PRIMIERS APPEAL

_Under the Presidency of Mr. Chakravarty a largely attended meeting of

the citizens of Calcutta was held in April 1918, when Mr. C. R. Das

spoke:--_

Mr. Chairman and gentlemen,--the resolution which has been entrusted

to me is in these words (Mr. Das read the resolution). It is hardly

necessary to commend this resolution to your acceptance by any lengthy

speech. The resolution speaks for itself. It is only because I have

heard of objections in some quarters that I have to say a few words in

support of the resolution. There are people amongst us who think that

it is not gracious at this time, in the face of the great danger which

besets us, to trouble the Government by asking for political rights

and privileges. Gentlemen, it is for the very success of the measure

that I am asking the Government to consider the resolution. My answer

to those critics is this: Do you think that a country where the people

have been fighting for political rights for so many years and where

every time their petitions and prayers have been rejected with scorn,

do you think that in such a country you will get a very large army in

Bengal to come forward unless you can create among them an enthusiasm,

unless you can make them feel that they are fighting their own battle

(hear, hear). Is it reasonable to ask the people of this country to

join the army when you have made it impossible for them to feel that

this is their country, when you have made it impossible for them to

feel that empire you speak of is their empire? Have they any share

in that empire? Is it possible for the people of this country under

these circumstances to respond to the call which you have made to-day?

After all, what are we asking for--is it an unreasonable request to

make to the Government--here are these young men, members of many

families of Bengal, whom you have interned, kept under imprisonment

and in custody--is it so much unreasonable to ask Government now, in

the face of a great danger, which threatens you and which threatens

us, also, to release them and make them feel that after all it is

their country, that there is a Government which feel for them (hear,

hear)--that they have a Government also which care for their rights

and privileges--is it an unreasonable request at this juncture to ask

the Government to consider this resolution? Call to arms has been

sounded--it is our duty--it is the duty of every one of us to respond

to that call; and I do say this, because I feel it my duty to tell

the Government, at this juncture that in order that that response may

be real--in order that that response may be fruitful that you ought

to consider the position of these prisoners who are detained in jail

and kept in custody without trial. I am not raising the question as to

whether they are innocent or guilty,--let that question wait till the

danger is over, I am asking the Government to release them, so that

they may respond to this call to arms. With these people interned, do

you think you can get thousands and tens of thousands in the army in

this country? Release them. What army do you want, which Bengal cannot

furnish? I take upon myself to give up my profession for six months

(loud cheers) and go over the whole of this country asking the people

to join the army in their thousands (cheers). I ask the Government to

make it possible for us to raise this army. Gentlemen, when I think of

our present position, while the danger is before us, and the attitude

and the relation, if I may call it, between the Government, I mean

the Bureaucracy, on the one hand, and the people on the other, I must

confess, I look upon this as a tragedy. The Bureaucracy suspects the

people.--Often and often have we told them, we have cried ourselves

hoarse--and I repeat this again--I know these people--I have defended

their cases--there is not one among the revolutionaries who wants to

bring a foreign power in this country--be that foreign power Germany

or Japan. I am prepared to prove it, if there is an enquiry--a proper

enquiry by impartial men. But all those requests have fallen on deaf

ears. Why? Because the Government distrusts the people. The result is

they misunderstand us and misinterpret our statements and utterances.

In the same way, we, the people mistrust them because they mistrust us.

(hear, hear). I am free to confess that we very often misunderstand

their declarations and mistrust them unjustly but the fact that we

misunderstand each other is there, and I say it is a tragedy. I can

assure the Government that I can prove it to demonstration, to whatever

political party an individual in this country may belong, there is not

one man in Bengal, who really desires that the English people should

lose all connection with India and that some other foreign power should

be brought here (loud cheers and hear, hear.) You do not believe that.

We want to justify ourselves and want to become ourselves. We want

to feel that this country really belongs to us--we want to feel that

we are a nation--that we have got our specialities. We want to give

expression to our ideals and we want to stand side by side with the

different nations of the world and we do believe that with the English

connection, it would be easier for us to do so than if we tried to

make the English connection cease. That is the real attitude of the

people. But the pity is, they will not believe us, with the result

that whatever they say on many occasions, we do not believe. That is

why I think it is a tragedy. I appeal to the Government again to come

forward. The Prime Minister has sounded the call to arms. It is not

only a call to arms but it is a call to duty (hear, hear). We are

here prepared to discharge our duty. Do you do your duty, in the same

spirit--come forward and forget your racial prejudices, forget your

sense of prestige.--Stand side by side with us.--Hold us by your hands

and you will find between the two of us we will raise such an army

in Bengal which will beat back all foreign aggression (loud cheers.)

If the thing were possible, I say to the Government again, if you

really think you can raise a large army in this country, if you can

show us that it is probable, though I am a Nationalist, I say, that

I am prepared to postpone our struggle for political privileges till

the war is over. If it were possible, do it by any means. Call for

any sacrifice and the people of Bengal will not be slow to respond to

that. If in the face of this great danger, I ask you to release the

political prisoners, it is because I feel that if you do that, that

which you want will be secured. If you think you can secure what you

want without releasing the political prisoners, do so. You will not

find me slow to do my part of the duty (cheers.) I am prepared to wait

if I see that the Government with our help can raise a large army in

Bengal to-day to face a great danger--if I see that and if I find that

such a course is likely to succeed, I am prepared to wait till the war

is over for the fulfilment of those broken pledges. I will be prepared

to wait and dream of to-morrow, of the future, when our ambitions will

be satisfied--and satisfied they must be--I will forget the history of

broken pledges, of dead hopes and crushed aspirations. I will wait in

silence and in patience. Do make it possible. Call for any sacrifice

and here we are at your service. We will wait till the war is over.--We

will look forward to a later date for the fulfilment of broken pledges

and the resurrection of our dead hopes and our crushed aspirations,

(loud cheers.)

India for Indians Enlarged Edition · 第 98 / 140 题