_Under the Presidency of Mr. Chakravarty, there was an enthusiastic
meeting of the citizens of Calcutta, in the Town Hall, on 5th March,
1918 when Mr. C. R. Das spoke as follows:--_
Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen, I feel thankful to you for giving
me this opportunity to raise my voice in protest against this arbitrary
and unjust piece of legislation. Indeed I feel at this moment that no
argument is necessary to convince you of the injustice of this measure.
Mr. Chakravarty has dealt with it so fully and elaborately and has
put before you all the considerations with reference to this matter
with such force and lucidity that it seems unnecessary to continue
this argument. I will therefore take up the resolution which has been
entrusted to me and place it before you with a few observations which I
have to make. The resolution consists of 5 clauses. (Mr. Das then read
the resolution.)
I will deal with the third clause first, because it admits in my
opinion of no discussion at all. Take all the arguments which had
been advanced by His Excellency's government; accept them all. And
even then there can be no justification for the present policy of
the Government. (Hear, hear.) Either there is evidence against these
interned persons or there is no evidence. If there is no evidence
against them there is an end of the matter at once. And if there is
evidence against them, what justification can there be in not bringing
them to trial? It only makes people suspicious that there is not
sufficient evidence against them. If there is sufficient evidence what
justification can there be, I repeat, in not placing them instantly
before a court of justice for trial? The argument that the present
machinery of justice is insufficient is an argument which no body
believes. I say it will be a dangerous thing if the idea goes abroad
that people are kept in jail, in police custody without being brought
to trial, while the Government has evidence against them. I say it will
be a dangerous thing if this idea goes abroad, because people will at
once come to the conclusion that probably there is no such evidence
which can secure conviction in a court of justice. I cannot conceive of
a more dangerous consequence.
Let me now deal with the other clauses of the resolution. I am one of
those who never believe in tinkering in the matter of legislation.
Either this measure is just or unjust. If it is unjust, there can be
no ground for keeping it on the statute book. The Chairman has put
this case very clearly before you. He describes this Act as "lawless
law." (Hear, hear). I want you to fully realise the meaning of that
observation made by the distinguished chairman. I say that, behind
that observation lies the fundamental objection which we have got
against the Act. What is "lawless law"? Any law which is not based
upon justice, of which the object is not to serve and secure that
justice upon which the stability of society depends, must necessarily
be "lawless law." It is something which is put forward under cover of
law, which is not law, which offends again every principle of justice,
which is a negation of justice and therefore negation of law (cheers,).
We protest against this Act because it offends the fundamental rights
of man. (Hear, hear). To be taken and kept in custody for an indefinite
period of time without being told what evidence there is and without
being brought to justice according to the law of the land ('shame,
shame') is a denial of the primary rights of humanity. (Hear, hear.)
This is "lawless law" (prolonged cheers.)
You must realise what this Act is. I desire to read some portions of it
to you, because many of you are not lawyers and probably do not know
what grim injustice lies behind the apparently innocent expressions
which you find in this Act. It is called the Defence of India Act--an
Act for the public safety and yet public safety is nowhere defined. It
is a vague generality (Hear, hear.) The public denounce it (hear, hear)
people do not want it (hear, hear.) Is it to be forced down the throat
of the public--this Act which is based upon grievous and intolerable
injustice? (Cries of 'no' 'no'--loud cheers).
Let us follow the text of the law still further. This Act gives power
to certain officials "civil or military,"--when in the opinion of such
authority there are reasonable grounds for suspecting that any person
has acted, is acting or is about to act in a manner prejudicial to
the public safety to direct that such persons shall not enter, reside
or remain in any area specified in writing by such authority or that
such person shall reside and remain in any area so specified or that
he shall conduct himself in such manner or abstain from such act,
etc., etc. How beautifully vague! (Hear, hear.) These are admittedly
innocent words; and when the Act was passed was there any one amongst
us present here to-day who had the slightest idea of the use to which
this Act might be put? Who at that time ever dreamt that this Act would
be used for taking away young lads from their homes, keeping them in
prison for days and months, keeping them in solitary cells and for
putting them to indignity after indignity? Was this the intention of
the legislature when it was passed? One can understand a war measure,
one can understand that drastic legislation is necessary at the time of
war when the enemy is at the gate. But is it just to take away young
lads from their homes, from their mothers' arms, as it were (shame,
shame) and keep them imprisoned ('shame,' 'shame') without telling
them why, without bringing them to justice ('shame,' 'shame'--loud
cheers)? Is any argument necessary to demonstrate that such an act
is oppressive and must be abrogated? (Hear, hear--loud cheers). The
answer is necessity, which Lord Morley has characterised as the old
familiar plea of tyrants, (shame, shame, hear, hear--loud cheers). Law
is necessary for the preservation of society (Hear, hear,) but not this
thing which you call law (Cheers). Could any law be more arbitrary,
more unjust than this Act? (Cries of 'no.') I ask you to consider this
plea of necessity again. Surely it is not for defending India against
the enemy, not for defending Bengal which has suffered most under this
oppressive legislation (Cries of 'shame,' 'no,' 'no'). People who
suffer and groan under this repressive legislation may easily misread
and misunderstand your real object and think that it was intended to
crush that hunger for liberty, which no bureaucratic government can
tolerate for one single moment (loud cheers).
This policy as the Chairman has reminded you began in 1905 with those
illegal circulars which you may remember. Those circulars then, as
you all know, led to a good deal of misunderstanding. There were
circulars against the shouting of 'Bandemataram' and various circulars
directed against students. Some people thought that the object of these
circulars was also to prevent our self-development and to suppress
our growing hunger for liberty (loud applause). I ask the Government,
can you blame the people who suffer from such injustice, if they
misunderstand your object and misconstrue your action? (loud cheers.)
We feel it is our bounden duty to raise our voice of protest against
this Act. The object ascribed is wrong. What is the real object? They
say "there is a vast conspiracy in the country." My answer is I admit
it I know and believe and I am sure of it as sure as I am standing here
to-night, that there is a revolutionary party in Bengal. But what then?
Do you think that you will be able to suppress that revolutionary party
in that way? Has revolution ever been checked by unjust legislation?
Give me one instance from history where the Government has succeeded
in putting down revolutionary movements by oppressive legislation.
I admit that the thing is an evil. I admit that the activity of
the revolutionary party is an evil in this country which has to be
eradicated. But what is the duty of the Government? Is it not their
duty to take such step as will effectually eradicate it? (Hear, hear.)
Does the Government really believe that the revolutionary party
wants any other foreign power in this country? (Cries of 'no''no').
I venture to think that they do not. If not, what do they want?
Has the Government ever enquired into the causes which led to that
revolutionary movement? From 1905 we have been hearing of it, up to now
repressive measure after repressive measure has been passed (cries of
shame, shame), but has any attempt of any kind whatsoever been made to
discover the real causes of this revolutionary movement? (Cries of 'no'
'no'). I may tell you as I have told many of those in authority that I
know more about these people than probably anybody else in this hall.
I have defended so many of the cases, and I know the psychology of
their mind, I know the cause of this revolutionary movement is nothing
but hunger for freedom. (Hear, hear.) Within the last 150 years what
have you done to make the people of this country free or even really
fit for freedom? Do we not constantly hear that we are not fit for
self-government ('shame' 'shame') that we are illiterate, that we are
not sufficiently educated? (shame, shame.) May I retort by asking "you
have been here for the last 150 years, with best of motives, with the
object of making us fit for self-government? Why is it then that you
have done nothing to this end?" (loud cheers).
This is the psychology of the revolutionary movement. Our educated
young men see that nations all over the world are free. They compare
their position with the position of other nations, and they say to
themselves "why should we remain so? We also want liberty." (Cheers).
Is there anything wrong in that desire? Is it so difficult to
understand their point of view? Do we not all know this hunger for
liberty? These young men burning with the enthusiasm of youth feel that
they have not been given any opportunity of taking their legitimate
part in the government of their country, in shaping the course of their
national development. Give them that right to-day, you will hear no
more of the revolutionary movement (loud cheers). "Give them that
right to-day, tell the people of this country here it is, we mean to
change the system of Government, the government will be yours (loud
cheers) government of the people and by the people, work for the good
of our country, build up your nationality, shape the course of your
history" (loud and prolonged cheers), and I guarantee that from the
next day the revolutionary party will cease to exist (Hear, hear,
loud and prolonged cheers). I have said this. Our leaders have said
this over and over again to those in authority, but we have not been
listened to.
On the contrary we are told that the only remedy is the Defence of
India Act. ('shame,' 'shame'). We have been told that political crimes
have decreased, since the passing of this Act. I say it is not so.
Overtacts are not the only measure of political crimes. How could
political crimes have decreased when disaffection has increased? (Hear,
hear). Members of the revolutionary party may remain grim and silent,
but I am sure every case of internment under this Act increases the
volume of discontent and disaffection in this country. Does not that
strengthen their hands? This is the real danger (Hear, hear). It is
acting like poison and eating into the vitals of our nationality
(Hear, hear). I protest against this Act as it is a menace to our
liberty (Hear, hear), I protest against this Act as it is a menace to
our loyalty to the empire to which we belong. (Hear, hear, loud and
prolonged cheers).
There are people in this country who will tell you that the Government
will never repeal this Act. So my countrymen I say, "Do not be
disheartened." (Hear, hear). I believe in my heart of hearts that once
the people of this country unite and raise their voice, the voice of
a united nation, there is no power on the face of the earth which
can resist it, (loud and prolonged cheers). Let us all say, "Repeal
this Act, we will not have it." (Hear, hear). Let this cry reach the
country, every village, every town; let this meeting be followed up
by hundreds and thousands, let us all be united in our demand for the
repeal of this Act and I say this Act shall be repealed, (loud and
prolonged cheers).