(Under the Presidency of Babu Motilal Ghose, a public meeting of the
Citizens of Calcutta was held on the 18th March, 1918, at Professor
Ramamurti's Pavilion, Bow Bazar Street, to support the Indian
Deputation to England, when, Mr. C. R. Das in moving the resolution
"That this public meeting accords its hearty support to and records
its full approval of the deputation, consisting of among others of
Lokamanya Bal Gangadhar Tilak, the Hon'ble Mr. G. S. Khaparade, Babu
Bebin Chandra Pal, the Hon'ble Mr. B. V. Narasimha Iyer, Mr. Manjeri
Ramier, Mr. Syed Hussain, Mr. G. Joseph, Mrs. Sarojini Naidu, Mr. N.
C Kelkar, Mr. R. P. Karandikar, Babu Jitendralal Banerjee and Pandit
Iqbal Narayan Gurtu," spoke as follows):--
Gentlemen,--There are two points which are involved in this resolution.
The first is about the fitness of the gentlemen whom we have selected.
I need hardly say that these gentlemen are in the highest sense the
representatives of this country and I have not the least doubt that if
the votes of our countrymen were taken--the votes of the uneducated and
the educated, of all classes and communities in this country,--there
cannot be the least doubt that every one of these gentlemen would have
been elected.
Then comes the question why are we sending these gentlemen to England
at a time when the journey is not safe. The answer to that question
is not very difficult. We are passing through a very critical period
in our history. We feel, every one amongst us who thinks of his
country feels, that self-government cannot be delayed any longer.
If self-government is denied to us it is certain that the growth of
our nationality, and the development of Indian manhood will all be
stopped. It is a matter of absolute necessity that within a short
time, I say within one year or two, we must have self-government
(cheers)--government responsible to the people--or we cannot exist
as a nation. Now, what are the impediments? We have found out in the
course of the last 30 years that the Bureaucracy in this country will
not grant us anything which is at all substantial. Gentlemen, on one
occasion I had the hardihood to say this before a high official and
I was asked why did I say it. I will tell you what my answer was. I
said and I repeat that within the last 30 years there never has been
a reform proposed which had not been opposed and defeated by the
Bureaucracy (hear, hear). If you consider for one moment the history
of the last 30 years what do you find? You find that the noble policy
of Lord Ripon was opposed by the Bureaucracy, you find that local
self-government for which Lord Ripon fought, although nominally
granted to us, was in reality denied to us. If you consider again such
a simple reform as the separation of the Executive and the Judiciary
what do you find? You find that Viceroy after Viceroy recommended it.
You find statesman after statesman in England recommended it; yet,
what is it which has prevented such a useful reform being put through?
My answer is, it is the Bureaucracy in this country. (Shame, shame).
Think again of Lord Morley's reforms which is called the Minto-Morley
reforms. I said to this high official that this scheme was something
when it left the shores of England, but it became absolutely ridiculous
when it got into the hands of the Indian Bureaucracy (Shame, shame.). I
was then asked why did I say so? My answer was and my answer is because
I have not got a vote under that scheme and I pointed out that Sir S.
P. Sinha, who was considered worthy enough to be appointed a member of
the Executive Council was not a qualified voter either (shame, shame.)
Under these circumstances are we not justified in saying that that
scheme was rendered absolutely ridiculous when it got into the hands of
the Indian Bureaucracy? (cheers.)
It is plain, therefore, that you may agitate as long as you like; you
may demand your right as you have a right to demand, but you will
not get the Bureaucracy in this country to support you. You must,
therefore, go to their masters. Our demands must be carried across the
seas to the great British Democracy (cheers). We want to be told why
is it that we are not fit for self-government? I have said on other
occasions that I do not ask for any particular kind of right which
requires any elaborate consideration. I want the right which every
nation on the face of the earth has--the right to build up our own
constitution (cheers). I do not care about the details of the scheme
just now. You can discuss them fully when the time comes. The question
at present is a very simple one. I want our representatives to go to
England, and tell the British Democracy that, we want nothing more,
nothing less, than, the right to build up our own constitution,--a
constitution which alone will enable us to secure the development of
our nationality, a constitution which is absolutely necessary for the
development of our manhood. Our representatives must go to England and
tell the British people that the men on the spot are no longer to be
trusted (hear, hear)--they must plead our case and they must insist on
our rights (cheers).
If we find that we are not to get self-government, we have at least
the right to get an honest answer. Let the British Democracy say if it
likes, that this war is a war of liberation of humanity, but liberation
of humanity does not include the liberation of India. If that is the
view of the British Democracy let them tell us so. We won't be content
with excuses and pretences. Gentlemen, when I consider the objections
put forward to the grant of self-government, I can hardly keep my
patience. What is it that they say? They say we are not educated
enough to get self-government. My answer is: whose fault is it? For the
last 150 years you have been governing this country, and yet you have
not succeeded in educating the people of this country to such an extent
that they may be fit for governing themselves. Do we not know that
Japan was made only in 50 years? You have had 150 years. Why is it that
at the end of that period we are told that we are not fit to govern
ourselves? The very statement fills us with apprehension. As days go
by, we will be rendered more and more unfit. No gentlemen, nobody
really believes that the time has not come. It is a matter of immediate
necessity and we must have it (cheers).
Then we are told, we are divided between many sects. We follow
different religions, we have got different interests to serve and so
on. Arguments are piled upon arguments in this way--it is always easy
to argue and we at any rate who belong to the profession of law, know
that it is always possible to argue. (Laughter). We all know that
though vanquished, one can argue still (laughter). But do we not know,
from the history of civilization, that directly you make people of
different classes, of different religions, and of different interests,
work together, work for a common good, do we not find that unity is
brought about more successfully from the very fact of having to work
together than by any other means? Therefore if you say that we are not
fit for Self-Government, because we are divided in our interests, and
in our religions, my answer is that self-government and self-government
alone is the remedy of that. (Hear, hear.)
Then we are told that there is a revolutionary party amongst us and
therefore we cannot be trusted with self-government. I have said
elsewhere and I say again that I am not one of those who deny that
there is a revolutionary party. But if you consider that question
for the moment, you find that the only remedy which is possible,
the only remedy which will effectually eradicate the revolutionary
movement, is, the grant of self-government (loud cheers). I say this
to the Government--you have been troubled over this revolutionary
movement for so many years now--you suspected it in 1905. Have you
ever made any effort to understand the psychology of that movement?
Have you ever appointed any commission to enquire into the causes of
this revolutionary movement? No. And yet, we have to take it that you
want to eradicate it by repressive legislation (shame). My answer is
that repressive legislation can never put an end to a revolutionary
movement--it is only by satisfying their legitimate desire, it is only
by satisfying their hunger, as I said the other day, for liberty that
you can put an end to it. If you understand that problem you will find
that the sooner self-government is introduced into this country it
is better. I say it is better not only from the point of view of us
Indians, it is better from the point of view of the British Democracy
also, and that is what I desire that our representatives should tell
them. It is the interest of India, it is the interest of England--it is
really the true interest of both countries which will be served by the
grant of self-government (loud applause).
If under ordinary circumstances, this deputation is necessary, I say
it is rendered more necessary now, that the Anglo-Indian agitation has
succeeded in starting a new association in England under the name of
the Indo-British association. Gentlemen, I must at once tell you that
the name is a misnomer. There is nothing 'Indo' in that association,
except this, that there are members belonging to that association who
have been benefited largely by India (hear, hear), that is the only
Indo about this association. There are no Indians but there are members
who have lived here amongst us--I do not desire to use any harsh
language--who have been profited greatly (laughter). We are told, we
should be everlastingly grateful to these people for coming over here
all the way and putting lots of money into their pockets and leaving us
to our fate. Well, gentlemen, these are men who represent the 'Indo'
part of that association (laughter).
I tell you gentlemen, there is nothing British about them either
(laughter). I cannot understand any association which has anything
British in it which stands up against the legitimate aspirations
of the people of a country (hear, hear). I refuse to believe that
England has sunk so low to-day that her sons will form themselves
into an association for the express purpose of crushing the
legitimate aspirations of the people of India (hear, hear). Therefore,
gentlemen, there is nothing "Indo" and nothing really "British" in
this association which was started expressly, as I say, to oppose all
reforms, to put down a whole people, so that their aspirations--their
just aspirations, may be crushed for ever. So, gentlemen, if this
deputation was necessary under normal circumstances, it has become
absolutely necessary for our representatives to go to England to
expose the vagaries of this association. If they have fed the British
public with falsehood after falsehood, surely it is necessary for
our representatives to meet them and expose the falsity of their
utterances. Our representatives will be able to convince the British
public that the grant of Home Rule is no longer a matter of gift (hear,
hear). It is no longer a matter of beneficence but it is a matter of
necessity which must be accomplished immediately (cheers).
They talk of progressive stages now. I say if you had started teaching
the people the art of governing themselves 30 years ago, if you granted
half a boon or even quarter of a boon at that time and went on granting
more and more why, by to-day we would have had complete self-government
in this country (hear, hear.) You have not done that. We have waited
and waited and our patience is exhausted (hear, hear). Our faith in the
man on the spot is gone (hear, hear) and nothing that you can do now,
no honied words of beneficence, no eloquent speech of England's duty,
no promise, no assurance will ever give us back that faith which you
have crushed; (cheers)--that hope which you have killed (loud cheers).
What is our duty? Our duty is clear. We must depend on ourselves
(hear, hear.) We must tell our own people to get ready for this great
constitutional fight. It has been going on for the last 30 years but
the time has come when its vigour must be doubled. We must put more
energy into it, we must go on, fighting here in this country till
we get what we demand. And in the meantime our representatives must
go to England and acquaint the people there with the true state of
affairs.--We want no favour. We have ceased to rely on beneficence or
generosity. What we want is our legitimate rights. And who in this
world has got the power of denying that which is ours, to claim, and to
deprive us of that which is undoubtedly our right? (Loud cheers).