at the same Convention
was given a few pages back, was nominated assistant-secretary. The
nomination of these men led to a trial of strength between the two
forces of the Convention, but the real tug of war was reserved for
the second day, when resolutions previously adopted at the Gael’s
caucus were proposed, nominating the Rev. George C. Betts of St.
Louis as permanent chairman, and Patrick Ford, John Devoy, Mrs.
Parnell, and a number of priests as vice-presidents. Of course the
priests were put forward for politic reasons. The vice-presidents
were not objected to, but the appointment of the Rev. George C.
Betts, a Protestant clergyman, was strongly opposed by the priestly
party. A very excited debate took place, but in the end the
opposition to Betts was withdrawn at the instigation of the Irish
visitors—Messrs. T. P. O’Connor, M.P., T. M. Healy, M.P., and Father
Sheehy—and so at the close this Vice-President of the Clan-na-Gael
was elected, and the secret organisation triumphed all along the line.
The Irish political controversy was darkened the following year
by the sad event in the Phœnix Park, Dublin, when Lord Frederick
Cavendish and Mr. Burke met their deaths at the hands of the Irish
Invincibles. As regards the Invincible conspiracy, I have little or
nothing to say. It was in no sense an American affair, and no matter
how little or how much certain sympathisers in the States may have
known of the murderous conspiracy, nothing was said on the subject in
public or in secret to connect the Clan-na-Gael in any way with the
proceedings of Carey and his friends. There was, of course, a certain
amount of sympathy with the affair, as was shown by the attitude
taken up by John Devoy in his paper the _Irish Nation_, which was,
by the way, the official organ of the Clan-na-Gael at this time,
and subsidised from its fund. Devoy gave great prominence to the
refusal of Egan to offer a reward for the discovery of the murderers,
printing the following telegram in his issue of 13th May 1882:—
“PATRICK EGAN ON BLOOD-MONEY.
“_Paris_, _May 10, 1882_.
“Mr. Egan, the Treasurer of the Land League, has telegraphed the
following to the _Freeman’s Journal_ of Dublin:—
“‘EDITOR, _Freeman_, Dublin.—In the _Freeman_ of yesterday Mr.
James F. O’Brien suggests a reward of £2000 out of the Land
League Fund for the discovery of the perpetrators of the terrible
tragedy of Saturday. Remembering, as I do, the number of innocent
victims who in the sad history of our country have been handed
over to the gallows by wretched informers, in order to earn the
coveted blood-money, and foreseeing the awful danger that in the
present excited state of public feeling crime may be added to
crime by the possible sacrifice of guiltless men, I am determined
that if one penny of the Land League Fund were devoted for such a
purpose I would at once resign the treasurership.
“‘PATRICK EGAN.’”
And commenting upon it in the following vein:—
“Patrick Egan has spoken out like a man against the adoption by
Irishmen of the base English policy of suborning informers. He
declares that should a penny of the Land League funds be devoted
to such an object, he will resign the treasurership. Mr. Parnell
should at once repudiate the attempt made from this side to connect
him with action so culpable and un-Irish. By consenting to become
the trustee of the Irish-American blood-money he would forfeit the
sympathies of his warmest admirers.”
It was in this year, too, that O’Donovan Rossa was finally expelled
from the Clan-na-Gael. He had been in very bad odour for a long
time previously, owing to his unsatisfactory connection with the
Skirmishing Fund; and at last, after a couple of attempts to get rid
of him, he was summarily kicked out, and from henceforth repudiated
by the recognised officials of the secret organisation.
XLIII.
Eighteen hundred and eighty-three proved a very busy time with me.
There was another Land League Convention: Egan, Sheridan, Frank
Byrne, and other Invincibles “on the run” arrived in the country, and
altogether my time was pretty well occupied in obtaining information
and passing it on to my chief. The year opened amidst rumours in
the public press of the secret movement having captured the open
organisation of the League. Mr. Parnell himself had taken action
previously in connection with the Kilmainham Treaty, and in other
ways which were not understood or appreciated, and, as a consequence,
a partial breach had occurred. So strained were matters becoming that
in February it was announced that both Mr. Parnell and Egan would
come to America in April for the purpose of discussing the whole
situation and fixing upon some new mode of operations for the future
which, while equally effective as regards joint working, would not
impair Mr. Parnell’s usefulness. Many weeks, however, had not passed
ere the fight between the clerical and revolutionary elements in the
States began to wax exceedingly hot, and, changing his plans, Mr.
Parnell determined not to interfere, and so failed to put in his
promised appearance.
Egan, however, thanks to the revelations of Carey, had to make a
speedy and somewhat undignified exit from Dublin, and not waiting
till the month of April, he put himself _en evidence_ in American
life in the month of March. I met him a week or two after his
arrival, when he was the guest of Alexander Sullivan, the President
of the Clan-na-Gael, at Chicago. We renewed our cordial friendship,
and the same close intimacy prevailed between us as had been the
case in Paris. Egan told me that the programme now to be proposed
would give full satisfaction in America; while, as for Sullivan, he
(Sullivan) remarked to me significantly about this time that, though
he had never doubted Egan, he was now more than satisfied.
The public Convention of the Land League, henceforth to be known as
the National League of America, took place at Philadelphia on the
26th April and following days. The same plan of campaign as had been
developed in 1881 was put in force by the Clan-na-Gael. A secret
circular was issued instructing the camps to send delegates, and
these delegates when assembled in Philadelphia pursued the same line
of policy in their caucus gatherings. The whole thing worked like
an exquisite piece of mechanism, and produced the most satisfactory
results for the Clan leaders. Of course I was a delegate, and of
course I attended all the secret caucuses. Well for Egan that it
was so. He considered it impolitic to appear at any of the secret
gatherings, and so, much to my satisfaction, he asked me to acquaint
him daily with what transpired, which I did, and received in return
many interesting pieces of private information. The Convention
was remarkable for the presence of Egan and Brennan, the runaway
treasurer and secretary of the Irish Land League, both of whom took
part in the proceedings, and of Frank Byrne and his wife, who were
accommodated with seats on the platform.
In accordance with the arrangements made at one of the caucus
meetings, Alexander Sullivan was appointed president of the new
organisation. He played his part well on the occasion, and succeeded
in entirely overcoming the scruples of those opposed to him in
consequence of his being chief of the Clan-na-Gael. Not once but
twice did this prince of intriguers decline the honour respectfully
but firmly; and not till after repeated appeals from Mrs. Parnell,
the mother of the Irish Home Rule leader, did he consent to take the
office. Another leading Gael was appointed secretary, and out of the
Executive Committee of seven, five were members of the Clan-na-Gael.
Although Mr. Parnell did not make his promised appearance, he sent a
lengthy and significant telegram, in which he asked that the platform
should be so framed as to enable himself and his friends to continue
to receive help from America, and to work in such harmony as would
allow of their achieving those great objects for which, through many
centuries, the Irish race had struggled.
This was a pretty plain hint from the leading spirit on the Irish
side to keep matters moderate in appearance, and it was not lost on
those charged with the conduct of affairs, as the following extracts
from my official report to my camp on my return will show:—
“The various reports were read and routine business transacted.
These developed that the Land League had not increased in members,
but, on the contrary, had decreased during the past year; that a
majority of the patriots of America had become tired of giving
their earnings for ‘Simon Pure agitation;’ of the 900 branches
existing a year ago, 105 had disbanded, and 298 had failed to
report. The total receipts for the past year from all sources were
79,138 dollars, 40 cents, and the disbursements 74,123 dollars, 40
cents, leaving on hand a balance of 4915 dollars.
“There was an evident desire upon the part of clerical delegates
and lady Land Leaguers (who evinced a fear of amalgamating with
dynamiters and secret society Revolutionists) to retain the
organisation intact, dropping the word land, adopting the platform
of the Dublin Convention of last October, electing their officers
for the ensuing year, calling themselves the National League,
and adjourning _sine die_. This policy received an able but
unscrupulous supporter in Miles O’Brien of New York, a renegade
member of the V.C., who exhibited the last circular of instructions
from the F.C. to a number of priests to show them how they were to
be manipulated by the terrible Clan-na-Gaels. Had this source been
successful it would have prevented union, it would have continued
the various factions, and the formidable front presented to-day of
all the societies of the country pledged upon one platform to work
united with one object in view would never have been achieved.
“Brother Brown of St. Louis moved a substitute for all resolutions
to declare the Land League dissolved after the adjournments of this
Convention, and the delegates to attend the National Convention
the next day. This eventually was practically carried by a large
majority.
“The Convention, to which I presented credentials from this body
on Thursday morning, presented the grand array of nearly 1200
delegates upon the floor, the stage being decorated with portraits,
paintings, statues, flags, and flowers, and graced by some fifty
ladies—conspicuous amongst them being Mrs. Parnell and Mrs. Frank
Byrne—the galleries packed to overflowing, some five thousand
interested spectators being present, a sight not soon to be
forgotten.
“Again the V.C. showed the work of its second conference of
Wednesday night, the proceedings being opened by Brother Sullivan,
and Brother Dorney being unanimously elected temporary presiding
officer, the temporary secretaries being Brothers Roach of Troy,
Brown of St. Louis, Hines of Buffalo, and Gleason of Cleveland.
The appointment of the Committee on Credentials, after the opening
speeches, constituted the first work on hand, and here again the
perfect organisation of the V.C. developed itself; and the first
breeze created by the Rossa-Dunne faction, who moved an amendment
that each society have a member upon the Committee on Credentials,
was promptly voted down. Rossa presented his credentials as a
member of the National Party of New York, but was admitted only
upon a press ticket.
“The knowledge of a blood and thunder set of resolutions being
in the pocket of Major Horgan of New York, ready to be fired,
regardless of consequences, into the Convention, required the
passage of a resolution that, until permanent organisation
was effected, all resolutions offered should be referred to
the Committee on Resolutions without being read. A permanent
organisation was effected in the afternoon by the unanimous
election of Brother Foran of Cleveland as presiding officer. The
various committees being appointed, the Convention adjourned till
Friday morning, the result of the day’s work summarised showing
that there was nothing to warrant the fear that the Rossa faction
would develop any strength or discord; that the V.C. were in the
majority everywhere; that by every action it was desired to follow
out the instructions of Mr. Parnell as cabled to the Convention on
that day; and at least, so far as the public policy was concerned,
to drop all nitro-glycerine methods of procedure, and to perfect
the union of the united societies of the country and Canada upon
one platform, for the purpose of sustaining Parnell and his policy
by acting and existing permanently as an auxiliary body, or rather
further, to the Irish National League.
“One straw to show which way the wind blew was the nomination in
committee of P. A. Collins of Boston for permanent chairman. His
candidature was unitedly set down with a will for his action in
offering a reward of 5000 dollars for the discovery of the killers
of Burke and Cavendish last year.
“Friday morning found the Convention in session with the various
committees on Plan or Organisation, Platform, Resolutions, and
Permanent Organisation ready to report. After some spirited
speech-making by Fathers Boylan and Agnew, and others, Dr.
O’Reilly of Michigan submitted the report of the Committee on
Resolutions, in which was included the platform of the National
League of America. After reading, an attempt was made by Finerty
to adopt them _seriatim_, for the purpose of getting inserted some
more favourable to the turbulent Rossa-Dunne faction. They were,
however, adopted as a whole....
“The Committee on Organisation presented their report, which was
unanimously adopted.
“It was then in order to elect officers for the ensuing year.
Alexander Sullivan nominated Dr. O’Reilly of Michigan as treasurer.
He was elected without opposition, Father Walsh having declined,
stating privately that he had to choose between his parish and the
treasurership; and that being the case, he would have to decline.
“The nomination for president resulted in the almost unanimous
choice of Brother Alexander Sullivan, who, after twice
diplomatically declining, finally was prevailed upon to accept.
The Executive Council of one from each State was elected, a large
majority of whom were members of the V.C.
“Brother Hines of Buffalo was unanimously elected permanent
secretary. Various sums of money were subscribed for the new
league, principally by the ladies. Resolutions were passed turning
over the books, balances on hand, and property of the old Land
League to the new League.
“Speeches expressive of God-speed and goodwill followed by
everybody, and the Convention adjourned to meet again next year at
the call of the Executive.
“The Executive Council subsequently met and elected the Council of
Seven, five of which are members of the V.C.
“To briefly summarise the results of the Convention, we find the
unification of all Irish societies pledged under one leadership to
follow the lines laid down by Parnell and the party at home, not
to lead but to follow them whence they may go with all the energy,
practical and financial support possible—a proof to the world
that the ten millions of Irish nationality upon the continent can
be represented in convention by their 1200 delegates, and work
harmoniously and unitedly, and giving to those, and their number
is legion, who believe in force alone, the supreme satisfaction of
knowing that the machinery of the cause is now under the control
and direction of their comrades, who believe, as they do, that
dynamite, or any other species of warfare that can be devised is
perfectly legitimate, so long as it can be made effective, and
accomplish results permanent and tangible.
* * * * *
“Michael Boyton arrived upon the second day of the Convention with
two members of the Supreme Council, who, as it will be readily
understood, did not figure publicly upon this occasion.”
XLIV.
It was shortly after this—I think somewhere about the 29th of
May—that I was fortunate enough to learn from Sullivan some
particulars as to what was going on in connection with the Dynamite
Campaign. A demonstration had been arranged at Milwaukie, Wisconsin,
in honour of Patrick Egan, and at Sullivan’s pressing invitation
I accompanied him in order to participate in it. We travelled
together and conversed almost all the way, Sullivan, as was his
wont, supplying me with very interesting details. He told me that
the management of the secret warfare was entirely in the hands of
the Revolutionary Directory in America. Men, it appeared, could not
be obtained at home to do the work, for from some lack of courage or
discipline they could not be relied upon.
The rule adopted was that no volunteer should be accepted. Special
choice would be made of men without families, and a special course
of instruction in the use of explosives would be necessary after
a man was chosen. So great was the care taken in the selection of
agents, that their whole career and character would be inquired into
beforehand without their knowledge. No new members would be chosen
for the work, because forty of the Royal Irish Constabulary had been
sent on full pay to America to join the organisation with a view to
selling it. Sullivan imparted the further interesting information
that Dr. Gallaher, when on his mission, purposely abstained from
coming in contact with Irish members, and obtained introductions to,
and acquaintance with, English members. He was often in the House, I
was told, and had been even introduced to Mr. Gladstone himself.